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Behind Every Bold Agenda Is a Bolder Mind: Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya and the Making of the Kano First Initiative

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By Saminu Umar Ph.D | Senior Lecturer, Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano surijyarzaki@gmail.com

In the theatre of governance, the spotlight almost always falls on the principal actor. It is the governor who addresses the crowd, signs the executive orders, and takes the applause or the criticism that public policy inevitably attracts. But anyone who has spent serious time studying how governments actually work, as distinct from how they appear to work, understands a more layered truth: behind every bold agenda that changes a society, there is almost always a bolder mind working in the background, thinking harder, longer, and more deeply than the public ever gets to see. In the story of the Kano First Initiative, that mind belongs to Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs of Kano State.
To describe Comrade Waiya merely as the Commissioner responsible for information is to dramatically undersell both the man and his contribution to what may yet prove to be the most significant social governance initiative in Kano’s recent history. The “Kano First” policy and implementation framework for social and institutional reorientation in Kano State, which aims at actualizing the governor’s inner vision did not emerge from a committee meeting or a consultant’s brief. It emerged from the sustained intellectual labor, strategic vision, and personal conviction of a commissioner who understood, long before it became fashionable to say so, that Kano’s deepest challenges were not infrastructural but normative, not economic but behavioral, not material but spiritual and cultural.
That understanding, rooted in both professional experience and genuine love for Kano, is what distinguishes the Kano First Initiative from the dozens of government programmes that are announced with ceremony and forgotten within months. Most government communication frameworks are reactive, designed to manage crises, counter criticism, and project positive imagery. Comrade Waiya’s contribution was to insist on something far more ambitious: a proactive, evidence-based, values-driven social intervention that deploys strategic communication not as a tool of propaganda, but as an instrument of genuine governance and societal transformation.
The intellectual architecture of the Kano First Initiative bears his fingerprints at every level. The decision to anchor the framework in Islamic ethical governance, drawing on the same moral traditions that historically sustained Kano’s civilization, reflects a deep understanding of how lasting social change is actually achieved in this society. Change that is imported, imposed, or disconnected from the lived values of a community generates resistance and eventually collapses. Change that is rooted in a community’s own traditions, its own sense of identity and aspiration, generates ownership and sustainability. Comrade Waiya understood this, and the framework he championed reflects that understanding with precision and care.
Equally significant is the framework’s integration of modern behavioral change communication science, an integration that speaks to a commissioner who did not merely rely on intuition or political instinct, but who engaged seriously with the global evidence base on how societies actually change their norms and behaviors. The inclusion of the Information, Education, and Communication model, interpersonal communication strategies, entertainment-education approaches, peer-to-peer messaging, and digital platform engagement reflects a sophisticated awareness of how contemporary audiences, and particularly youth, actually receive and process information. This is not the thinking of a bureaucrat managing a ministry. It is the thinking of a strategist reshaping a society.
It is worth pausing here to appreciate the particular difficulty of the assignment that Comrade Waiya took on. Developing a credible, comprehensive, and institutionally serious policy framework requires not just intelligence, but patience, persistence, and the willingness to do unglamorous work over an extended period. There are no rallies to address when you are reviewing research methodologies. There are no headlines generated when you are refining a stakeholder engagement matrix or developing a monitoring and evaluation framework. The work of genuine policy architecture is invisible by its very nature, and that invisibility is precisely why so few people do it well and why those who do it deserve recognition.
Comrade Waiya did this work. He did it assiduously, thoroughly, and, as those who have worked closely with him will attest, with a level of personal commitment that went well beyond the formal requirements of his office. The Kano First Initiative, in its current form, is a document that can withstand academic scrutiny, survive editorial examination, and hold its own in comparison with social governance frameworks from far more resourced environments. That is not an accident. It is the product of deliberate, disciplined, and sustained intellectual effort.
But Comrade Waiya’s contribution to the Kano First Initiative is not only intellectual. It is also political, in the most constructive sense of that word. Translating a policy vision into an institutional reality requires navigating a complex landscape of competing interests, bureaucratic inertia, resource constraints, and the inevitable skepticism of those who have seen too many government programmes launched with fanfare and abandoned without accountability. The commissioner’s role in securing the political space for this initiative to be developed, refined, and formally adopted as a state government framework required a combination of strategic judgment, interpersonal skill, and institutional authority that is not easily acquired and not casually deployed.
It is in this context that the honorific that has begun to attach itself to Comrade Waiya in informed circles, Limamin Kano First Agenda, carries genuine meaning. In Hausa cultural tradition, the title of Limam denotes not merely leadership, but a particular kind of leadership: one that is earned through knowledge, respected through conduct, and legitimized through service to a community’s highest values. To be recognized as the Imam of the Kano First Agenda is to be acknowledged as the person who has done the most to give it intellectual coherence, institutional form, and moral seriousness. On all three counts, that recognition is fully deserved.
None of this diminishes the role of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, whose personal interest in and commitment to the Kano First Initiative provides the political authority and executive backing without which no policy framework, however brilliant, can move from document to action. The governor’s vision created the space. The commissioner’s intellect and labor filled it with substance. Great governance requires both, and Kano is fortunate, at this particular moment in its history, to have both operating in alignment.
What the people of Kano, and the broader public, owe Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya at this juncture is not merely acknowledgement, important as that is. What they owe him is engagement. The Kano First Initiative will only achieve its transformative potential if the ideas it contains are understood, owned, and acted upon by the citizens, institutions, media organizations, religious leaders, traditional authorities, civil society actors, and private sector players whose participation it calls for. The commissioner has done his part. The document has been produced. The framework has been developed. The question that now confronts every stakeholder is whether they will meet the seriousness of this effort with equal seriousness of their own.

