Connect with us

Politics

Emeka Nwajiuba Best for Presidency from Igbo Clan

Published

on

EMEKA ,NWAJIUBA,Minister of State for Education

 

 

 

 

By Alh. Usman Muhammad

 

 

I’m so inspired that the agitation for a Nigerian President of Igbo and South-East extraction is gaining momentum across regional, ethnic, religious and political divides. The show of good faith by prominent politicians, elder statesmen, and ordinary Nigerians rekindles the hope that a greater and more equitable Nigeria is feasible in the near future.

 

In January this year, elder statesman and political veteran, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai from Kano State, said: “Nigeria had three major blocks. Two of these three, namely, the North and the West have had the opportunity of producing the President.

APC Crisis: Sacked APC National Chairman wants to field Tinubu in 2023-Danbilki

Therefore, the Igbo have a good argument because out of the three siblings, two have already succeeded at producing the President, but the Igbo have not.”

 

While Pa Yakasai and several others have been quite mature and responsible in putting their concerns across, there are many, who are so illogical and insensitive in aggressively pushing the narrative that Igbo cannot be asking for the presidency.

 

Some even suggest that the Igbo presidency would lead to the breakup of Nigeria. This is as untrue as it is blackmailing.

 

I totally disagree with the notion that an Igbo man will be a stumbling block to our democracy when he becomes the president of our dear country Nigeria. The most important and peaceful solution would be to present a credible candidate who will be offered to Nigerians as a progressive agent. There are wide speculations that Hon. Emeka Nwajiuba, the current Minister of State Education can fit the job perfectly.

 

Hon. Nwajiuba who hails from Ehine Mbano Local Government, Imo State can best be described as one of the most reputable Igbo political class.

 

A man of high esteem and detribalized, he is very fit for Nigeria’s number one job. It will be recalled that Nwajiuba was the Governorship candidate of ANPP in the 2003 general election in Imo state, while President Muhammad Buhari was the presidential candidate of the same party.

 

Hon. Nwajiuba was also the governorship candidate of CPC in 2011 with President Buhari as a presidential candidate. Equally, Nwajiuba was a member of the three (3) men committee that saw to the coalition of CPC/ACN to form APC in 2014.

 

The above long cordial relationship between Hon. Nwajiuba and President Buhari made him the most trusted and ally of Mr President from Igbo extraction.

 

The advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999 profoundly evidenced these conventions with the then two leading contesting political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP and the All Peoples Party, APP/Alliance for Democracy, AD, alliance respectively presenting Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Chief Olu Falae, both Yoruba from the South-West zone as the major candidates for that year’s presidential election, with their running mates, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi, coming from the North-East and North-West, respectively.

Advert

 

These consensual decisions by the parties were informed by the fact that the regional North had had its fair share of the country’s presidential leadership, and it was proper for the office to go to the Yoruba South-West, considering the fact that a Yoruba had presumably won the election to that office six years before, precisely in 1993, but which was denied him by the then military establishment.

 

Eight years of Chief Obasanjo gave way to power returning to the regional North with the emergence of Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, whose unfortunate passing before the end of his first term gave rise to the emergence of his deputy, Dr Goodluck Jonathan from the Ijaw minority group of the South-South as president. One term of Dr Jonathan witnessed power returning to the regional North, with President Buhari, from the North-West clinching the office, and being returned for a second term, to terminate in May 2023. This now leaves us with who should take over from the President in 2023.

 

Nigeria’s political history has witnessed regional North in total would have led Nigeria for 45 years and three Month by May 2023 while the Yoruba of the south-west has led the country for exactly 11 years and 11 months. But what about the Igbo? Just 6 months of Gen. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi (January 15 – July 29, 1966).

 

It will amaze many readers to learn of my experience since this project began early last year. From my interactions with these youngsters, I have come away with the impression that a sense of belonging by them will subdue this agitation, and what sense of belonging can surpass the joy of an Igbo presidency? There are former Biafran agitators and other Igbo activists who have collapsed their various groups into this project, believing that it best represents Igbo interests. Every student of Nigeria’s political history recognises that this political agitation is the product of frustration with the Nigerian state for their perceived marginalisation which has culminated in the denial of Igbo a shot at the presidency.

 

Those of us who ought to know are aware of the thunderous agitation from the Yoruba South-West subsequent upon the denial of the presidency to late Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the controversial June 12, 1993, presidential election.

 

After Abiola’s death in detention, the Yoruba took their agitation for Yoruba presidency everywhere: to the streets, to the newsroom, to the international community, and to the heart of Nigeria’s power politics.

