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Emeka Nwajiuba Best for Presidency from Igbo Clan

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EMEKA ,NWAJIUBA,Minister of State for Education

 

 

 

 

By Alh. Usman Muhammad

 

 

I’m so inspired that the agitation for a Nigerian President of Igbo and South-East extraction is gaining momentum across regional, ethnic, religious and political divides. The show of good faith by prominent politicians, elder statesmen, and ordinary Nigerians rekindles the hope that a greater and more equitable Nigeria is feasible in the near future.

 

In January this year, elder statesman and political veteran, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai from Kano State, said: “Nigeria had three major blocks. Two of these three, namely, the North and the West have had the opportunity of producing the President.

APC Crisis: Sacked APC National Chairman wants to field Tinubu in 2023-Danbilki

Therefore, the Igbo have a good argument because out of the three siblings, two have already succeeded at producing the President, but the Igbo have not.”

 

While Pa Yakasai and several others have been quite mature and responsible in putting their concerns across, there are many, who are so illogical and insensitive in aggressively pushing the narrative that Igbo cannot be asking for the presidency.

 

Some even suggest that the Igbo presidency would lead to the breakup of Nigeria. This is as untrue as it is blackmailing.

 

I totally disagree with the notion that an Igbo man will be a stumbling block to our democracy when he becomes the president of our dear country Nigeria. The most important and peaceful solution would be to present a credible candidate who will be offered to Nigerians as a progressive agent. There are wide speculations that Hon. Emeka Nwajiuba, the current Minister of State Education can fit the job perfectly.

 

Hon. Nwajiuba who hails from Ehine Mbano Local Government, Imo State can best be described as one of the most reputable Igbo political class.

 

A man of high esteem and detribalized, he is very fit for Nigeria’s number one job. It will be recalled that Nwajiuba was the Governorship candidate of ANPP in the 2003 general election in Imo state, while President Muhammad Buhari was the presidential candidate of the same party.

 

Hon. Nwajiuba was also the governorship candidate of CPC in 2011 with President Buhari as a presidential candidate. Equally, Nwajiuba was a member of the three (3) men committee that saw to the coalition of CPC/ACN to form APC in 2014.

 

The above long cordial relationship between Hon. Nwajiuba and President Buhari made him the most trusted and ally of Mr President from Igbo extraction.

 

The advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999 profoundly evidenced these conventions with the then two leading contesting political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP and the All Peoples Party, APP/Alliance for Democracy, AD, alliance respectively presenting Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Chief Olu Falae, both Yoruba from the South-West zone as the major candidates for that year’s presidential election, with their running mates, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi, coming from the North-East and North-West, respectively.

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These consensual decisions by the parties were informed by the fact that the regional North had had its fair share of the country’s presidential leadership, and it was proper for the office to go to the Yoruba South-West, considering the fact that a Yoruba had presumably won the election to that office six years before, precisely in 1993, but which was denied him by the then military establishment.

 

Eight years of Chief Obasanjo gave way to power returning to the regional North with the emergence of Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, whose unfortunate passing before the end of his first term gave rise to the emergence of his deputy, Dr Goodluck Jonathan from the Ijaw minority group of the South-South as president. One term of Dr Jonathan witnessed power returning to the regional North, with President Buhari, from the North-West clinching the office, and being returned for a second term, to terminate in May 2023. This now leaves us with who should take over from the President in 2023.

 

Nigeria’s political history has witnessed regional North in total would have led Nigeria for 45 years and three Month by May 2023 while the Yoruba of the south-west has led the country for exactly 11 years and 11 months. But what about the Igbo? Just 6 months of Gen. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi (January 15 – July 29, 1966).

 

It will amaze many readers to learn of my experience since this project began early last year. From my interactions with these youngsters, I have come away with the impression that a sense of belonging by them will subdue this agitation, and what sense of belonging can surpass the joy of an Igbo presidency? There are former Biafran agitators and other Igbo activists who have collapsed their various groups into this project, believing that it best represents Igbo interests. Every student of Nigeria’s political history recognises that this political agitation is the product of frustration with the Nigerian state for their perceived marginalisation which has culminated in the denial of Igbo a shot at the presidency.

