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Ganduje, CPC’s Defection Threat and APC’s Hegemony

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By Abba Anwar

In the last two days ears of Nigerians were filled with stories, rumors and baseless threat about a surreptitious move by the so-called juggernauts of the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC), to defect from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Their major reason for the planless plan, is, CPC people are more or less excluded in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

Some reports presented in the media, suggest that, “… emerging reports suggest that President Bola Tinubu’s camp is making desperate moves to prevent the defection of key members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), particularly those from the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).”

When one looks into all such reports very well, he/she will understand that, the entire complain stem from the shoulders of so-called CPC members.

To refer my reader back to memory lane, CPC was one of the political parties that were fused together to have, what we now know as APC. Other parties were, fraction of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), All Congress of Nigeria (ACN). And probably other smaller parties, ‘yan kanzagi.

Among all the parties that merged and birthed APC, it was only CPC that had bad leadership style. Where preventable crisis, inept leadership and directionless political strategy were the order within the rank and file of the party, then. The party (CPC) was only together because of the then goodwill and hope (dashed later) of Muhammadu Buhari’s political inclusion.

Such reports making round posit that, “… Al-Makura (former Governor of Nassarawa state and the only Governor CPC produced in Nigeria), is reportedly being offered a possible APC National Chairmanship in exchange for convincing Buhari to intervene and rally his loyalists (to remain in APC).” Such reports describe Al-Makura as a close political ally of the former President, Buhari.

Let me begin with asking the following questions for the so-called CPC advocates, what strength CPC still has within APC when die-hard Buhari loyalists were deliberately and comfortably rejected by Buhari administration when he ruled for eight years? What CPC did to people like the party’s gubernatorial flagbearer in 2011 in Kano, retired Brigadier General Lawan Jafaru Isah and his likes?

Please let us know what CPC did to all other gubernatorial and Deputy Governorship candidates during 2011, when Buhari assumed the mantle of leadership in eight years of his rule? What CPC did to the grassroot and absolutely die-hard Buhari loyalists, to a fault, like one Malam Usman Muhammad Gama from Kano?

When merging parties were collapsed into merger, CPC collapsed and melted down completely into the merger. All hitherto CPC structures were made left unnoticed even by Buhari administration. Where were the leading party (CPC) leaders in states when Buhari was President? They were all pushed back, by the administration of the then “Messiah.”

The pioneer National Chairman of CPC and the then Kano state Chairman of the party, Senator Rufa’i Sani Hanga and late Amadu Haruna Zago, defected to New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Kwankwasiyya political group, to be precise. Big shots like Hajiya Naja’atu Mohammed, who coined and popularized ANPP SAK (ANPP AT ALL STAGES), a slogan that gave ANPP many governors in Nigeria, when Buhari was the presidential candidate of the party, was nowhere close to Buhari. That was in 2003 general elections, when ANPP wrestled powers of some states from the “Almighty” PDP then.

What of people like Sule Yahaya Hamma, the then Director General of The Buhari Organization (TBO), the first and the foremost platform that oiled Buhari’s presence in Nigeria’s party politics? Where was he when Buhari was President for eight years? Nowhere!

At the level of CPC youth involvement, I still remember very energetic and vibrant youth, like Abubakar General in Kano. Buhari called him Civilian General. He was in the forefront in taking Buhari to places, for example, he singlehandedly, many years back when he took Buhari to the Old Campus of Bayero University, Kano, for students to hear from the horse’s mouth. But what was his involvement in Buhari’s government? After many years in government, Buhari appointed him to be a member of the Governing Board of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).

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Where were people like Sharif Nasdura Ashir when Buhari was in power for eight years? I knew him garnering support from students across all 19 Northern states, since 2003, Buhari’s first debut into politics. Where were people like Buhari, former Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Katsina state when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy took the risk of going round to all the 36 states of the federation, in Buhari’s entourage, with his camera, covering all campaign tours, in 2003 elections, while at the same time, he was a civil servant under PDP government.

Where was the now Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) Ali M. Ali, when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy was deeply involved in media strategies for Buhari since from day one. It was only during Tinubu administration, that he got his current appointment, MD NAN. So what are talking about saboda Allah?

So when the so-called CPC members are crying for non-inclusion into Tinubu’s government, they are indeed crying foul. And he learned from Buhari himself. If they think Tinubu betrayed them, who betrayed them first and best? So what are they taking about?