 

There were even calls from some Yoruba extremists that the denial of the Yoruba presidency could instigate the emergence of Oodua Republic, giving rise to the formation of Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC.

The message was loud and clear: Our son was elected president in a free and fair election, was denied his victory and subsequently died in detention; it was either a Yoruba presidency or the Oodua Republic.

 

The three leading political parties then presented Yoruba candidates in 1999. And Yoruba got it! Twelve years after Obasanjo’s two terms, with the South-West politically strengthened, especially with a Yoruba as the most influential power broker in Nigeria today, not a whisper has been heard ever since of Oodua Republic! That is the power of equity, fairness and justice, as well as a dogged determination to pursue it.

 

That is the power of the unwritten conventions that have become Nigeria’s source of strength. Eight years of Igbo presidency will douse and eliminate secession agitation and Igbo feelings of marginalization, and guarantee a feeling of fairness, equity, justice, oneness and togetherness – a united Nigeria.

 

Every well-meaning Nigerian should key into this project and ensure the emergence of an Igbo president. And the three years long journey begins now. The Igbo political class has a major role to play too, by forging a united front and standing by this position. They should put behind them their political differences for a united goal and unanimously present Hon. Emeka Nwajiuba as their presidential candidate if they really mean business.

 

An Igbo presidency in 2023 is a project that has come to form the foundation for the end of the feeling of marginalization by one of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria; the success of which will bring an end to one of the major drawbacks of our development, and create a conducive atmosphere for enhanced national development.

 

 

Alh. Usman Muhammad Wrote From Kano, Nigeria

Politics

Tinubu’s Burden, Atiku’s Opportunity: The Road to 2027

Published

on

 

Elections are not won by emotions but by fact. Political Party Candidates campaign to people based on what they can offer, while the ones in power used the dividends of their leadership to people as their major tool to campaign by telling the world what they have done in terms of development, the opposition looked at that, criticised where they have gone wrong and what they have not provided for the people to campaign.

That’s constructive campaigning. The recent flag off of President Tinubu’s campaign in Kaduna on Saturday says a lot about the failure of the president to deliver good governance to Nigerians.

I expected to President to campaign on three or four areas where the north is left behind in his government, this is not to talk of the massive nepotism where his kinsmen are on top of critical government agencies; not treating Nigerians equally. I was expecting to see President Tinubu making adjustment in the kind of nepotism that took place during the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, things get worse, Nigerians and the north is experiencing the worst ever nepotistic government ever since independence.

The President should have asked himself whether the North has recovered from the massive kidnapping which he inherited under Buhari, as people with the fertile land to farm, are we still going to our various farms to do farming? This is No, why because of the insecurity in the North.

In Kaduna, a family was kidnapped and were nearly killed before they were able to be rescued. Nobody knows whether ransom was paid but the kaduna state government claimed to have rescued them. Governor Uba Sani was even seen thanking the National Security Adviser for his efforts in the rescue mission. This is the situation the North finds itself under President Tinubu.

The second most important thing is economic instability, you can’t tell me that there is economic improvement when people cannot be able to take a 3 square meal in a day. When people are abandoning their cars for electric bikes.

Advert

This is one area where Atiku has won the heart of the masses by promising to restore the fuel subsidy why because its removal has negative impact on the masses. People are living in hunger and abject poverty, one which I have witnessed as the most since the return to democracy in 1999.

Tinubu has no regret over the hardship but is putting the blame on the opposition. This has provoked Nigerians the most.

Even the governors and National Assembly candidates of the APC are doing their posters alone without attaching Tinubu. Go through the billboards in the north, attaching your poster with Tinubu will create you enmity and make you unpopular.

What Nigerians are after at the moment is the person that will provide them with security, remove them from abject poverty, restore fuel subsidy and provide them with a conducive environment that will provide the unemployed with the job opportunities.

Children can’t go to school because their parents cannot afford that, the daily income, the minimum wage issue and the meagre salary is not enough to cater for their needs.

As a politician, campaign for Tinubu and become unpopular. I have since realised even the politicians at the forefront campaigning for Tinubu don’t care for the North predicament. Despite all the problems and challenges, they tend to care for their pockets not that of Nigerians. This is the most unpatriotic attitude of our people.

It’s sad that even when Tinubu decided to pick his campaign DG, he ended up with Yari, someone with poor record of good governance. The only thing he knows is sharing money to the people. Someone whose source of wealth is associated to his record as a governor. He came into power not as a business man but ended his tenure as governor as one of the most wealthiest governors in Nigeria.