 

Those of us who ought to know are aware of the thunderous agitation from the Yoruba South-West subsequent upon the denial of the presidency to late Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the controversial June 12, 1993, presidential election.

 

After Abiola’s death in detention, the Yoruba took their agitation for Yoruba presidency everywhere: to the streets, to the newsroom, to the international community, and to the heart of Nigeria’s power politics.

 

There were even calls from some Yoruba extremists that the denial of the Yoruba presidency could instigate the emergence of Oodua Republic, giving rise to the formation of Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC.

The message was loud and clear: Our son was elected president in a free and fair election, was denied his victory and subsequently died in detention; it was either a Yoruba presidency or the Oodua Republic.

 

The three leading political parties then presented Yoruba candidates in 1999. And Yoruba got it! Twelve years after Obasanjo’s two terms, with the South-West politically strengthened, especially with a Yoruba as the most influential power broker in Nigeria today, not a whisper has been heard ever since of Oodua Republic! That is the power of equity, fairness and justice, as well as a dogged determination to pursue it.

 

That is the power of the unwritten conventions that have become Nigeria’s source of strength. Eight years of Igbo presidency will douse and eliminate secession agitation and Igbo feelings of marginalization, and guarantee a feeling of fairness, equity, justice, oneness and togetherness – a united Nigeria.

 

Every well-meaning Nigerian should key into this project and ensure the emergence of an Igbo president. And the three years long journey begins now. The Igbo political class has a major role to play too, by forging a united front and standing by this position. They should put behind them their political differences for a united goal and unanimously present Hon. Emeka Nwajiuba as their presidential candidate if they really mean business.

 

An Igbo presidency in 2023 is a project that has come to form the foundation for the end of the feeling of marginalization by one of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria; the success of which will bring an end to one of the major drawbacks of our development, and create a conducive atmosphere for enhanced national development.

 

 

Alh. Usman Muhammad Wrote From Kano, Nigeria

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A Baseless Outburst: Kwankwaso’s Statement Falls Flat

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The Northern Youths Merger Group APC has distanced itself from the recent statement made by Engineer Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano State and leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, criticizing President Ahmad Bola Tinubu’s handling of the security situation in the country.

In a press release signed by the National Coordinator of the group, Hon. Musa Mujahid Zaitawa, the group expressed its disappointment and condemnation of Kwankwaso’s statement, describing it as “baseless” and “shameful”. Zaitawa pointed out that Kwankwaso has a history of opposing the government without justification, citing his previous criticisms of former President Goodluck Jonathan and his current stance against the APC government.

The group questioned Kwankwaso’s credibility, given his roles as a former Minister of Defence, Governor, and Senator, and wondered why he would make such statements at a time when the President is working tirelessly to address the security challenges facing the country. Zaitawa noted that Kwankwaso’s comments were not only unhelpful but also undermined the efforts of the government to ensure peace and stability in the country.

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The statement further highlighted the erosion of support for Kwankwaso among his former associates, including Senator Kawu Sumaila, members of the National Assembly, and other prominent individuals who have abandoned his camp.

The Northern Youths Merger Group APC urged Kwankwaso to desist from making statements that could be perceived as inciting or divisive, and instead, encouraged him to support the government’s efforts to address the country’s challenges. The group emphasized that the Tinubu administration is committed to ensuring security and development in the country and will not be deterred by baseless criticisms.
The Arewa Youths Mager group said they have uncovered a conspiracy by Kwankwaso to use the Kano State Government to politicize the security situation in the state by leveling baseless allegations against former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin that they were involved in it, to show that the government of Asiwaju Ahmad Tinubu failed to address the insecurity problem for people of Kano when it comes to the 2027 campaign to turn their backs on the APC.

NYMG warned Kwankwaso to refrain from making statements that could provoke the youth to do illegal things that could cause discord and instability among the people’s

The group also commended President Tinubu’s efforts to address the security situation in the country, including the appointment of a new Minister of Defence and the allocation of funds to support farmers in the North.

 

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Middle Belt or Bible Belt of Nigeria? By Aminu Ayama

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Let me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures of me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures North-West. If that alone irritates you, simply waka pass, because what follows will be blunt, factual, and completely unapologetic.

