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Ballon dOr and the Credibility Question-Amir Abdulazeez

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By: Amir Abdulazeez

I am writing on this not because I have any significant concern for the award or its credibility or because it has any correlation with the wellbeing of anybody in need (which I am often more concerned about). I am rather doing so due to the massive perennial debate it generates especially among youths in Nigeria as well as the misinformed opinions around it. Again, the Ballon dOr like football itself has transcended sport to become part of international politics and history. I became shocked when I saw a globally renowned Muslim scholar congratulating Ousmane Dembele for winning the 2025 version and hailing its award to a practicing Muslim. Obviously, the crown now carries political significance that stretches well beyond the pitch.

Since its inception in 1956, the Ballon dOr has been regarded as footballs most prestigious individual award. Founded by France Football (conceived by sports writers Gabriel Hanot and Jacques Ferran), the award was initially designed to honour the best European player annually, with Stanley Matthews of Blackpool becoming the pioneer winner. Later, it evolved into a global prize, celebrating many other icons. Many have rightly questioned the credibility of the award but mostly on myopic grounds centred around player and club sentiments. However, as a long time football observer, I believe there are much broader issues regarding the credibility of the award that are worth discussing.
Let us start with the politics. During the Cold War (1947-1991), Eastern European players (more aligned to the Soviet Union) often struggled to receive equal recognition despite dazzling performances, while Western European stars (more aligned to the United States and friends) enjoyed more favourable media attention. Although Russian goalkeeper Lev Yashin won the award in 1963, many argue that his case was only the exception that proved the unwritten rule of ‘politics, geography and media exposure consistently play decisive roles’. Today, the award continues to reflect broader inequalities in football. European clubs dominate global coverage, which inflates the recognition of their stars. Players performing in less visible leagues whether in South America, Africa, or Asia rarely receive consideration, even if their contributions are extraordinary.

Another concern is the awards inconsistent eligibility rules over time. Until 1995, only European players competing in European clubs were considered, excluding legendary figures like Pelé and Diego Maradona from getting even a nomination. It was only after a rule change that non-Europeans in European leagues became eligible, allowing George Weah to win in 1995. Yet, by then, the award had already excluded decades of worthy non-European and non-European based winners. Mild allegations of racism also cast a dark shadow over the award.

Many believe players like Didier Drogba, Samuel Etoo, Yaya Touré, Sadio Mané and Mohammed Salah were routinely ranked below their pedigree. In 2021, French pundit Emmanuel Petit openly questioned whether African players were judged by double standards.

The selection of voters itself raises concerns. Initially restricted to journalists, it later expanded between 2010 and 2015 after a merger with FIFAs World Player of the Year, adding coaches and captains to the electorate whose votes often reflected tribal, national or club loyalties rather than merit. The 2016 reversion to journalist-only voting is perhaps a tacit admission of voting flaws thereby creating difficulties in comparisons across eras. For example, Lionel Messis consecutive wins (2009-2013) under a global, mixed electorate cannot be objectively compared to Michel Platinis (1983-1985) under a European-only jury. The current co-organization with UEFA, which began in 2024, signifies another attempt to lend the award more institutional weight. However, the constant changes in its format and governing alliances suggest an award in search of a stable identity, struggling to balance its commercial ambitions with its original purpose.

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Bias towards attacking players has been an emerging hallmark of Ballon dOr selections. Legendary defenders like Paolo Maldini, Alessandro Nesta, Sergio Ramos and Roberto Carlos, who defined an era of defensive excellence, always fell short. The exception of Fabio Cannavaro in 2006 along with few others in the past, after a World Cup-winning campaign with Italy, serves as a testament to the rarity of a defender being recognized. More recently, Virgil van Dijks 2019 narrow runner-up finish sparked debate about whether non-attacking players could ever realistically win in a sport increasingly obsessed with goals and flair. The award relies heavily on football journalists who often prioritize goal highlight reels, statistics and global recognition over tactical nuance and defensive brilliance. Strikers and playmakers dominate the headlines that directly feeds into voting behaviour.

