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Rebuilding the intellectual community on the continent’-Zubair A Zubair

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Zubair A Zubair

 

Zubair A Zubair

Neo-liberalism has devastated African universities, turning them from vibrant centres of new thinking and academic comradeship into factories churning out marketable academic products and “saleable” students, according to leading Tanzanian scholar-activist Issa Shivji.

African scholars have become mere data “hunter-gatherers” instead of producers of theory; while the nascent radical intellectual community that emerged on the continent in the wake of independence has been decimated, says Shivji, who occupies the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Research Chair in Pan-African Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam.

In the meantime, the Global North has retained control over the upper reaches of knowledge production since the 1970s, when higher education on the continent was devalorised and starved of public resources as African governments embraced neo-liberal prescriptions and austerity programmes.

“The very idea of the university was undermined,” says Shivji.

“The World Bank and its associates said that Africa did not need thinkers; rather, it needed only implementers of policies,” he says. “The ‘luxury’ of theorising could be left to the developed North, which would do the thinking, while Africa did the acting.”

Under the “long shadow” of neoliberalism, he says, “the market determined the form, content and depth [of] courses. Theory was eschewed; and action and a skills-oriented approach were privileged.”

“Instead of being centres of thinking and basic research, African universities were turned into sort of factories, with the academics being told to package and brand their products, including the students, to make them ‘saleable’.”

One consequence has been a devaluation of the quest for original knowledge on the continent and, in particular, theory, which Shivji views as the “highest form of knowledge”.

Quality of African scholarship has deteriorated

The trend has been made manifest, he says, in a number of ways: the content of PhDs has become increasingly descriptive rather than theoretical; the academic vocation to produce new knowledge has been undermined by scholars’ increasing dependence on consultancy work; university courses have become vocationalised, with increasing numbers of “executive evening courses” being taught; the younger generation of academics unquestioningly imbibe intellectual fads with little regard for existing scholarship; and the task of mentoring young faculty is undertaken by visiting scholars on a jaunt.

Shivji identifies a lack of seriousness among “today’s neo-liberal generation of young faculty members who neither care about nor have any sense of the traditions of their own alma mater”.

In particular, he notes that young African academics educated “outside”, in the North, tend to return as adherents of new intellectual fashions: “It is as if they want to re-invent the wheel and start all over again.”

Meanwhile, as the quality of the African scholarship on offer has deteriorated, international financial institutions have “jumped on the bandwagon”, providing funding for foreign scholars to come from the North with the goal of upgrading local scholarly standards, according to Shivji.

“These visiting academics … come for a few weeks or a couple of months; rush through a couple of courses; take time off to visit local tourist resorts; and off they go, leaving behind no sense of academic collegiality and camaraderie, which should be the stuff of university life,” he says.

However, “this is not what universities were meant to be”, he argues.

‘A site for thinking’

“Neo-liberalisation, in my view, devastated the fundamental rationale of a university just as it devastated the social fabric in Africa. The very idea of the university was undermined.”

Shivji describes his idea of the university as “rather orthodox”.

“I think a university is a site for thinking, a site for the production of knowledge, and, of course, a site where ideas clash and knowledge is developed.”

“The idea of the university should be of a kind of comradeship which is established among the faculty but also between the students and the whole academic community. The aim is not simply to produce people with certificates but rather to cultivate deep scholarship and, if possible, some societal commitment.”

In pursuit of this goal, Shivji advocates a pan-African approach under which academics across the continent collaborate to rejuvenate the African intellectual community and seek to produce a new breed of ideas.

He notes the scale of the rejuvenation effort given that “a whole generation of deep, committed scholarship” was lost under the neo-liberalisation of universities from the late 1970s.

“The few faculty members who stuck to their guns found themselves abandoned both by colleagues and students,” he notes. As a result, “the radical and nationalist faculty staff failed to reproduce itself”.

“What remained was not an intellectual community propounding, advocating and debating the idea of the university and its ethos, but only a few individuals,” he says.

A need for collective purpose

In this context, Shivji advocates for a restoration of comradeship and a sense of collective purpose among academics in order to help rebuild the intellectual community on the continent.

“Such work can only be a collective effort, not an individual task,” he explains.

“Although individuals may manage to spark debates, they cannot easily sustain them. They soon get demoralised for lack of support; and there is always a limit to how much an individual can withstand in terms of derision and ridicule from an ignorant young faculty and a hostile university administration.”

Shivji also envisages the university’s restoration as a pan-African project although, at the same time, he stresses that national governments “must be persuaded that [higher] education is a priority on the basis that, like health, it is a strategic productive sector rather than just a service sector”.

Shivji’s argument for a continent-wide pan-African approach is based on what he terms “the fragility of the idea of nationalism based on the nation-state” and separate territorial domains; and also on what he views as the strength of regionalism in the African context.