When Rufai Oseni asked for his track record as governor of Zamfara and the high rate of poverty when he led the state; he ended up beating around the bush.

Nigerians are feeling the pain deep in them and they will vote for Waziri Atiku Abubakar, they will give him a try because of the good plans he has for the country at the moment. He served this country as Vice President with diligence, he is one of the best and capacitated Vice President the country has so so far produced not the spare tyre Kashim Shettima who not only serve as Nigeria’s second citizen but as number one praise singer of his principal.

Atiku will win massively for the aforementioned reasons. It’s the people that vote not the elite that make noise on social media or television stations. Elections are won at the polling units not on social media.

They will share the money, people will collect it and vote for the right person and that person is Atiku Abubakar.

I refused to make mention of other presidential candidates for one reason, many of them are working for the return of the president especially the NDC, I trust Seyi Makinde of APM to be more serious as an opposition candidate than Peter Obi of the NDC and Rabiu Kwankwaso who have appeared to be more concerned and critical to Waziri Atiku than Tinubu who has inflicted hardship to Nigerians.

Adnan Mukhtar is a Public Affairs Analyst, University Lecturer and Doctoral Candidate at Bayero University, Kano

Continue Reading

Politics

Goje’s Electoral War:The Confrontation With Tinubu,Governor Inuwa,Usman Kumo And APC candidates Ahead Of 2027

Published

on

 

 

By Engr. Ibrahim Suleiman Kashere

Political survival in a robust democracy demands loyalty, shared ideals and adherence to institutional discipline. Political parties are not mere vehicles for contesting elections; they are institutions built on trust, collective sacrifice and mutual accountability. Yet, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Gombe State continues to grapple with a recurring internal challenge centred on the actions and public posturing of Senator Muhammad Danjuma Goje, a ranking Senator and one of the most senior political figures in the state.

When personal political expectations diverge from collective party decisions and progress, the resulting friction can compromise electoral cohesion and weaken organisational unity. Recent public statements attributed to Senator Goje—most notably the widely circulated video in which he reportedly directed his followers not to support certain official APC candidates—have brought the long-running disagreement within the Gombe APC back into sharp focus. To those who have followed the internal politics of the party over the years, these developments appear to reinforce concerns repeatedly expressed about his political posture, particularly during the 2023 general elections. What was largely discussed in whispers and allegations in 2023 is increasingly becoming an open political confrontation in 2026.

The friction between Senator Goje and the mainstream APC structure in Gombe State did not start today. It manifested clearly and painfully during the 2023 general elections. Despite flying the flag of the ruling party and benefiting from its platform, serious questions were raised by stakeholders regarding voting patterns across his immediate political base in Gombe Central. Party stakeholders and agents in Akko and Yamaltu/Deba Local Government Areas pointed to noticeable electoral gaps between presidential, senatorial and House of Representatives votes in a number of polling areas as possible evidence of internal political cross-currents and selective voting.

The concern was straightforward: how could candidates of the same political party, contesting simultaneously before substantially the same electorate, record significantly different levels of support in areas where the party maintained a strong organisational presence? For many stakeholders, those discrepancies were not simply numbers to be ignored. They raised legitimate political questions about internal coordination, mobilisation and whether every component of the party machinery worked equally for all APC candidates. Post-election reviews and discussions among party stakeholders consequently alleged that internal coordination had faltered in ways that undermined some official party standard-bearers. The party entered a major election while managing serious internal contradictions when its energy should ordinarily have been concentrated on confronting opposition parties.

The electoral consequences for the APC in Gombe State in 2023 were enormous. Out of the six House of Representatives seats in the state, the APC secured only one—the Akko Federal Constituency seat won by Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo—while it lost the remaining five. At the senatorial level, the APC similarly secured only one of the three seats: Gombe Central, retained by Senator Muhammad Danjuma Goje himself. Gombe North and Gombe South were lost to the opposition.

For many APC stakeholders, these figures remain a painful reminder of the consequences they associate with the internal divisions, selective political support and alleged anti-party activities that characterised the 2023 elections. The political irony is difficult to overlook: while Senator Goje successfully retained his own senatorial seat, the APC suffered substantial losses elsewhere in the state. What should therefore concern every committed party member is whether the lessons of 2023 have genuinely been learned or whether the party is being dragged towards another cycle of internal confrontation ahead of 2027.

