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Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II, A Phoenix Rises

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Khalifa Muhammadu Sunusi II

 

 

By Muhammad Abu Ihsan

 

The news has just come this morning, of the installation in Sokoto yesterday, of His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II as the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria, after the reign of late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, who had risen to the position after the demise of HH MSII’s grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I. Maasha Allah.

 

This is a very powerful spiritual and political position. Extremely so. It also comes with serious implications for the new Khalifa, and for governments, as well as for traditional leaderships around the country.

 

It compounds the Kano problem because Tijjanawa always projects their loyalty to the Tijjaniyya leadership, transcending all political and administrative boundaries. Since Kano is still a home of Tijjaniyya (as it is of Izala, and of Qadiriyya) the ascension of HH MSII to the leadership of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria seriously erodes the influence of Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado Bayero, and of any governor in Kano, as religious and political loyalty now go first to MSII.

 

Also, nationally, since Tijjaniyya is still the Islamic sect with the largest following in the Muslim North, and certainly the dominant theology in the Yoruba West, the religious and political influence of a dethroned emir, HH MSII, in Nigeria today, has grown substantially larger than it was when he was the Emir of Kano. His dethroned grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I, although the leader of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria during his lifetime, had become ascetic after dethronement in 1963, and restricted himself, until his death, to personal spiritual asceticism without any public activity, even after the PRP government of Abubakar Rimi had made serious attempts to draw him out, after returning him into Kano territory (he chose Wudil) from exile.

 

However, with MSII active nationally and internationally in general public issues, in religious matters, in academic and intellectual engagements, and incorporate, as well as in multilateral engagements, his very high visibility, despite the limitations dethronement could have imposed on him, has just hit the stratosphere, and this is no exaggeration. For starters, elderly and revered Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi, a Tijjaniya behemoth who was in serious rivalry with the late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, has no such issues with the new Khalifa MSII. If anything, HH MSII is regarded as a student and son by Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi. Similarly, another great Tijjaniyya leader of far-reaching influence all over Africa and the Middle East, Sharif Sheikh Ibrahim Saleh, Nigerian Muslim’s Grand Mufti, plays a father role to HH MSII. It then means that the new Khalifa leads a fully unified Tijjaniya, whose call can pull both the Isiaka Rabi’u and Dahiru Bauchi millions into Kano Race Course, Murtala Square Kaduna, or the Eagle Square in Abuja.

 

Additionally, HH MSII has over the years, been quite close to the key ulama and followers of the Ahlus Sunnah side (Izala and Salafiyya), such that their continued cooperation and partnership can be taken as guaranteed. His strong disapproval for Shi’a and Shi’ism further enhances this relationship and partnership with the Ahlus Sunnah (Izala and Salafiyya).

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It is also worth noting that the investiture of the Khalifa position, instead of holding in Kano, due to current constraints, but could have held in Kaduna, Abuja, Ilorin, or Ibadan, took place instead, in Sokoto. This is highly significant. The support of His Eminence the Sultan, while a boon, creates further problems because Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, although hierarchically number three in the Sokoto Caliphate, and by protocol number four in Northern Nigeria, the recent butchering and subinfudation of Kano Emirate by Governor Ganduje has substantially diminished the current Emir, while the ascension of MSII to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjanniyya has compounded that problem. The excellent personal relationship between His Eminence the Sultan with MSII, something the dethroned Emir also has with quite a number of senior emirs, obas and obis around the country, all further elevate the status of MSII and unfortunately diminish the current Emir of Kano. This is potentially problematic and must be handled with extreme care.

 

Yesterday’s event in Sokoto may have been understated and deliberately underreported, but it registers very high on the Nigerian political Richter Scale. Tijjaniyya is a monolithic political force in West Africa, from Yoruba land, through Hausaland, into Ghana, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco. It goes through Algeria, Tunisia, troubled Libya, Egypt, down into Sudan and Chad, and other parts of Muslim East Africa. The prestige and influence of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya extend into these territories.

14th Emir of Kano set to relocate to Azare

With Buhari’s popularity and support substantially diminished, reinforced by his entry into his lame-duck period before exiting office in 2023, Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II may just have emerged as the most powerful, and influential Nigerian, despite his dethronement as Emir of Kano, just a little over a year ago. Again, while this is significantly positive, it can also be quite problematic, unless those problem areas are carefully managed. Tension within Kano and its subinfudated satellites of Bichi, Rano, Karaye and Gaya, and especially with Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, will continue. Also, for the remainder of his tenure, with Governor Ganduje and his small coterie of contumacious political allies and handlers, one of which, Abbas, is related to MSII.

 

Constitutionally, HH MSII, like every Nigerian, has the freedom of movement. He can therefore travel and move around freely in any part of Nigeria. He can settle and live in any part of the country. The Constitution guarantees him this fundamental right. But for the moment, without and legal compulsion, he has constrained himself to stay away from Kano. This is understandable. But with his ascension to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya, a position based in Kano since its creation, and with the inevitable pull on him of Kano’s majority Tijjanawa for frequent presence and leadership, how long can the Khalifa keep himself away from Kano? And can Kano ever quietly receive Khalifa MSII, and not, literally bring out more than ninety percent of the citizens out into the streets to welcome him? “Ba a sarki biyu a gari daya” – there can never be two kings in one city/kingdom – according to an Hausa dictum. Are we going to see that in Kano?