“Unlike in other continents, regionalism in Africa – that is, pan-Africanism – gave birth to territorial nationalism, not the other way around,” he says.

Accordingly, he proposes that the effort to reclaim the idea of the university and build an African intellectual community “should take place as a pan-African endeavour at the continental level”.

Reclaim the ability to theorise

Adopting such an approach, Shivji contends, the present nature of African knowledge production can be transformed and African academia can reclaim its credibility and capacity to theorise.

“I think a new breed of ideas is required, which depends on many discussions, and debates being held at every opportunity … among African intellectuals.

“So, there is a need to engage in a double process: the process of building a pan-African intellectual community; and the process of raising these important questions.”

Shivji cites the collegial nature of the former University of East Africa, which had campuses in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, as an example of the kind of pan-African collaboration that could be fostered.

“There were annual meetings bringing together the subject teachers from the different disciplines at the three sister colleges [in Dar es Salaam, Kampala and Nairobi]. Views were exchanged on the content of the courses; on the work being undertaken; on the pedagogy, and so on,” he recalls.

“These discussions were very fruitful, indicating how the task of changing orientation cannot be an individual endeavour; if it is to be effective, it must always be a collective enterprise.”

Shivji contrasts this collaboration with the present academic climate, in which, for example, “few intellectuals in universities in other African countries know about or keep track of the debates taking place in South Africa”, and vice versa.

However, such is the kind of pan-African interaction that he would like to see as “a starting point” for the restoration of African academic endeavour, although he emphasises that this “cannot be left to happen spontaneously”.

“It should be undertaken in a conscious and conscientious way.”

This is imperative, says Shivji, particularly since “the continent cannot continue to depend on the North to revive its universities”.

“The North is not interested and understandably so. Higher education has become a major export for some countries in the North. Why, then, should they invest in reviving African universities?”

From a practical point of view, Shivji advises that South Africa, which became a destination for many academics leaving other African countries as their universities were starved of resources, has the potential to provide the leadership required to rebuild the African intellectual community.

“I would hope that greater energy and thinking in the South African academy may be directed at supporting and building relations with universities in other African countries, not in a predatory fashion but in the spirit of genuine pan-African collegiality,” he says.

“In this regard, the South African academy should plug into African debates, and not be constantly overawed by European debates.”

This article is based on an interview conducted by Professor Crain Soudien for ‘The Imprint of Education’ project, which is being implemented by the Human Sciences Research Council, South Africa, in partnership with the Mastercard Foundation. This project, which includes a series of critical engagements with experienced scholars and thought leaders on their reimaginings of higher education in Africa, investigates current and future challenges facing the sector, including best practices and innovations. Mark Paterson and Thierry M Luescher edited the transcript for focus and length.

Copyright © 2022 Zubair A Zubair and University World News”

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Opinion

Maryam Abacha:A Mixture Of A Mother And A Motherlode

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By Bala Ibrahim.

As the world commiserates the demise of Pope Francis, the leader of the Roman Catholic Church, who died at 88, the need has arisen, for us to revisit our conscience, by touching on the kindness of God. Nature is kind, very kind indeed, and it has demonstrated this benevolence in many ways, including the creation of queens with quick quirk and quintessential qualities. Also, in God’s limitless love for humanity, he built in some people, a combination of certain qualities, that cover colour, character and features or form, that give a pleasing sense of aesthetic sight. You may call it beauty. A beauty that resonates on the surface, to the applaud and appreciation of all, including those that may not necessarily believe in God. On the inside also, he gives some the comport of compassion, concern or care for others, in ways that conform with the commendable code of conduct. You may also call it spiritual beauty, which essentially means the internal radiance and character that transcends physical appearance. Internal beauty reflects the connection or association with virtue, inner goodness, and divine dedication. Such merger or mixture of beauty, (the outer and the inner), are rare and immeasurable for us as mortals. It touches on the individual’s sense of feelings and emotions, as well as his or her propensity to get or give joy and kindness. People that are fortunate with such endowment, always take delight whenever possible, to alleviate the suffering of others. And I make bold to say that nature has been particularly kind to Hajiya Maryam Abacha, by making her our mother and a motherlode, with internal and external beauty that radiate repeatedly.

According to Helen of Troy, the renowned most beautiful woman in Greek mythology, the only lasting beauty is the beauty of the heart. This is so because beauty, particularly the inner beauty, encapsulates the idea that kindness, compassion, and integrity, are far more enduring and valuable than outward appearance. These qualities, which mother Maryam has in abundance, highlight the power of inner strength and beauty as a source of lasting attractiveness and the influence to better the lives of others. Yes, outer beauty attracts, but inner beauty captivates. Outer beauty pleases the eye, but inner beauty captivates the heart. Mother Maryam’s inner beauty has been the driver for her ardent desire to render self-less service to humanity. She is always in a hurry to help.