First, let us be clear: there is no such thing as a “Middle Belt region” in Nigeria. Not geographically, not politically, not constitutionally. What exists are six geo-political zones, with the North Central being just one of them.

The growing agitation for what I prefer to call the “Bible Belt”—often disguised as “Middle Belt”—is driven largely by neo-Christian maximalists, especially from Plateau State. And Plateau, let us not pretend, has earned an unfortunate reputation as one of the most hostile places for Muslims to live, transit, or thrive. Many documented incidents show entrenched Islamophobic violence, partisan state actions, and security responses that frequently tilt against Muslims whenever there are communal clashes.

But the proponents of this so-called Middle Belt never call it what it truly is: a Christian-only political sanctuary. Even within the North Central, Christians are not the majority. Only Benue and Plateau have overwhelming Christian populations. In Kogi, Niger, Kwara, and Nasarawa, Muslims form the majority—and each of those states is governed by Muslims.

So how does a minority hope to dominate the majority? How can the tail wag the dog?

This agenda is rooted in a deep-seated hostility toward Muslims, weaponised through disinformation, propaganda, and violence. And beyond the politics, the demands are not only unrealistic—they border on the absurd.

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The dream of a cross-regional Christian confederacy stretching across Nigeria would require forcefully merging Christian pockets in the North Central, North East, and North West—communities that share almost no borders—with one another. Over 90% of the Christian minority communities they list are not even geographically contiguous with Plateau or Benue. The only connected Christian-majority areas are Plateau, Benue, and parts of Southern Kaduna.

To create this so-called Bible Belt would require mass displacement of millions of indigenous Muslims living in these territories. It would produce a Bantu-like, Southern Sudan-type enclave in the heart of a predominantly Muslim region.

We know how South Sudan turned out. Years after global Christian activists—and even Hollywood celebrities like George Clooney—pushed the “Christian genocide” narrative to break it away from Sudan, the new country descended almost immediately into ethnic civil war among people who share the same faith. The activists have since moved on. The people remain with the suffering.

This is precisely the kind of tragedy Nigeria risks if it entertains such a divisive fantasy.

Creating a religious enclave in Northern Nigeria is possible only through civil war, mass ethnic cleansing, and forceful land seizure. No legislative process can achieve it; it would require bullets, not ballots.

Even more unrealistic is the attempt to annex Christian-minority areas of Southern Borno, Southern Yobe, Southern Gombe, Southern Adamawa, Southern Bauchi, and parts of Taraba into this imaginary Bible Belt. Except for Taraba, all these states are Muslim-majority and governed by Muslims.

The Bible Belt crusaders have even stretched their ambitions to the far North-West, claiming Christian communities like Zuru in Kebbi and Southern Kaduna, and naming random Christian minority pockets across Katsina, Zamfara, Jigawa, and Kano as part of their utopian region.

Let us be honest: how does this happen without displacing millions of Muslims?
How do you build a Christian-only belt across a region dominated by Muslims without violence?
How do you redraw boundaries across the North without war?

The truth is simple. This agenda mirrors the same formula used in the Middle East—forceful displacement, land acquisition, and demographic engineering. Nothing short of massive foreign-backed militarisation could make it remotely possible.

And even then, like South Sudan, such a creation would become a landlocked, unstable, ethnically fragmented territory—a permanent war zone.

Nigeria must never walk this path.

The so-called Middle Belt agitation is not about geography or justice. It is about identity politics and fear disguised as self-determination. It is a project built on emotion, not logic. On ethnic resentment, not fairness. On religious exceptionalism, not coexistence.

I welcome any factual challenge to the points made here. Let the arguments come—but let them be grounded in truth, not propaganda.

Aminu Ayama
@aaa

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Kano APC’s Crisis and Senator Barau’s Masterclass in Political Maturity

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Senator Barau

​By Ado Isa Jagaba

​The persistent turmoil within the Kano State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has, once again, starkly exposed the deep-seated faultlines dividing the party. Yet, amidst this chaos, a quieter but far more instructive story is unfolding—the dignified restrain and profound political maturity demonstrated by the Deputy Senate President, Senator Barau I. Jibrin, CFR, in the face of sustained internal betrayal.