 

From now on, wherever HH MSII goes in Nigeria and West Africa, he not only attracts bigger welcoming crowds than he did when he was emir, he also gets the reception of a head of state in some of those places. Especially in Ghana, Senegal, Niger, Morocco, and Sudan. Thanks to the spiritual and political power of Tijjaniyya leadership.

 

HH MSII must therefore ponder his new position, power and influence, and also take into cognisance his peculiar position of a dethroned emir of Kano. He should then evolve an appropriate administrative and protocol regimen that lessen, or ideally eliminate all possible jurisdictional conflicts with other leaders in their territories, most especially in Kano. Similarly, the government and traditional leaderships there should also evolve and adopt administrative and protocol flexibilities, accommodation, and general goodwill, for the sake of the people, and for a general peace, progress and security.

 

Wishing the new Khalifa of Tijjaniya in Nigeria a very peaceful and progressive reign.

Opinion

Kano Governor Yusuf Shortlisted for Africa’s SANKOFA Award of Excellence in Infrastructural Development

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By Abba Anwar

Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf makes a list of potential Awardees across West African sub-region, observed and screened by an African association named Réseau des Jeunes du Sahel pour le Progrès, le Développement et la Démocratie (Network of Sahel Youth for Progress, Development and Democracy), on infrastructural development in their respective states.

The top most Award from the association, called Sankofa Award of Excellence across various sectors, is given to people or leaders who excel in their respective areas of work or responsibilities.

With the recent disclosure made by the Commissioner of Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, on the state of infrastructural development and payments of contracts in the state, the association included Kano to be part of the states across Nigeria and West African countries, screened for an Award of Excellence.

Source close to the association reveals that, Governor Yusuf’s achievements in the area of infrastructural development, could not be neglected and the Governor stands a better position to be seen and amplified across the globe. As a result of his commitment and service to humanity.

Parts of the major reasons that informed the association’s decision to include Governor Yusuf for Sankofa Award of Excellence for Infrastructural Development in West Africa is his genuine inclusion of infrastructures that are human centred, modern, location specified and standardization process and procedures.

According to the source, the Screening Committee saddled with the responsibility of selecting qualified personalities across West Africa are in their final stage of releasing the result. Assuring that, under infrastructural development, Kano excels. Though not officially announced.

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When Governor Yusuf gets this Award, he will be the second person from Nigeria who bags the Award. Last year the Deputy Senate President Barau I Jibrin, PhD, CFR, got the SANKOFA Award for Legislative Excellence in Africa. Coincidentally, Governor Yusuf who is also from Kano state, would be the second Nigerian in this category.

The President of the association Mr Fassoko Doumbia, from Mali, confirmed to my source that, from all indication, “Kano State Governor, from Nigeria, Mr Abba Kabir Yusuf is in the forefront of those screened for the Award.”

With this recognition of excellence, the Award places Governor Yusuf to be one of the best Nigerian governors. And the best across West Africa on infrastructural development. One good thing about the Award is, it will as well serve as an engine oil for state commitment and unwavering service delivery.

Mr Doumbia reveals further that “… it is amazing looking at the unmatched number of completed and ongoing projects as Kano has 799 completed projects and 709 projects at various stages of completion. It is encouraging to see that Governor Yusuf is executing over 1,508 developmental projects across all 44 LGAs.”

What keeps hope and commitment alive are the transparent monitoring, evaluation and effective payment to contractors. Of which out of N928 Billion of the total contract sum, the state has already paid over N600 Billion, that’s 64.7% payment rate.
Unlike in many states in Nigeria and West Africa. The association believes that Kano institutionalized transparency through the Ministry of Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation.

The screening committee appreciated Kano’s strategic and balanced infrastructure spread, between urban and rural areas plus improved security. For urban renewal it has the sum of N169 Billion. While there are 5km roads in 38 LGAs with the sum of N118 Billion. They appreciated the rural infrastructure across 44 LGAs with the sum of N397 Billion for roads, education, healthcare, and social services.

While under security infrastructure the total sum of N6.863 Billion for Neighborhood Security Watch offices in 36 LGAs. This assured deliberate, balanced development with value for money, quality delivery, and measurable impact on the lives of the people. All courtesy Governor Yusuf.

It serves also as indices of how Governor Yusuf makes the list for such Award, that his infrastructures are signals for the delivery of landmark, human-centered projects as Kano completed tangible projects that directly improve lives of the citizenry, with 40 metropolitan roads, 44 PHCs, 120 schools, 5 water plants, with the ongoing Dan Agundi and Tal’udu flyovers at over 80% completion.

It has also been discovered that, Kano enjoys proven technical leadership and political will. Which glaringly displays the political will and technical competence required to drive massive infrastructure without corruption or delays. This is part of the major engagements being identified, which eventually resulted into the popular Sankofa Award of Excellence.

Anwar writes from Kano
Saturday, 25th July, 2026

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Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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