Connect with us

Opinion

Ganduje, CPC’s Defection Threat and APC’s Hegemony

Published

on

 

By Abba Anwar

In the last two days ears of Nigerians were filled with stories, rumors and baseless threat about a surreptitious move by the so-called juggernauts of the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC), to defect from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Their major reason for the planless plan, is, CPC people are more or less excluded in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

Some reports presented in the media, suggest that, “… emerging reports suggest that President Bola Tinubu’s camp is making desperate moves to prevent the defection of key members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), particularly those from the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).”

When one looks into all such reports very well, he/she will understand that, the entire complain stem from the shoulders of so-called CPC members.

To refer my reader back to memory lane, CPC was one of the political parties that were fused together to have, what we now know as APC. Other parties were, fraction of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), All Congress of Nigeria (ACN). And probably other smaller parties, ‘yan kanzagi.

Among all the parties that merged and birthed APC, it was only CPC that had bad leadership style. Where preventable crisis, inept leadership and directionless political strategy were the order within the rank and file of the party, then. The party (CPC) was only together because of the then goodwill and hope (dashed later) of Muhammadu Buhari’s political inclusion.

Such reports making round posit that, “… Al-Makura (former Governor of Nassarawa state and the only Governor CPC produced in Nigeria), is reportedly being offered a possible APC National Chairmanship in exchange for convincing Buhari to intervene and rally his loyalists (to remain in APC).” Such reports describe Al-Makura as a close political ally of the former President, Buhari.

Let me begin with asking the following questions for the so-called CPC advocates, what strength CPC still has within APC when die-hard Buhari loyalists were deliberately and comfortably rejected by Buhari administration when he ruled for eight years? What CPC did to people like the party’s gubernatorial flagbearer in 2011 in Kano, retired Brigadier General Lawan Jafaru Isah and his likes?

Please let us know what CPC did to all other gubernatorial and Deputy Governorship candidates during 2011, when Buhari assumed the mantle of leadership in eight years of his rule? What CPC did to the grassroot and absolutely die-hard Buhari loyalists, to a fault, like one Malam Usman Muhammad Gama from Kano?

When merging parties were collapsed into merger, CPC collapsed and melted down completely into the merger. All hitherto CPC structures were made left unnoticed even by Buhari administration. Where were the leading party (CPC) leaders in states when Buhari was President? They were all pushed back, by the administration of the then “Messiah.”

The pioneer National Chairman of CPC and the then Kano state Chairman of the party, Senator Rufa’i Sani Hanga and late Amadu Haruna Zago, defected to New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Kwankwasiyya political group, to be precise. Big shots like Hajiya Naja’atu Mohammed, who coined and popularized ANPP SAK (ANPP AT ALL STAGES), a slogan that gave ANPP many governors in Nigeria, when Buhari was the presidential candidate of the party, was nowhere close to Buhari. That was in 2003 general elections, when ANPP wrestled powers of some states from the “Almighty” PDP then.

What of people like Sule Yahaya Hamma, the then Director General of The Buhari Organization (TBO), the first and the foremost platform that oiled Buhari’s presence in Nigeria’s party politics? Where was he when Buhari was President for eight years? Nowhere!

At the level of CPC youth involvement, I still remember very energetic and vibrant youth, like Abubakar General in Kano. Buhari called him Civilian General. He was in the forefront in taking Buhari to places, for example, he singlehandedly, many years back when he took Buhari to the Old Campus of Bayero University, Kano, for students to hear from the horse’s mouth. But what was his involvement in Buhari’s government? After many years in government, Buhari appointed him to be a member of the Governing Board of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).

Advert

Where were people like Sharif Nasdura Ashir when Buhari was in power for eight years? I knew him garnering support from students across all 19 Northern states, since 2003, Buhari’s first debut into politics. Where were people like Buhari, former Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Katsina state when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy took the risk of going round to all the 36 states of the federation, in Buhari’s entourage, with his camera, covering all campaign tours, in 2003 elections, while at the same time, he was a civil servant under PDP government.

Where was the now Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) Ali M. Ali, when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy was deeply involved in media strategies for Buhari since from day one. It was only during Tinubu administration, that he got his current appointment, MD NAN. So what are talking about saboda Allah?

So when the so-called CPC members are crying for non-inclusion into Tinubu’s government, they are indeed crying foul. And he learned from Buhari himself. If they think Tinubu betrayed them, who betrayed them first and best? So what are they taking about?