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History records the names of those who build. It is a long and honorable list, and it includes, prominently and deservedly, the name of the man who gave the Kano First Initiative its intellectual spine, its institutional credibility, and its moral ambition. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya did not merely support a bold agenda. He was, in every meaningful sense, the bolder mind behind it.

Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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Opinion

Scholarship or Trap? Why Northern Nigerian Youth Must Verify Foreign Opportunities

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By Alhassan Bala

Hundreds of young Nigerians, including students and graduates from northern Nigeria, have benefited from legitimate scholarships and educational opportunities offered by foreign governments and institutions. Such programmes can open doors to quality education, professional development and international exposure.

However, the growing use of social media to advertise scholarships, jobs and training opportunities abroad also presents serious risks.

Some seemingly attractive offers may be fraudulent, exploitative or even serve as channels for human trafficking and forced recruitment.

This is why young Nigerians must exercise extreme caution before accepting foreign scholarships or employment opportunities promoted online.

Recently, I came across a northern Nigerian professor working outside the country advising Nigerians, particularly young people from the North, to take advantage of a scholarship opportunity reportedly being promoted by educators he knows in Russia.

I have enormous respect for the professor, as I do for many academics who genuinely want to help young Nigerians access opportunities abroad.

Nevertheless, his recommendation reminded me of the disturbing experience surrounding the Alabuga recruitment programme in Russia and the need for prospective applicants to verify such offers independently before travelling.

The Alabuga warning,
For those unfamiliar with the Alabuga controversy, the programme began attracting young Africans through online advertisements offering employment, vocational training and what was presented in some cases as educational opportunities in Russia.

Investigations by international and Nigerian media later raised serious concerns about the programme.

Young Africans, including Nigerians, were recruited through social media and other online channels and taken to Russia.

Reports indicated that some participants who expected education or employment opportunities ended up working in facilities associated with the production of drones used by Russia in its war against Ukraine.

The Nigerian Ministry of Education subsequently said its website had been compromised and that advertisements for the controversial Alabuga Start programme had been posted without official authorisation.

Officials also stressed that the programme was not part of Nigeria’s approved bilateral scholarship arrangements with Russia.

The episode should have taught Nigerians an important lesson: the appearance of government endorsement, the involvement of a university professor or the presence of an attractive scholarship advertisement on social media does not, by itself, establish that an opportunity is genuine or safe.

From scholarships to the battlefield.

There is an even more disturbing dimension to the growing concern over recruitment of Africans to Russia.

In recent years, reports have emerged of Africans travelling to Russia after being promised civilian employment, only to find themselves recruited into the Russian military and deployed to the war in Ukraine.

In February 2026, the Russian ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that Moscow operated any government-supported programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

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He said that if illegal individuals or organisations were recruiting Nigerians unlawfully, such activities were not connected to the Russian state.

Despite the denial, investigations and reports have documented cases involving Nigerians and other Africans who allegedly travelled to Russia believing they were taking up civilian jobs before being sent to the battlefield. In one widely reported Nigerian case, Adam Anas and other Nigerians were recruited under the guise of security employment and subsequently deployed to fight in Ukraine.

The cases are not limited to Nigeria. In March 2026, the Association of Nigerien Students in Russia announced the death of Abdoulaye Issaka Ismael, a Nigerien master’s student who, according to the student organisation, had been recruited into Russian combat forces and deployed to the frontline in Ukraine.

Ghana has also reported serious losses. Its Foreign Minister disclosed in February 2026 that 55 Ghanaians had died after being lured into fighting in the Ukraine war, while hundreds more were believed to have joined the Russian military.

These cases demonstrate that the danger is not merely theoretical.

The lesson for young Nigerians, especially those desperately seeking educational or employment opportunities abroad, is straightforward: verify before you travel.

Anyone offered a scholarship in Russia or any other foreign country should first establish whether the programme is officially recognised by the Nigerian government and the government of the destination country.

Applicants should independently contact the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the relevant embassy or high commission before committing money, submitting sensitive documents or travelling.

They should also verify the name of the university, its accreditation, the exact course of study, the physical location of the institution, the identity of the sponsoring organisation and the legal status of whoever is recruiting them.