When did people like Al-Makura become Buhari’s close ally in politics? What is the political weight of those being pictured within CPC circle as those planning to exit from APC? What political strategy do people think CPC has as a party? A party that wasted time and hid behind Buhari’s popularity then. A popularity that is trimmed down to more than 50 percent now.

It is even a political disaster for any administration or serious party of good management style, to align with CPC now, particularly in Northern Nigeria.

Northerners are still not happy that, in his eight years of rule, Buhari, couldn’t finish the express way from Kano to Kaduna to Abuja, from Kano to Maiduguri and he could not start and complete the dredging of River Niger. Not to talk of other critical areas like Ajaokuta Steel project and Mambila Power Plant. Apart from his economic policies that suffocated the downtrodden masses.

The greatest political problem President Tinubu is faced with, in my understanding of political development, is his inability to critically understand the equation of politics in Northern Nigeria. Agreed Tinubu is a great politician of substance, but part of his major weaknesses, is his hazy understanding of political intrigues up North.

I can pinpoint few individuals within APC that are heavier, more relevant and important than all CPC structures within the larger body of the APC merger. In Kano alone, not to talk of other strategic states and locations.

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa, former House Majority Leader, House of Representatives, Hon Abubakar Bichi, Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, representating Bichi federal constituency, Hon Baffa Babba Dan Agundi, Director General, National Productivity Centre, among many others, that are within government circle.

Outside government circle when you talk of people like former Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for 2023 election, in Kano, His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, is enough, people much closer to grassroot /real voters. In his calculation he doesn’t even see the existence of CPC within APC.

What of people like Distinguished Senator who represented Kano Central, Muhammad Bello, who was one time Kano State Chairman of the then ruling ANPP. He was instrumental in many good things Shekarau administration did to Buhari during the first tenure of Malam Shekarau. Where was he during Buhari administration?

As the National Chairman of APC and Distinguished Barau are running helter skelter to woo other well rooted politicians in Kano, to APC, people like Distinguished Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila, Senator representating Kano South, Hon Kabiru Alasan Rurum, representing Rano/Bunkure/Kibiya federal constituency, Hon Ali Madakin Gini, representing Dala federal constituency and Hon Abdullahi Sani Rogo, representing Rogo/Karaye federal constituency, CPC’s presence and capacity in the merger, if any, are too weak to be visible.

Let me ask again, who are the real and committed CPC people across the country that were very visible in Buhari administration? I mean real Buhari people, who were with him even before the formation of that weakest political party, the CPC.

To me, Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau’s political base, you either call it Shoorah or Shekariyya or Sardauniyya, or any other name, is much more organized, more focused, more serious, more disciplined, more engaging than CPC. No doubt about this.

Outside Kano, let me touch Tinubu’s National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu. This is a single person whose presence in Tinubu administration is much more important and relevant than all CPC structures put together, within APC, if there are.

Go to his constituency and see how he is impacting into the lives of his people. His political associates and boys, if you like, are having clear sight and focus under Tinubu administration. Unlike many CPC members, who were abandoned and frustrated when Buhari became President, 2015 to 2023.

To cap it all, Ganduje and Al-Makura are not mates in politics. Not at all! Those thinking Al-Makura can become National Chairman, they are doing that to purposely sink the party under a ditchy ocean filled with hungry sharks. At this point, APC needs people with deep sense of people’s political understanding, strategists, high level lobbyists, experienced politicians, enduring and detribalised leaders of substance. Ganduje encapsulates them all.

So all cards and the table are before President Tinubu. But I still maintain my observation, that, President Tinubu does not clearly understand how politics is played in Northern Nigeria. The survival of APC, is in his hand, to make or mar.

Anwar was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje CON and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
April 15, 2025.

Opinion

Allocations Triple, Yet Hardship Deepens Across Nigeria

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Despite a dramatic increase in federal allocations to states and local governments in recent years, millions of Nigerians continue to grapple with worsening poverty, inflation and a declining standard of living.

Across markets, offices, motor parks and homes, many citizens say the rising government revenues have done little to improve their daily realities. While states now receive significantly higher allocations through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), families are struggling to afford food, transportation, housing and healthcare.