​In 2021, during the crucial APC State Congress, Senator Barau, then a serving Senator and Chairman of the powerful Senate Committee on Appropriations, was systematically denied any meaningful influence. He was refused even an ex-officio slot at the ward, local-government, and state levels. Furthermore, his known allies were barred from serving as supervisory councillors, political advisers, or special assistants, with any identified supporter being ruthlessly sidelined.

​However, instead of engaging in public retaliation or fueling the internal discord, he executed a masterclass in political focus. He kept his attention strictly on delivering concrete development projects, roads, boreholes, schools, and scholarships. Often extending these dividends of democracy far beyond his Kano North Senatorial constituency.

​A Strategy of Silent Service

​His silence in the face of humiliation was not weakness; it was a strategic choice. This political maturity allowed him to rise above the petty fray and continued his unwavering service to the people. When the same elements later attempted to block his Senatorial ticket, national party elders were compelled to intervene. Barau’s perseverance ultimately paid off. He not only overwhelmingly retained his Senate seat, but was subsequently elevated to the position of Deputy President of the Senate, the fifth highest political office in the country.

​Why Barau’s Conduct is the APC’s Current Lesson

​Barau’s political trajectory offers clear, actionable lessons for the crisis-ridden party.

​Service Over Spite

Despite being denied the gubernatorial ticket and facing attempts to sabotage his Senatorial nomination, the Senator put the party first. He extensively financed the Gawuna/Garo gubernatorial campaign in 2023, played a pivotal role in the APC sweeping five of the six House of Representatives seats in his zone, and generously funded crucial legal battles all the way to the Supreme Court.

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​Empowering the Grassroots

Barau has used his federal influence to empower party faithful, securing over 2,500 APC members position of Senior Legislative Aides, Special Adviser roles and influencing numerous federal appointments. This level of patronage and direct welfare for party members is widely regarded as unmatched in Kano’s recent political history. He has also donated hundreds of vehicles and motorcycles to party leadership at all levels.

​A Figure of Unification

The widespread grassroots call for Barau to run for Governor is not accidental. It is a direct recognition of his proven ability to bridge political divides, deliver tangible results, and provide the much-needed cohesion to a fractured party structure.

​The Desperation of the Cabal

​The same cabal that once exploited the gentlemanly nature of our former leader, Baba Ganduje, to humiliate Senator Barau now finds itself increasingly restless and confused. These elements, having benefited from the system, while neglecting the party’s welfare structure, constantly envy the goodwill and resources Senator Barau has directed towards the APC faithfuls.

​Today, they are desperately oiling fabricated and baseless publications aimed at tarnishing his image and sowing division, particularly by misrepresenting his independent political activities as a direct attack on Baba Ganduje’s personality. They are the same people who, having lost their source of leverage, now resort to hiding behind the former governor, seeking continuous protection to the detriment of the party’s survival as a viable opposition force in Kano.

​Unaware that the Senator is far ahead in strategy and political manoeuvring. Their paid “data boys” propagate falsehoods, trying to portray the powerful Senator as a battle-ready opponent of Ganduje’s political empire. However, their efforts fail daily. The resources they once enjoyed are no longer flowing. They cannot match the abundant political capital and widespread support at the disposal of the Deputy Senate President. A serious political Tsunami is being witnessed as many responsible and loyal party members desert their camp, which was built on a shaky foundation of self-interest rather than genuine party welfare.

​The Clear Lesson

​While critics may correctly argue that internal disagreements are inevitable and that the party should pursue reconciliation, others contend that Barau’s track record of quiet, effective service and broad support makes him the natural candidate to restore cohesion and secure future victories.
​Whatever the political outcome, the lesson for the Kano APC is clear: political maturity, as exemplified and typified by Senator, can transform humiliation into a platform for greater influence and power. The party must acknowledge that the same hands that built critical infrastructure and funded crucial legal battles are now being asked to lead the state.
​As many Kano APC stalwarts succinctly put it, “If you want a governor who can turn the tide of the state, look to the man who turned silence into service.”

Lajawa is a Political Analyst, from Warawa Local Government, Kano State
December 7, 2025
Email: adoisajagaban@gmail.com

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