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Late President Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari And The Federal Government Of Nigeria (FGN): What Matters Most

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Attahiru Ahmad Sifawa

Two days ago, there was widespread outcry on the social media over the unfortunate disconnection of the house of former President Alhaji Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari GCFR, from the National Grid by the Electricity Distribution Company.

Many people lamented the insensitivity of the Company as well as the seeming neglect of the onetime number one family by the concerned authorities.

It is a well-known fact that Federal Government of Nigeria is responsible for the basic needs of past Presidents.

Whether that also extends beyond their lifetime, by which authority and for how long? That is not sufficiently clear to the lamenting citizens, as the concerned authorities keep mute in providing the necessary information.

It is probable that these questions may likely fall within some of the gaps as regards legal provisions on the welfare of Nigeria’s past Presidents after their death.

In any case, the unfortunate incident may likely trigger thought and likely policy provisions to prevent future occurrence.

The timely intervention by the Presidency over the matter is however commendable.
Important as the incidence and its aftermath, as they may be, there is quite more important matter which supposed to engage the attention of the citizens as regards to either conscious or unconscious neglect, the person of late Alhaji Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, GCFR, (Turakin Sokoto), the first Executive President of Nigeria suffers from the Federal Government of Nigeria.

Kaduna Electricity Disconnects Late President Shagari’s House Over Debt
It has been the usual practice by the Federal Government, like elsewhere around the world, that whenever a senior citizen, like a former President dies, steps are usually taken to immortalize him. It is usually a mark of honour and appreciation over his service to the nation and humanity. The common and easiest practice has been to name certain public institutions/places after him.

It is unfortunate to note that more than two years after the death of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the Federal Government has not done anything to immortalize him despite the promise by President Muhammadu Buhari. I believe Mr President has likely forgotten, but one must be puzzled by the insensitivity of the Ministry or Agency concerned, thus leading to this expensive oversight.

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It was on record that after the death of late Chief Alex Ikwame, Vice President of the late Shagari, he was accorded state burial and immediately immortalized by naming a Federal University after him by the current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. Now more than two years after the death of his boss, President Shehu Shagari, the same administration has consciously or sub-consciously failed to take any step towards immortalizing him. If there is anything worth lamentation by the citizens it should be this unfortunate neglect not the regular payment of electricity bill for the house of the former President Shagari.
On its part, the Sokoto State Government under Rt. Honourable Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, CFR has started doing its part by upgrading the Prestigious Shehu Shagari College of Education Sokoto to a University, retaining the name of late President Shagari (Shehu Shagari University of Education Sokoto). It is never late than never. I will like to commend Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal for taking such a step and enjoined the Federal Government to follow suit.

But still, I wish to suggest that the Sokoto State Government’s House be named after the late Shagari as ‘Shehu Shagari House’. The Government should also facilitate the taking over of the Shehu Shagari World Institute for Leadership and Good Governance by the Sokoto State University, Sokoto in addition to instituting/ endowing a Professorial Chair of Political Science in the same University, in his name.

It is noteworthy to mention that late Shehu Shagari as much symbolized astute public servant and educationist as he symbolized Democracy in Nigeria. He was a legendary nationalist figure and a Political Schema. As far back as the 1940s, in his twentieth, Shahu Shagari co-founded Youth Social Circle (YSC), a nationalist organization in Sokoto Province, Northern Nigeria. An active member of the defunct Northern People’s Congress (NPC), a member of the National Assembly (Federal House of Representatives) as well as a Federal Minister during the First Republic, before crowning it all as the First Executive President of Nigeria during the Second Republic.

In the Public service, particularly education which throughout his life remained his primary area of interest, Shehu Shagari was a Teacher at the Sokoto Middle School and had the privilege of serving as a language Instructor to white British Colonial Officers during the Colonial period. He was the founding Head Master of Senior Primary School at Argungu in 1950 and was onetime Senior Visiting Teacher (equivalent of Chief Inspector of Education) in the whole of Sokoto Provice (the present day Sokoto, Kebbi and Zamfara State) in the 1940s. In the Post-Independence period, Shagari was a pillar in the efforts to integrate Islamic Education with western education which led to the establishment of Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI) Primary Schools in Sokoto Province. After the fall of the First Republic, Shagari came down to serve as the Commissioner of Education in the defunct North-Western State (present day Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara and Niger States). Untill his death, he continued to serve as Chairman of the Sokoto Education Trust Fund.

I will like to humbly suggest to the Federal Government to consider naming the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Jos and Kaduna Airport after the late President Shehu Shagari, as; ‘Shehu Shagari National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Jos’ and ‘Shehu Shagari International Airport Kaduna’, respectively. The Government can also look at other similar proposals in order to accord the late President the honour he deserves.

Despite whatever shortcomings that one may identify during his Presidency, given the time and resources available, it is not an exaggeration that the Administration of late Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari had arguably performed better that any of the successive administration that came after him in areas of patriotism; national sprit; selflessness and devotion to public service; infrastructure development; purposeful public policies, and lots more. He was in many respect, the nation’s last touch with its legendary nationalist figures and founding fathers.

May Allah forgive late President Shehu Shagari his mistakes, continue to bless his family and grant him Jannatul firdaus.

Attahiru Ahmad Sifawa, PhD.
Department of History,
Sokoto State University, Sokoto

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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