The growing concern has raised questions about how public funds are being managed and whether the benefits of economic reforms are reaching ordinary Nigerians.

The Rise In FAAC Allocations

Over the years, allocations from the Federation Account have steadily increased. In May 2022, FAAC shared N680.78 billion among the three tiers of government, representing a 6.94 per cent increase over the previous month. By July 2022, the amount had risen to N954.1 billion, while N990.19 billion was shared in December 2022.

The trend continued after the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira in May 2023. According to available data, the 36 states collectively received N3.35 trillion in 2022. By 2025, that figure had increased to N8.19 trillion, nearly tripling within three years.

Several states recorded substantial increases:

– Kano State: N99.31 billion in 2022 to N279.69 billion in 2025-

– Lagos State: N161.29 billion to N531.51 billion

– Taraba State: N51.74 billion to N157.56 billion

– Zamfara State: N56.62 billion to N167.20 billion

– Kogi State: N60.78 billion to N176.24 billion

– Akwa Ibom State: N314.18 billion to N497.98 billion

In March 2026 alone, FAAC distributed N2.04 trillion among the federal, state and local governments, reflecting a further increase in government revenue.

Analysts attribute the growth to tax reforms, improved revenue collection by agencies such as the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), higher crude oil earnings and policy changes directing more revenue into the Federation Account.

A Different Reality for Nigerians

While government revenues continue to rise, many Nigerians say their living conditions are moving in the opposite direction.

In Kano, civil servant Musa Abdullahi says his monthly salary can no longer sustain his family.

“Food prices have doubled. We hear that allocations are increasing, but we are not seeing the impact in our daily lives,” he said.

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For traders, the story is much the same. Zainab Sani, a petty trader, said customers now buy less because household incomes have been stretched beyond their limits.

In Lagos, many families have been forced to make difficult adjustments. Dayo Oluwa, a resident, explained that items such as meat and fish have become luxury goods in many homes.

“Before, N2,000 could cook a decent pot of stew. Today, even N5,000 may not be enough,” she said.

Workers say transportation costs have also become unbearable. Some civil servants now limit their movement or seek additional jobs just to meet their basic needs.

In Kogi State, several workers have reportedly taken up commercial transportation, farming and small-scale businesses to supplement their incomes. Similar stories have emerged from Taraba, Zamfara and Akwa Ibom states, where residents describe an economy that continues to squeeze the average citizen.

Poverty Amid Rising Revenue

The contradiction between increasing government revenue and growing hardship has become one of Nigeria’s most pressing economic concerns.

According to the World Bank, about 140 million Nigerians were living in poverty by 2025, representing approximately 63 per cent of the population. Earlier reports by the National Bureau of Statistics also showed that millions of Nigerians lacked adequate access to food, healthcare and decent housing.

Economic experts argue that while subsidy removal boosted government earnings, inflation and currency depreciation have significantly weakened the purchasing power of citizens.

As prices continue to rise, salary increases and government interventions have struggled to keep pace with the cost of living.

The Accountability Question

The increase in allocations has also renewed calls for transparency and accountability.

Experts insist that the issue is no longer about whether governments have enough money, but whether those resources are being effectively utilised.

Development economists have repeatedly argued that increased revenue should result in better roads, improved healthcare services, stronger educational systems, job creation and targeted support for vulnerable populations.

Civil society groups have also urged citizens to take a greater interest in how public funds are spent. They argue that taxpayers have a right to know how government revenues are allocated and utilised.

The editorial position expressed by several policy analysts is clear: rising allocations should not merely exist as figures on paper; they should translate into measurable improvements in people’s lives.

Beyond the Numbers

The growing FAAC allocations represent a positive development for Nigeria’s public finances. They demonstrate that revenue generation has improved and that the country is gradually diversifying beyond its traditional dependence on oil earnings.

However, for millions of Nigerians struggling to afford daily necessities, the true measure of success is not how much money enters government accounts, but how effectively those funds improve the quality of life of citizens.

As governments continue to receive larger allocations, expectations will continue to rise. Nigerians increasingly want evidence that public resources are being invested in meaningful development, economic opportunities and social welfare.

Until the benefits of rising revenues are reflected in households, communities and businesses across the country, many citizens will continue to ask the same question: if government allocations are increasing, why is life becoming more difficult?