When did people like Al-Makura become Buhari’s close ally in politics? What is the political weight of those being pictured within CPC circle as those planning to exit from APC? What political strategy do people think CPC has as a party? A party that wasted time and hid behind Buhari’s popularity then. A popularity that is trimmed down to more than 50 percent now.

It is even a political disaster for any administration or serious party of good management style, to align with CPC now, particularly in Northern Nigeria.

Northerners are still not happy that, in his eight years of rule, Buhari, couldn’t finish the express way from Kano to Kaduna to Abuja, from Kano to Maiduguri and he could not start and complete the dredging of River Niger. Not to talk of other critical areas like Ajaokuta Steel project and Mambila Power Plant. Apart from his economic policies that suffocated the downtrodden masses.

The greatest political problem President Tinubu is faced with, in my understanding of political development, is his inability to critically understand the equation of politics in Northern Nigeria. Agreed Tinubu is a great politician of substance, but part of his major weaknesses, is his hazy understanding of political intrigues up North.

I can pinpoint few individuals within APC that are heavier, more relevant and important than all CPC structures within the larger body of the APC merger. In Kano alone, not to talk of other strategic states and locations.

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa, former House Majority Leader, House of Representatives, Hon Abubakar Bichi, Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, representating Bichi federal constituency, Hon Baffa Babba Dan Agundi, Director General, National Productivity Centre, among many others, that are within government circle.

Outside government circle when you talk of people like former Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for 2023 election, in Kano, His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, is enough, people much closer to grassroot /real voters. In his calculation he doesn’t even see the existence of CPC within APC.

What of people like Distinguished Senator who represented Kano Central, Muhammad Bello, who was one time Kano State Chairman of the then ruling ANPP. He was instrumental in many good things Shekarau administration did to Buhari during the first tenure of Malam Shekarau. Where was he during Buhari administration?

As the National Chairman of APC and Distinguished Barau are running helter skelter to woo other well rooted politicians in Kano, to APC, people like Distinguished Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila, Senator representating Kano South, Hon Kabiru Alasan Rurum, representing Rano/Bunkure/Kibiya federal constituency, Hon Ali Madakin Gini, representing Dala federal constituency and Hon Abdullahi Sani Rogo, representing Rogo/Karaye federal constituency, CPC’s presence and capacity in the merger, if any, are too weak to be visible.

Let me ask again, who are the real and committed CPC people across the country that were very visible in Buhari administration? I mean real Buhari people, who were with him even before the formation of that weakest political party, the CPC.

To me, Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau’s political base, you either call it Shoorah or Shekariyya or Sardauniyya, or any other name, is much more organized, more focused, more serious, more disciplined, more engaging than CPC. No doubt about this.

Outside Kano, let me touch Tinubu’s National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu. This is a single person whose presence in Tinubu administration is much more important and relevant than all CPC structures put together, within APC, if there are.

Go to his constituency and see how he is impacting into the lives of his people. His political associates and boys, if you like, are having clear sight and focus under Tinubu administration. Unlike many CPC members, who were abandoned and frustrated when Buhari became President, 2015 to 2023.

To cap it all, Ganduje and Al-Makura are not mates in politics. Not at all! Those thinking Al-Makura can become National Chairman, they are doing that to purposely sink the party under a ditchy ocean filled with hungry sharks. At this point, APC needs people with deep sense of people’s political understanding, strategists, high level lobbyists, experienced politicians, enduring and detribalised leaders of substance. Ganduje encapsulates them all.

So all cards and the table are before President Tinubu. But I still maintain my observation, that, President Tinubu does not clearly understand how politics is played in Northern Nigeria. The survival of APC, is in his hand, to make or mar.

Anwar was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje CON and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
April 15, 2025.

Opinion

Between Sabotage and Scepticism: Why Nigeria’s Oil Dream Keeps Stalling

Published

on

Halima Aminu

 

By Halima Aminu

Governments do not only govern, they communicate governance. And in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the distance between what the government says it is doing and what its strategies are actually delivering has become one of the most consequential communication failures in the country’s recent economic history. Evaluating the Nigerian government’s strategies to increase oil and gas production is therefore not merely a matter of counting barrels. It is a matter of examining how those strategies are framed, how credibly they are communicated to critical stakeholders, and whether the outward narrative is supported by institutional reality on the ground.

The government’s dominant communication frame around oil and gas recovery has been one of triumphant reversal. Official figures show that national crude output, which had collapsed to dangerously low levels around 960,000 barrels per day in 2022 among the worst in Nigeria’s recent production history has climbed back to an average of approximately 1.71 million barrels per day in 2025, with peaks approaching 1.84 million barrels per day. As a communication strategy, this frame is deliberately constructed to project momentum, competence, and institutional control three attributes any government managing a resource-dependent economy urgently needs its investors and citizens to associate with its leadership.