To combat positional bias, a more revolutionary approach could be implemented; nomination by quota. Why not have separate shortlists and voting panels for goalkeepers, defenders, midfielders and forwards? The top three or five of these categories could then be considered for the overall voting and eventual award. This would ensure that the unique skills of each position are evaluated by those who best understand them, guaranteeing that players are judged on their specializations rather than against others with contrasting roles.

The criteria for judgment also lack clarity and consistency. Officially, the award considers individual performance, team achievements, talent, fair play and career consistency. In practice, however, voters often seem swayed by a single outstanding tournament or by sentimental narratives. Luka Modrić’s 2018 victory after Croatia’s World Cup run exemplified this. While Modrić was superb, critics argued that other players had stronger year-round performances, but the emotional weight of Croatia’s fairy tale run tilted the scales. But how comes, this same emotion did not sway voters to select any player from Leicester Citys 2016 Premier League incredible winning team? A pervasive, though often unstated, criterion for many voters is team success. To win the Champions League or a major international tournament has become almost a prerequisite for contention. This creates an inherent unfairness, elevating players in dominant teams while punishing extraordinary individuals in less successful sides. This inconsistency reveals a fundamental confusion: is the award for the “best player”, most popular player or the “most successful player”?
The timing and calendar controversies is another issue. International tournaments occur every two years, creating periods where national team success heavily influences voting. World Cup years traditionally favour tournament winners, regardless of club form. The recent calendar change to August-July aimed to address this imbalance but created new problems, with voters now contending with assessing performances from overlapping seasons and tournaments. This temporal confusion affects not just voting patterns but public understanding of what the award actually represents; is it recognition for calendar year performance, season achievement or tournament success? The 2013 Ballon d’Or win by Cristiano Ronaldo was critiqued following timing inconsistencies from odd deadline extensions. The current system, which can see a player win a major tournament in the summer and have their performance rewarded a year later, creates a disjointed narrative.

The question of authority is another big one. FIFA represents 211 national associations, UEFA oversees European football’s institutional framework, yet it is a private French publication that bestow football’s most prestigious individual honour. The comparison with FIFAs The Best awards and UEFAs Player of the Year exposes this imbalance. This raises the paradox: why should a magazine possess such outsized influence in determining footballs most prestigious individual accolade, overshadowing awards backed by governing institutions? While there is nothing fundamentally wrong with this, it only emphasizes the need for France Football to show more responsibility by sanitizing and standardizing its award.
I am not in a position to coach France Football on how to reform its awards to minimize the credibility dilemma, they have much better experts who can do that. My concern is to see young football followers and analysts become more informed and equipped for deeper debates that are beyond sentiments. My other concern which has little to do with the Ballon dOr is to see football giving a little back to its estimated 3.5 billion fans that have made it powerful. While fans give it a lot, the sport appears to be giving almost nothing significant in return. It is sad to see football remaining silent, bias and indifferent in the face of global oppression and injustice. While it took FIFA and UEFA just four days to suspend Russia after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, both bodies have remained criminally silent over two years since Israel launched its genocide on the football supporting people of Palestine.

24-09-2025

Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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Opinion

From Zamfara roots to national vision: Aliyu Muhammad Adamu, seasoned media leader, returns home to serve his people.”

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Aliyu Muhammad Adamu was born on 29th December 1982 in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, into the respected Adamu Joji family.

He hails from a lineage that includes notable family members such as Alhaji Sanda Adamu Tsafe (Sarkin Yakin Tsafe), Alhaji Aliyu Adamu (Danmadami), Alhaji Sani Adamu, Hajiya Khadija Adamu (Gwoggo Dala), and Hajiya Amina, among others.

His father, Muhammad Adamu (popularly known as Nata’ala), later relocated to Kano State in pursuit of business expansion. As a result, Aliyu and his siblings were raised in Kano, where he began his early education at Da’awa Primary School, Kano.

Driven by a strong connection to his roots, Aliyu returned to Zamfara State for his secondary education, attending Unity Secondary School, Gummi. He subsequently gained admission into Bayero University, Kano (BUK), where he obtained both his Diploma and Bachelor’s Degree, graduating in 2010.

