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Opinion

BBC Brash:Confirming The CIA Covert Conspiracy

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Bala Ibrahim

 

By Bala Ibrahim.

In 2007, Julian Paul Assange, the Australian editor, publisher, activist and founder of WikiLeaks, released a report, alleging that Boko Haram is a CIA covert operation in Nigeria, the aim of which is to ultimately eliminate Nigeria, as a potential strategic rival to the US in the African continent.

Julian Assange’s report said, “The US embassy in Nigeria is a forward operating base for wide and far reaching acts of subversion against Nigeria, which include but not limited to, eavesdropping on Nigerian government communication, financial espionage on leading Nigerians, support and funding of subversive groups and insurgents, sponsoring of divisive propaganda among the disparate groups of Nigeria and the use of visa blackmail to induce and coerce high ranking Nigerians into acting in favour of US interests”.

Of course the CIA was quick to deny the allegation, by accusing WikiLeaks of endangering Americans, helping US rivals and hampering the fight against terror threats by releasing what it claimed was, a trove, or store of valuables of the CIA hacking tools.

According to Heather Fritz Horniak, the then CIA spokeswoman, “The American public should be deeply troubled by any WikiLeaks disclosure, designed to damage the intelligence community’s ability to protect America against terrorists and other adversaries”. But she didn’t confirm or deny the authenticity of the report.

Looking at the barrage of hate speeches, and the ever-increasing divisive propaganda against the government and different people of different ethnicity, alongside the multitude of subversive activities that are perpetrated by a number of foreign agencies in Nigeria, one may be tempted to believe in toto, that indeed, there is a camouflaged policy by some agents against Nigeria.

Recently, piqued by the BBC Africa Eye’s report, which portrayed Nigeria as the epicentre of violence in Africa, Kadaria Ahmed, a former staff of the BBC, accused the medium of acting at variance with it’s own ethics, and the Royal Charter of the BBC, which constitutionally sets out the BBC’s objective, mission and public purposes.

Kadaria was blunt, because as a one time staff of the BBC, she is very familiar with the editorial policy of the medium, especially the regular sermon to staff, to stand on the character of objectivity, and refrain from bias.

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So when the BBC put out a documentary that said in the last 10 years, a new form of insecurity has settled in Nigeria, seizing the innocence of children and the peace of adults, taking lives, destroying homes, and displacing hundreds of thousands, and went on to glorify the terrorists, by meeting them in their dens and giving them undue publicity at the BBC’s prime time, Kadaria asked the medium and other journalists, to question their conscience, and see whether their action is not in tandem with the promotion of terrorism. The documentary was too promotional for the terrorists, and unmistakably intended to instigate more violence, by implicitly suggesting, and showing the invincibility and superiority of the terrorists.

In protest, the Nigerian government threatened to sanction the BBC, along with the Trust TV, which had done something similar, for airing such documentaries that glorify and fuel terrorism and banditry in the country.

For starters, the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission, NBC, announced the imposition of a fine of N5 million each, on Multichoice Nigeria Limited, owners of DSTV, TelCom Satellite Limited, TSTV, and NTA-Startimes Limited, for broadcasting the BBC Africa Eye documentary, titled, the Bandits Warlords of Zamfara.

Rather than seek ways of quietly resolving the issue with the Nigerian government, the BBC is said to be adamant, with a threat that it would even do more. Do more? I hope not.

I am yet to confirm officially, if truly that is the position of the BBC, because, if it turns out to be true, the brash would only confirm WikiLeaks’s allegation, that indeed Boko Haram is a CIA covert operation, and some foreign media are the agents of propaganda in the operation.

Some of us that worked with the BBC, still carry the stigma stamp of the infamous ‘sexed up’ dossier on Sadam’s weapons of mass destruction, which since publication, has left the BBC vulnerable to attacks for falsehood, the devastating effect of which, lead to the suicide of Dr. David Kelly, a weapons expert.

Many heads rolled on the floor of the BBC as a result of shame, starting with the Chairman, Gavyn Davies and followed by the Director General, Mr. Greg Dyke. The journalist that aired the report on the BBC Today programme, Andrew Gilligan, also threw in the towel.

The guys resigned because the Hutton’s inquiry, which was set up by the British government to unravel the truth, had accused the British government of involvement in deceit, and indicted the BBC for being reckless, through the airing of false reports, that were evidently economic with the truth. This bruised heavily, the reputations of the BBC’s management and its supervisory board of governors. Hence, such compulsory resignations.

On its part, the BBC, through the then newly appointed acting chairman, Lord Richard Ryder, apologized for errors in reportage.

“On behalf of the BBC I have no hesitation in apologising unreservedly for our errors and to the individuals whose reputations were affected by them,” – Lord Richard Ryder.

That is the essence of morality-allowing one’s instinct to know the distinction between right and wrong or good and bad behaviour.

It is my hope that the BBC would be guided by the past, so that it does not permit ego, to poison or pollute it’s future.

Regretful acknowledgement of an offence or failure, is a demonstration of strength, which the medium has in abundance, I think.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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