It was against this background that grassroots organs of the party initiated disciplinary proceedings against Senator Goje over allegations of anti-party activities. The process began in Kashere Ward, his own ward, where party officials announced disciplinary action against him in April 2023. The matter subsequently generated actions and reactions within other levels of the party structure. For those who initiated the process, it was presented not as witch-hunting but as an attempt to enforce party discipline and protect what they regarded as party supremacy. But the political questions that produced the controversy did not disappear. If 2023 was characterised by allegations of subtle political subversion and selective support, what we are witnessing today is far more open.

The political space in Gombe State has recently been jolted by a widely circulated video in which Senator Goje reportedly directed his followers not to vote for certain candidates whom he accused of working against his political interest. In my considered view, the message goes beyond an ordinary disagreement over individual candidates: it amounts to an open declaration of electoral war against those he perceives as having played a role in denying him another APC senatorial ticket.

The political figures and interests caught within this confrontation include President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR; Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya; Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo; and other candidates of the APC, except for the few individuals Senator Goje specifically identified as exceptions deserving his support. For many of us who witnessed the internal disagreements of 2023, the present situation therefore appears to represent a transition from allegations of anti-party activities by implication to a much more explicit political confrontation with those he considers responsible for frustrating his senatorial ambition.

Advert

For a political figure who has been a major beneficiary of the APC platform from 2015 to date, such a posture is, in my view, deeply alarming and politically unpatriotic. Senator Goje has enjoyed the support, opportunities and electoral platform of the APC for more than a decade, including successive opportunities to represent Gombe Central in the Senate. To now turn against the party and its candidates barely four months to the 2027 general elections because the political calculations surrounding another senatorial ticket did not favour him raises profound questions about loyalty, reciprocity and commitment to the collective interest of the party.

At a time when every committed party leader should ordinarily be working to consolidate the APC, mobilise its supporters and strengthen its candidates ahead of the general elections, an open campaign against the party’s candidates risks deepening internal divisions and weakening the very political platform from which he has benefited for years.

For a man of Senator Goje’s standing, experience and stature—a former Governor, former Minister and ranking Senator—this development cannot be treated as an ordinary disagreement among grassroots politicians. His relationship with the APC since 2015 has provided him with a powerful political platform through which he has contested and retained his senatorial seat in successive elections, including 2019 and 2023. It therefore raises a fundamental political and institutional question when a serving Senator elected on the platform of a political party openly withholds support from candidates officially sponsored by that same party.

This is not merely about Senator Goje as an individual; it concerns the meaning of party membership, party discipline, loyalty and collective responsibility.

Even more troubling to many stakeholders is the political campaign against the member representing Akko Federal Constituency, Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo, a principal officer of the House of Representatives and an influential APC figure within the constituency. Kumo has been associated with numerous federal interventions and constituency projects in Akko, including road and infrastructure projects, educational interventions, empowerment programmes and other federal initiatives. The establishment of the Federal Medical Centre, Kumo, has similarly become one of the most significant federal institutional developments in the area, although its actualisation involved the Federal Government, Gombe State Government and other institutional and political actors.

Whatever personal political differences may exist, the interests of Akko Federal Constituency and the APC should remain larger than disagreements between individual political leaders. It becomes particularly consequential when a senior member of the same political party campaigns against another member representing his own constituency while continuing to occupy elective office on the platform of that party.

The APC cannot afford to treat these developments with levity. A political party that cannot enforce its constitution and disciplinary standards consistently among its most influential members will find it increasingly difficult to demand discipline from ordinary members at ward and polling-unit levels. Public disagreements, selective endorsements and campaigns against officially nominated candidates can create avoidable divisions within the party framework. They can expose loyal APC members in Gombe Central, Akko and Yamaltu/Deba to fragmentation, confusion and demoralisation at a time when party cohesion should ordinarily be strengthened.

What is at stake, therefore, is not merely who flies the APC flag in Gombe Central, Akko or Yamaltu/Deba. The deeper question is whether party decisions, the party constitution, party hierarchy and collective responsibility continue to command respect irrespective of the status of the individual involved. No political party can sustainably operate two standards of discipline—one for ordinary members and another for political heavyweights.

Senator Goje’s enormous contributions to Gombe politics and his long years of public service cannot reasonably be denied. Neither should his political experience and influence be underestimated. But political stature should ordinarily impose greater responsibility rather than provide exemption from institutional discipline.

The path forward for the APC in Gombe State therefore requires a firm commitment to party rules, institutional strength, internal consultation and collaborative political leadership. The leadership of the party—from the national leadership through the state, local government and ward structures—must ensure that grievances are addressed through recognised constitutional mechanisms and that the collective mandate of the party is protected above individual interests and personal political feuds.