Written By: Mfe Mesuur Perpetual (Abuja),
200 level student of Development and strategic communication, University of Abuja.

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Opinion

What Saheeba Taught Me About Waiting for Love

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By Auwal Sani

Stories have a curious way of finding the places we pretend no longer exist. A few nights ago, I settled in to watch Saheeba, the ongoing Hausa mini series that has quietly earned a place in the hearts of many viewers. I expected to follow the lives of its characters. Instead, somewhere between the pauses, the longing, and the things left unsaid, I found myself confronting a story I have been carrying since 2018. By the time the episode ended, I was no longer thinking about the people on my screen. I was thinking about the quiet spaces within me.

I have always loved love stories. Not because they always end happily, as many of them do not, but because they reveal something profound about the human heart. It is perhaps the only part of us that refuses to become entirely logical. It believes after disappointment, hopes after silence, and waits even when waiting appears unreasonable. Love stories remind us that the heart possesses a resilience that the mind often struggles to understand.

There is a kind of loneliness that rarely announces itself. It is not the loneliness of being surrounded by no one. Rather, it is the loneliness of having family, friends, meaningful work, and personal achievements, yet still sensing that one important space remains unoccupied. It quietly accompanies you to weddings, birthdays, and ordinary evenings. It reminds you that some places within us cannot be filled by ambition, success, or the passage of time.

That has been my reality since 2018.

People often say that time heals all wounds. I have come to believe otherwise. Time, by itself, does not heal. It simply teaches us how to carry what has not healed. Over the years, I have questioned myself more than I have questioned fate. Perhaps my expectations of love are unrealistic. Perhaps I desire too much in a generation that seems increasingly comfortable with temporary connections and convenient relationships. Or perhaps I simply long for a kind of love that still believes commitment is worth choosing every single day.

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What I know with certainty is that love has always been my greatest vulnerability. I have never learned the mathematics of guarded affection. I do not know how to give ten percent when my heart insists on giving everything. It has always seemed ironic to me that we encourage people to pursue their dreams without reservation, yet advise them to ration kindness, vulnerability, and love. More than once, I have discovered that not every heart knows what to do with genuine affection. Some admire it, some misunderstand it, and others receive it without ever intending to give anything in return.

Perhaps that is why love remains such a mystery. We write poems about it, compose songs because of it, and build entire futures around the hope of finding it. Yet no definition has ever been large enough to contain all that it is. Those who understand love most deeply are not always those who found it. Sometimes, they are those who have lived through its absence. They know what it means to smile while carrying invisible disappointments, and they understand that loneliness is not merely the absence of people, but the absence of the one person with whom silence would have been enough.

Watching Saheeba reminded me that love is rarely sustained by grand declarations or dramatic sacrifices alone. More often, it survives through patience, consistency, understanding, and the quiet decision to keep choosing someone even after the excitement has faded. The series is still unfolding, and perhaps that is why it resonates so deeply with me. Like life itself, its ending has not yet been written. Every episode quietly reminds us that uncertainty is part of every meaningful journey.

The human heart has an astonishing ability to survive what should have broken it. It remembers tenderness after betrayal, imagines tomorrow after years of unanswered prayers, and continues to believe long after experience suggests it should stop. There was a time when I considered hardening my heart because it seemed safer. After all, disappointment cannot wound a heart that no longer expects anything. But I eventually realised that the opposite of heartbreak is not peace. It is indifference. And indifference is far more frightening because it asks us to stop feeling altogether. I would rather carry hope than become indifferent.

Perhaps that is the greatest lesson Saheeba has offered me. Not that love is guaranteed, or that every story reaches the ending we imagine, but that there is quiet courage in remaining emotionally available despite life’s disappointments. To continue believing after years of waiting is its own form of resilience. Hope is not weakness. It is evidence that the heart has refused to surrender.

So I still love love stories. Not because they promise happy endings, but because they remind me that every ending is also the possibility of another beginning. They remind me that hope is never foolish, and that the heart’s willingness to believe again is one of the quiet miracles of being human.

Perhaps the greatest miracle is not finding love. Perhaps it is refusing to let disappointment convince us that love is no longer worth finding. And maybe, just maybe, the most beautiful chapter of my own story has not been written yet.

Auwal Sani is a Lecturer in the Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja. He writes on communication, society, culture, and the quiet experiences that shape everyday life.