The problem with this framing is not that the numbers are fabricated. The problem is that production recovery, presented in isolation, is a selective narrative. It tells the audience what improved without adequately explaining what remains structurally broken. Strategic communication theory draws a clear distinction between impression management projecting a preferred image and genuine credibility-building, which demands alignment between message and demonstrable reality. Nigeria’s government is currently far more invested in the former than the latter, and sophisticated investors, who are the primary audience for this messaging, are professionally trained to detect that gap.

Advert

The Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 represents the most structurally significant legislative intervention in Nigeria’s energy sector in decades, and its potential is genuine. Its gas fiscal incentives have begun attracting new production-sharing arrangements with international partners. Its Host Community Development Trust framework had channelled substantial funding into hundreds of community projects across the Niger Delta by late 2025 a structural attempt to address the root communication breakdown between oil-producing communities and the Nigerian state, rather than merely managing its symptoms.

Yet even here, the government’s communication strategy reveals a persistent weakness. Five years after the PIA’s enactment, the law has succeeded in restructuring institutional forms creating new regulatory bodies, new oversight frameworks, new corporate structures. What it has not yet succeeded in doing is restructuring institutional culture. Rules exist on paper that are not consistently enforced in practice. Transparency mechanisms are in place that are not routinely populated with verifiable data. Approval processes have been reformed structurally but remain administratively slow in execution.

Nigeria’s oil is real. Its gas reserves, among the largest in the world, are real. Its production recovery, partial and structurally fragile as it remains, is real. What is not yet real not convincingly, not sustainably is the institutional framework that would make those assets fully and rationally investable at the scale the country requires. And what is equally not yet real is a government communication strategy sophisticated enough to build the credibility that framework needs to be believed.

Until Nigeria’s government understands that the long-term persuasiveness of its oil and gas strategy depends as much on how it communicates as on what it does and that impression management is not a substitute for institutional accountability the oil dream will continue to do what it has always done: inspire at the announcement stage, disappoint at the delivery stage, and leave Nigeria perpetually situated between sabotage on the ground and scepticism in the boardrooms of the investors it cannot afford to keep losing.

Aminu Halima
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
200 Level

Continue Reading

Opinion

962 Forfeited Homes: Why Aliyu’s ICPC Is Beginning To Redefine What Asset Recovery Means

Published

on

 

By Mahmoud Ibrahim Kwari

WHEN corruption assets are recovered, the real question is not simply how much was seized, how many properties were forfeited or how many cases were filed. The more important question is what happens to those assets afterwards. In the Kaba District of Abuja, the answer is beginning to take a more meaningful shape: land linked to an alleged $65 million housing project, covering about 27.92 hectares, is now back in public hands with the prospect of delivering 962 housing units to Nigerian families.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), under its Chairman, Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN, formally handed over the forfeited landed properties at Kaba District to the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN), following a final forfeiture order of the Federal High Court. Beyond the ceremony itself, the development offers an opportunity to examine a bigger question: what should integrity and progress look like in Nigeria’s anti-corruption campaign?

The answer, perhaps, lies in the transformation of recovered assets from symbols of corruption into instruments of public good.

The handover took place on Tuesday, the twenty first of July, 2026 at the site of the Goodluck Jonathan Estate in Kaba District, Abuja, with Dr. Aliyu leading the ICPC delegation and the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of FMBN, Mr. Shehu Usman Osidi, alongside senior officials of both institutions, witnessing the event.

For Dr. Aliyu, the occasion was more than an administrative transfer of land. It represented what asset recovery should ultimately accomplish in a country where the public has often watched recovered properties remain locked in legal, administrative or bureaucratic limbo.

The ICPC chairman made a particularly important point: asset recovery without proper management is incomplete.

That principle deserves attention.

For years, Nigeria’s anti-corruption conversation has largely revolved around arrests, investigations, prosecutions, convictions and forfeitures. Those are important components of accountability. But the public benefit of anti-corruption efforts becomes much more tangible when an asset recovered from an alleged unlawful activity is returned to productive use.

The Kaba project therefore provides an interesting test case.

The land was originally part of a housing project conceived by FMBN in 2012. The project was financed through a $65 million loan facility secured by Good Earth Power Nigeria Limited in partnership with an American firm and was intended to produce 962 housing units.

According to the ICPC, investigations established that the loan was completely diverted, with no housing units constructed, while some of the funds were allegedly routed through Bureaux de Change and taken outside the country.