At the same time, due process must remain fundamental. Any allegation of anti-party activity must be handled in accordance with the APC Constitution and applicable law. But due process must not become an excuse for institutional paralysis.

History repeatedly demonstrates that when political indiscipline is ignored because the individual involved is powerful, influential or electorally valuable, such conduct gradually becomes normalised. Once normalised, institutional authority becomes increasingly difficult to restore.

Gombe APC therefore stands at an important political crossroads. The questions raised in 2023 have returned, but this time under circumstances in which political positions are becoming considerably more explicit. The party must determine whether its collective decisions are binding on all its members or whether individual political interests can supersede officially adopted party positions. That determination should not be based on personality, faction or political convenience. It should be based on the APC Constitution, established party procedures, due process and the principle that no individual is greater than the institution to which he voluntarily belongs.

For those of us who believe in the supremacy, stability and continued progress of the APC, the lesson is unmistakable: internal disagreements must be resolved, legitimate grievances must be addressed, and institutional discipline must apply fairly and consistently.

The APC must remain greater than any individual. History has shown that when indiscipline is left unchecked, it becomes a culture. The time to address it is now.

Continue Reading

Politics

Kano Politics: The Rise of Verbal Immorality-Adamu Aminu

Published

on

 

By Adamu Aminu

Political disagreement is not the problem. Nigeria’s democracy was built on the expectation that citizens and their representatives would argue, differ, and contest ideas openly. What is happening in Kano today is something else entirely. It is not debate. It is decay.

In recent weeks, the public exchange between two political proxies in Kano has crossed every line that should separate legitimate criticism from outright character assassination.

What began, ostensibly, as political rivalry has degenerated into insults, curses, and personal attacks that now extend beyond the individuals involved to their families. Parents, spouses, and children — people who hold no office and made no political claim — have been dragged into a contest that was never about governance in the first place.

It is with genuine concern that this must be said plainly: the recent exchange between Alhaji Usman Sharu Baban Lungu, an elderly statesman in his eighties, and Alhaji Nagoda, an aide to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, descended into accusations too grave and too dishonorable to repeat here — accusations that dragged innocent family members into territory no political disagreement should ever reach. “Inna lillahi wa inna ilaihi raji’un”

Whatever their differences, two men of public standing — one of them elderly enough to command respect by age alone — have involved their own households in conduct that neither politics nor personal grievance can justify.

Advert

Is this the legacy they intend to leave for their children, and for their children’s children, long after they are gone? A name is the one thing a person carries beyond death.

This is not politics. It is a scramble for relevance, dressed up as loyalty. By all appearances, both men are not fighting for ideas or for the people of Kano. They are fighting for attention, for patronage, for whatever crumbs might fall from a political table they hope to remain seated at.

None of this happens in a vacuum. Social media pages and radio stations are institutions that ought to apply editorial discipline and ethical restraint, have instead become amplifiers. A radio interview is meant to test a politician’s ideas, not to provide a stage for insults. Yet politicians whose speech is more familiar with vulgarity than with policy have found that behavior rewarded with airtime and circulation, because outrage travels faster than substance.

The mudslinging is no longer whispered in private. It is broadcast and shared, in the hope of impressing political godfathers who measure loyalty by how loudly their proxies can humiliate a rival.

This raises questions Kano cannot afford to postpone. Where is Kano’s political direction heading when public office is pursued through insult rather than ideas?

Is this the inheritance we intend to leave the next generation, a political culture where vulgarity is normal and dignity is optional?

Has character assassination become a shortcut to relevance, a way of chasing clout rather than earning trust?

And where are the gatekeepers in all of this?

The Kano State Governor, political leaders, religious clerics, and other well-meaning individuals who command moral and civic authority in this state cannot claim ignorance of what is unfolding on air and online.

Their silence is not neutrality — it is consent by omission. Religious clerics who ordinarily do not hesitate to speak on matters of public morality owe the state a word on this matter.

A society that leaves moral guardianship to chance will, sooner or later, find that vulgarity has filled the space their silence left behind.

Constructive criticism holds power accountable. It sharpens argument and improves governance. What Kano is witnessing instead is the normalization of verbal immorality. Left unchecked, this trend does more than embarrass the individuals involved. It teaches a generation of young people in Kano that vulgarity is a legitimate substitute for vision.

Kano’s institutions, political, religious, and media alike, must now decide whether they are custodians of public discourse or accomplices to its collapse.

Adamu Aminu writes from Kano.

Continue Reading

Trending