Mother Maryam’s history cannot be written without reference to the role she played in the development of the Jam’iyyar Matan Arewa (a Northern Women NGO) which resulted, among other projects, in the building of an Orphanage/Nursery School in Kaduna in 1973. Equally, Maryam Abacha, along with the wives of other senior military officers, helped in the re-activation of the moribund Army Officers’ Wives Association (NAOWA) and emerged as its 12th National President from 1985-1990. As First Lady, when her husband, late Gen. Sani Abacha was Head of state, Her Excellency, Mrs. Maryam Abacha, initiated the Family Support Programme (FSP), which focused on the family as a nucleus of social growth and development. The program focused on Health, Education, Agriculture, Income Generation, Disability, and Destitution among others. With that, she gave priority to public enlightenment and stimulated Government’s interest in the various FSP Action Areas, through the sponsorships of seminars and workshops on health; HIV/AIDS; Domestic violence; Disability; Destitution and Street Begging; Culture and Tradition as they relate to the sustenance of interest in traditional music.

Pursuant to the successes recorded in these endeavours, First Lady Maryam, persuaded the Federal Government to establish the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development in January 1995. The Federal Ministry is the focal point for articulating development issues that affect women and children in Nigeria. It is in this context that she led the Nigerian delegation to the 5th African Regional Conference on Women, held in Dakar in 1994, and to the 4th World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, China in 1995. At the Beijing Conference, mother Maryam Abacha, was appointed as one of the conference Vice Presidents by the UN. Also, because of her appeal for global peace, in her address at the conference, she was appointed as the leader of the Africa First Ladies Peace Mission Committee by the African First Ladies Committee on Peace. As part of her renewed efforts to improve the quality of life for Nigerian Families, and in consonance with Nigeria’s Vision 2020 program of development, mother Maryam launched the socio-economic aspects of the FSP called, Family Economic Advancement Programme (FEAP) on 3rd March 1997. The program was designed to empower all families who constitute the local producers of goods, services, and potential entrepreneurs in the area of establishment of cottage industries.

9Maryam Abacha founded the National Hospital Abuja (originally known as the National Hospital For Women And Children) and established the African First Ladies Peace Mission. In recognition of her consistent and dedicated humanitarian services, Maryam Abacha received numerous merit awards from numerous organizations, locally and internationally.

Mother Maryam resides in Kano, Kano state, Nigeria. Apart from being the foster mother of the nation, she is the biological mother of three daughters and seven sons.

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Why Governor Abba Yusuf deserves more recognitions for leadership resilience

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National Forum of Kano Indigene Lawyers has canvassed for additional profound decorations of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, in recognition of his leadership style that resonate resilience and dedication to quality governance.

Satisfied with the unwavering commitment and doggedness of the state government, towards transformative administration, the group affirmed that Governor Yusuf stands out in the crowd.

The forum rejoiced over recent flurry of encomiums on Governor Yusuf over series of awards from reputable corporate organizations, who accorded him the honors for his meaningfully impact on the socio-economic well being of Kano citizens.

However, the group, in a statement by it’s national coordinator posited that Governor Yusuf deserves more recognition for demonstrating exceptional disposition during the tense situations that played out around Sallah festivities in Kano.

The group said when the plot to take advantage of recent Sallah Durbar tussle to unleash provocation, and subsequently declare state of emergency, Governor Yusuf was never saturated with overwhelming endurance and resilience, which eventually triumphed over the evil plot.

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He said for that alone, Governor Yusuf deserves another gold medal for exhibiting high level of wisdom and emotional resilience, which enabled him to overcome the tribulation.

“It was a week of glamour for Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf whose unwavering dedication to human and social economic development in Kano state were noticed and rewarded by array of meritorious awards.

“From Leadership newspapers, Abuja; Vanguard newspapers, Lagos and African Heritage Concept, Marrakech in Morocco, Governor Yusuf received distinguished accolades and applause for redefining governance in Kano.

“The shinning week began on Tuesday 9th, April, with the prestigious Leadership Governor of the Year 2024 named after Governor Yusuf in recognition of his outstanding contributions to education sector in Kano.

“No doubt, the leadership award was a validation of Governor Yusuf’s bold reforms in education and repositioning of the sector after years of neglect by the immediate past administration.

“Besides, Governor Yusuf was particularly commended by the Leadership newspaper for going extra miles with allocation of 31% of the state’s annual budget to education, surpassing the UNESCO benchmark”.

The statement further reads : “The celebration of the peoples Governor returned to Eko Hotel, Victoria Island, Lagos, where Yusuf earned another encomium as Governor of the year 2024 “Good Governance” category on the stable of Vanguard Newspapers.