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Opinion

From JAPA To Libya:Why Africa’s Youth Are Still Falling Into The Human Trafficking Trap

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By IFEANYICHUKWU PRECIOUS KANU

When news emerged in April 2025 that dozens of migrants had died while attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea from Libya to Europe, the reactions were predictable. Social media erupted with outrage, international organisations renewed warnings about irregular migration, and governments promised to intensify efforts against human trafficking and migrant smuggling. Yet, after the headlines faded, the dangerous journeys continued.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 2,300 migrants died or went missing on Mediterranean migration routes in 2024, making it one of the world’s deadliest migration corridors. Thousands of these migrants originated from African countries, including Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal and Eritrea.

This raises an important question: Why do young Africans continue to risk everything despite knowing the dangers?

The answer goes beyond the activities of traffickers. It lies in the widening gap between the aspirations of Africa’s growing youth population and the economic realities they face at home.

In Nigeria, the phenomenon popularly known as “Japa” has evolved from a slang expression into a national conversation. What initially described the migration of highly skilled professionals has become a broader aspiration among students, graduates and young entrepreneurs seeking economic security abroad.

The numbers reflect this trend. Data from the estimates that over 16,000 Nigerian doctors have left the country in the last decade, while the reported issuing more than 15,000 verification certificates in 2023 alone to nurses seeking employment abroad. These figures illustrate a sustained migration of skilled professionals.

Economic conditions help explain this movement. High youth unemployment, persistent inflation, rising living costs and insecurity have made stable livelihoods increasingly difficult. Many graduates spend years searching for employment, while small businesses struggle with rising operating costs and unreliable infrastructure.

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At the same time, success stories from abroad dominate conversations. Families celebrate relatives who send money home from Canada, friends post milestones achieved in the United Kingdom, and classmates announce permanent residency in Germany. Such stories spread rapidly through social media, while accounts of exploitation, detention and death receive far less sustained attention.

This information imbalance creates fertile ground for traffickers.

Nigeria’s foremost anti-trafficking agency, the (NAPTIP), has documented numerous cases involving victims lured with false promises of employment, education and better living conditions overseas. Although states such as Edo have witnessed progress through stronger enforcement and awareness campaigns, trafficking networks have adapted by shifting recruitment to digital platforms. Fake recruitment agencies, fraudulent visa offers and carefully managed social media accounts now serve as powerful tools of deception.

The trafficker’s greatest weapon is not violence; it is hope. Victims often believe they are pursuing legitimate opportunities until they become trapped in systems of debt bondage, forced labour, sexual exploitation or extortion.

Libya remains the clearest example of this crisis. Since the collapse of state authority in 2011, the country has become a major transit point for migrants attempting to reach Europe through irregular routes. The United Nations, the International Organization for Migration, and Amnesty International have repeatedly documented abuses including arbitrary detention, torture, forced labour, sexual violence and ransom demands against migrants held by armed groups and criminal networks.

The persistence of this route demonstrates that awareness campaigns alone cannot solve the problem. Many migrants are already aware of the risks. Their decisions are shaped less by ignorance than by the belief that remaining at home offers even fewer opportunities.

For this reason, human trafficking should not be viewed solely as a criminal justice issue. Arresting traffickers and strengthening border controls remain essential, but they address only the symptoms of a much deeper problem.

Effective responses require governments to invest in labour-intensive sectors capable of creating sustainable employment, improve technical and vocational education, expand access to affordable financing for young entrepreneurs, strengthen social protection programmes and improve public confidence in governance. Equally important is expanding safe and legal migration pathways so that desperate young people are less vulnerable to traffickers who exploit irregular routes.

Ultimately, the continued movement of African youth through Libya is not merely a migration story; it is a reflection of unmet aspirations. People do not willingly cross deserts, endure detention camps and risk drowning because traffickers are persuasive. They do so because they believe that dignity, opportunity and security are more attainable elsewhere.

Until African governments create environments where young people can realistically build prosperous futures at home, trafficking networks will continue to exploit hope, and the route from West Africa through Libya to the Mediterranean will remain one of the continent’s most enduring humanitarian tragedies.

IFEANYICHUKWU PRECIOUS KANU
200 Level, Department of Development and Strategic Communication
Abuja, Nigeria

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