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After completing his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Aliyu faced the realities of life with resilience and determination, navigating through challenges that shaped his character and leadership capacity. In 2014, he returned to Zamfara State and began his professional career in the media industry with Gamji Television and Radio.

Through dedication, hard work, and professional excellence, he served the organization for nearly ten years, rising through the ranks to become the General Manager of the station, an achievement that underscored his leadership, administrative competence, and commitment to public communication.

In 2023, Aliyu voluntarily resigned from the media organization and relocated to Kano State in pursuit of broader opportunities and personal development. Today, driven by a renewed sense of purpose and a lifelong commitment to his people, Aliyu Muhammad Adamu is preparing to return to his hometown to seek the support and mandate of his people. His aspiration is to represent our parents, brothers, and sisters at the federal level, with a clear vision of contributing meaningfully to the development, unity, and overall progress of Zamfara State.

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Opinion

Opinion:The Anatomy Of A Hoax- Setting The Record Straight On Governor Abba Yusuf

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​By Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure

​The recent wave of political “scoops” regarding the purported defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has moved beyond mere speculation into a coordinated campaign of character assassination. Most notably, reports by Daily Nigerian claiming the Governor’s move was “postponed” are masterpieces of fiction, designed to paint a sitting Governor as indecisive and subordinate. As a witness to the political realities in Kano, I find it necessary to dismantle these fallacies with the facts that the purveyors of this rumor have conveniently ignored. In Nigerian politics, defection is a statutory process requiring a formal resignation from one’s current party. To date, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has not submitted any resignation from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). To claim that a “finalized arrangement” for a Monday registration existed is a procedural hallucination; one cannot join a new house without first stepping out of the old one.
​Furthermore, the narrative suggests the Governor’s plans were shelved because he failed to seek the “blessings” of local APC bigwigs. This is a laughable distortion of executive power. History is replete with Governors who defected based on executive conviction without the interference of local APC “big wigs.” We have seen this with the Governor of Delta vs. Senator Omo-Agege, the Governor of Bayelsa vs. David Lyon and Minister Heineken Lokpobiri, the Governor of Rivers vs. Nyesom Wike, and the Governor of Plateau vs. the current National Chairman of the APC. More recently, the defections of Governors like Dave Umahi (Ebonyi), Ben Ayade (Cross River), and Bello Matawalle (Zamfara) proved that when a Governor moves, he does so as the new leader of the party in his state. It is also historically hypocritical to label such a move as “betrayal.” When Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso defected from the PDP to the APC in 2013, he did not seek permission from any person or leadership—he led a rebellion based on his own conviction. If it was “principled politics” for the godfather then, it cannot be “betrayal” for the Governor now.

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​What, then, remains for a Governor who already holds the overwhelming mandate of his people? It is a known fact that Governor Abba Yusuf moves with the ironclad support of almost 95% of the Kano State House of Assembly, 50% of the National Assembly members from the state, all 44 Local Government chairmen, and the entire grassroots party structure. The desperate attempt by the NNPP National Working Committee to dissolve the Kano executive committees is a futile, “too-late” maneuver that only confirms their loss of control. When a Governor commands such total loyalty, he does not ask for permission; he leads. The defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is inevitable if he so wishes, as he carries the entire political soul of Kano with him.
​The theory that the APC postponed this move because Senator Kwankwaso is not coming along simply does not hold water. Kwankwaso’s refusal to join the APC is a settled matter; it is alleged the President offered him a ministerial position or the Chairmanship of the soon-to-be resuscitated Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), both of which he rejected after his demand to join the Presidential ticket was denied. Using this stalemate as a pretext for the Governor’s “indecision” is a transparent lie aimed at making the Governor look like a political appendage. It is disheartening to see Daily Nigerian abandon objective journalism to frame the Governor as a “betrayer.” If Governor Abba Yusuf chooses to move, he does so as a leader of a massive political movement. The media must stop concocting stories to mislead the public. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf remains focused on his mandate. These rumors are merely the desperate gasps of those who wish to see Kano in perpetual turmoil.

​Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure writes from Shanono Local Government, Kano State. He can be reached at ahmedtsaure28@gmail.com.

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