“In Lagos, the man of the moment was recognized for his administration’s transformative achievements in the education and healthcare sectors.

” 24 hours later, the out pour of admiration moved to the city of Marrakesh, Morocco, where African Heritage Concept Magazine bestowed Governor Yusuf with another honor where distinguished African leaders and policy influencers were celebrated.

“Yusuf, was recognized on the continental stage with the prestigious African Good Governance Award 2025, in honour of his visionary leadership and commitment to people-centered governance and excellence in leadership, and public service.

” More over, we are of the firm conviction that Governor Yusuf deserves another award of excellence for distinctive emotional intelligence and purposeful leadership he displayed at the heat of Eid-il-Fitr Sallah Festivities in the state.

” When it was evident the plot to take advantage of Sallah Durbar around the prolong emirship, tussle to unleash violent provocation in Kano. It was a well calculated plot to give undue opportunity to declare state of emergency. Yet, Governor Yusuf was never saturated with overwhelming endurance and resilience which eventually overwhelmed the evil plan”.

Usman Imam Tudun Wizirchi Esq
Chairman

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Inside My Conversation With A Kwankwasiyya Disciple -Hamisu Hadejia

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Last week, I rang my friend who is a Kano-based Kwankwasiyya disciple to know more about the rumour I heard about RMK joining APC. Though not in the inner sanctum of the Kwankwasiyya Movement himself, I knew my friend would know something I didn’t.

I rang because I could not, on my own, see any sincere, Talakawa-centric, Arewa-benefitting or pan-Nigerian justification for Madugu to make such a move.

For I know, at the popular level, which is what matter most to me, it is indisputable that all PBAT’s neoliberal, IMF-inspired economic policies have succeeded in are plunging the poor and middle class deeper and deeper into unprecedented hunger and poverty—so Kwankwaso’s justification cannot be framed as pro-poor or Talakwa-centric.

At the regional level, everyone knows that after Arewa contributed at least 60% of the votes that brought him to power, PBAT has turned around to not only bite the fingers that fed him but also actually cut off those fingers in a manner that defies all logic, commonsense, and rationality— so Kwankwaso’s justification can neither be generally framed as Arewa-centric nor particularly pro-Kano.

My contact (who I am sure will read this) minced no word in confirming to me that yes the rumour I had heard wasn’t groundless before going further to educate me about Kwankwaso’s or Kwankwasiyya’s calculations (aka justifications) for such a consideration (if not a decison).

“Hamisu, I have no doubt about the sincerity of your interventions which I’ve been following closely, however, I’ll tell you this: while ordinary folks like you and I have our eyes on 2027, politicians like Kwankwaso and others have their eyes on 2031”, he kicked off as I listened with rapt attention.

“Kwankwaso”, he argues, “sees this moment as the opportunity to build the bridges which he would require to actualise his presidential ambition in 2031.” Put in simpler terms, Kwankwaso wants to help PBAT today in anticipation of PBAT paying him back tomorrow in 2031 “ when it will be the north’s turn” to produce Nigeria’s president.

“By hook or by crook,” he added, “Tinubu will bring himself back to power in 2031”. This, according to him, is the reality that Kwankwaso sees and wants to tailor his moves to fit in.

Unable to challenge my friend’s analysis of the Realpolitik behind RMK’s imminent political moves, I now asked about where the poor and Arewa stand in all of this. Here my friend bursts out laughing hilariously before bringing the example back home to me:

“Hamisu, Aminu Ringim (NNPP’s 2023 guber candidate in Jigawa) with his red cap went up and down towns and villages in Jigawa pulling impressive crowds across the state. But what did we end up with? Just one state House of Assembly member!”.

“The reality is,” he continued, “in today’s Nigeria, a politician needs that elite connection to actualise his ambitions. Look at Buhari as an example.”

So I was thoroughly lectured by Sidi.

My take from the chat is: While RMK is grass-rooted and genuinely cares for the poor as seen in many of his pro-poor initiatives, he seems to have now—for public good or ill—found out that there is a point up to which Takawa’s love and support can take a politician. Beyond this point, what matters most significantly, RMK appears to have now discovered, is intra and inter elite alliances. Call it the eliticization of Kwankwaso. Call it Realpolitik. Call it what you may!

Later I thought about other people such as the current NSA who also allegedly has ambitions for the presidency and is no doubt a close PBAT’s ally. What of Nasir Ahmad El Rufa’i’ and his hitherto cosy relationship with PBAT and how it all ended up in tears and regrets. Isn’t RMK taking the risks of squandering his goodwill to join a bandwagon under which he might be thrown the El-Rufai style?

Hamisu Hadejia Wrote From London

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