Most importantly, prospective applicants should be suspicious of opportunities that are promoted exclusively through WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, TikTok or other social media platforms, particularly when recruiters pressure applicants to travel quickly or discourage them from contacting government authorities.

A genuine scholarship should withstand scrutiny.

Northern Nigeria has millions of young people searching for education, employment and opportunities to improve their lives.

That makes the region particularly vulnerable to individuals who exploit unemployment and economic hardship with promises of quick opportunities abroad.

Professors, academics, journalists, community leaders and other influential Nigerians therefore have a special responsibility when sharing foreign opportunities.

Before recommending a scholarship or job to young people, they should verify it through official channels and make the evidence available to prospective applicants.

A recommendation from a respected professor can give an opportunity credibility that it may not deserve. If the opportunity later turns out to be fraudulent, the consequences may be devastating.

The Nigerian government also needs to do more.
Government agencies responsible for education, foreign affairs, Nigeria Immigration Service, labour and youth development should maintain accessible, regularly updated databases of approved foreign scholarships and legitimate overseas recruitment programmes.

They should also promptly alert Nigerians whenever questionable opportunities emerge online.

The Alabuga experience showed how easily a dubious programme could acquire an appearance of legitimacy when its advertisements appeared on an official government website.

The subsequent reports about Africans being deceived into military service demonstrate the potentially fatal consequences of inadequate verification and oversight.

Young Nigerians deserve opportunities, but they also deserve protection.

A scholarship should lead to a classroom, laboratory or recognised institution not a factory where they are exploited, and certainly not a battlefield.

For young Nigerians seeking opportunities abroad, the safest rule is simple: do not trust an opportunity because it looks attractive; verify it because your life may depend on it.

Alhassan Bala, wrote this piece from Abuja

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Opinion

Between Sabotage and Scepticism: Why Nigeria’s Oil Dream Keeps Stalling

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Halima Aminu

 

By Halima Aminu

Governments do not only govern, they communicate governance. And in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the distance between what the government says it is doing and what its strategies are actually delivering has become one of the most consequential communication failures in the country’s recent economic history. Evaluating the Nigerian government’s strategies to increase oil and gas production is therefore not merely a matter of counting barrels. It is a matter of examining how those strategies are framed, how credibly they are communicated to critical stakeholders, and whether the outward narrative is supported by institutional reality on the ground.

The government’s dominant communication frame around oil and gas recovery has been one of triumphant reversal. Official figures show that national crude output, which had collapsed to dangerously low levels around 960,000 barrels per day in 2022 among the worst in Nigeria’s recent production history has climbed back to an average of approximately 1.71 million barrels per day in 2025, with peaks approaching 1.84 million barrels per day. As a communication strategy, this frame is deliberately constructed to project momentum, competence, and institutional control three attributes any government managing a resource-dependent economy urgently needs its investors and citizens to associate with its leadership.

The problem with this framing is not that the numbers are fabricated. The problem is that production recovery, presented in isolation, is a selective narrative. It tells the audience what improved without adequately explaining what remains structurally broken. Strategic communication theory draws a clear distinction between impression management projecting a preferred image and genuine credibility-building, which demands alignment between message and demonstrable reality. Nigeria’s government is currently far more invested in the former than the latter, and sophisticated investors, who are the primary audience for this messaging, are professionally trained to detect that gap.

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The Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 represents the most structurally significant legislative intervention in Nigeria’s energy sector in decades, and its potential is genuine. Its gas fiscal incentives have begun attracting new production-sharing arrangements with international partners. Its Host Community Development Trust framework had channelled substantial funding into hundreds of community projects across the Niger Delta by late 2025 a structural attempt to address the root communication breakdown between oil-producing communities and the Nigerian state, rather than merely managing its symptoms.

Yet even here, the government’s communication strategy reveals a persistent weakness. Five years after the PIA’s enactment, the law has succeeded in restructuring institutional forms creating new regulatory bodies, new oversight frameworks, new corporate structures. What it has not yet succeeded in doing is restructuring institutional culture. Rules exist on paper that are not consistently enforced in practice. Transparency mechanisms are in place that are not routinely populated with verifiable data. Approval processes have been reformed structurally but remain administratively slow in execution.

Nigeria’s oil is real. Its gas reserves, among the largest in the world, are real. Its production recovery, partial and structurally fragile as it remains, is real. What is not yet real not convincingly, not sustainably is the institutional framework that would make those assets fully and rationally investable at the scale the country requires. And what is equally not yet real is a government communication strategy sophisticated enough to build the credibility that framework needs to be believed.

Until Nigeria’s government understands that the long-term persuasiveness of its oil and gas strategy depends as much on how it communicates as on what it does and that impression management is not a substitute for institutional accountability the oil dream will continue to do what it has always done: inspire at the announcement stage, disappoint at the delivery stage, and leave Nigeria perpetually situated between sabotage on the ground and scepticism in the boardrooms of the investors it cannot afford to keep losing.

Aminu Halima
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
200 Level

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