That story is sadly familiar in Nigeria: a project is conceived for the public good, financing is secured, expectations are raised, but somewhere along the line, the purpose for which the money was provided disappears.

What makes the Kaba development different is the possibility that the story could now end differently.

Instead of the land remaining abandoned, the Federal High Court has directed that it be returned to FMBN, the institution identified as the victim of the alleged unlawful activity. More importantly, the court directed ICPC and FMBN to monitor and supervise the construction of the proposed 962 housing units to completion and ensure their allocation to the intended end users.

That is where the real significance of the development lies.

The court’s order, granted on December 11, 2025, by Justice M. G. Umar of the Federal High Court, Abuja Judicial Division, in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/1124/2025, ordered the final forfeiture of two plots in Cadastral Zone D12, Kaba District.

One of the plots measures approximately 122,015.80 square metres, while the other measures about 157,198.30 square metres. Together, they constitute the land on which the housing project is expected to rise.

The court also directed the Federal Republic of Nigeria, through ICPC, to facilitate the handover of the properties to FMBN and mandated the two institutions to supervise the development of the housing estate.

A joint committee is expected to oversee the process, with ICPC’s Constituency and Executive Project Tracking Division representing the Commission.

This is where the leadership style of Dr. Aliyu becomes relevant.

His emphasis on the productive use of recovered assets reflects an understanding that Nigerians are increasingly interested in outcomes rather than headlines.

The public does not simply want to hear that billions of naira or valuable properties have been recovered. Nigerians want to know what those recoveries eventually mean for ordinary people.

A recovered house should become a house. Recovered land should become productive land. Recovered funds should return to the public through projects that improve lives.

In the case of Kaba, the proposed 962 housing units provide an unusually clear measure of success.

If the homes are completed, properly allocated and occupied by the intended beneficiaries, the project will demonstrate how anti-corruption enforcement can move beyond punishment and become an instrument of development.

It will also provide a powerful answer to those who sometimes question the practical value of asset recovery.

It is against this backdrop that the growing institutional recognition of Dr. Aliyu’s leadership at the ICPC becomes noteworthy.
The recent encounter with some police officers that mounted an illegal check point to extort money from motorists in Abuja, has attested to the integrity of the ICPC’s boss where he has shown practical example of what he preaches as the head of Anti-graft Agency.
The officers extorted N53,000 from him and he followed them very closely, and told someone to send the money to him upon the officers’ demand.
They took the ICPC Chair to a POS, where he paid the charges, while the officers withdrew the money and shared it among themselves, after which he reported them to the police authority.
At a press conference few days after the incidence, the FCT Commissioner of Police confirmed that the suspects carried out the act outside their duty post, and that they converged from various divisions and moved to the Banex Plaza area of Abuja City, where they mounted a checkpoint.
He said the four suspects perpetrated the act and ran away before they were declared wanted and arrested.
“We are going to make sure that they are severely punished, while those to be dismissed will definitely be dismissed. This I can assure you” said the police Commissioner.
This is a great test to personal integrity and commitment to fight corruption by Dr Aliyu, which was reflected and extended to institutional leadership by example.

Prior to this, the Chairman has received commendations from different quarters, including recognition attributed to the Senate Committee on Federal Character and Inter-Governmental Affairs for transparency, accountability and inclusiveness during National Assembly oversight engagements.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has also been associated with commendation of the Commission’s drive in asset recovery, efforts to close systemic loopholes and its attention to accountability at the grassroots and local-government levels.

Advert

There have also been commendations surrounding ICPC’s collaboration with the Federal Road Safety Corps and efforts to introduce integrity-focused reforms and contactless systems in the transport sector, aimed at reducing opportunities for corrupt practices.

But perhaps the most striking feature of Aliyu’s tenure is not necessarily the commendations themselves. It is the apparent effort to connect anti-corruption enforcement with institutional reform.

That distinction matters.

An anti-corruption agency cannot arrest its way out of corruption. It cannot prosecute its way out of corruption either. Sustainable progress requires prevention, institutional strengthening, technology, transparency, accountability and consequences for wrongdoing.

This appears to be one of the areas where Aliyu has sought to leave an imprint.

The Commission has pursued technology-driven prevention mechanisms, including digital scorecards and AI-powered public reporting tools, while the chairman has advocated greater responsibility among judges, lawyers as well as tertiary institutions as moral gatekeepers and drivers of empirical research into illicit financial flows.

These initiatives may not always generate the drama associated with high-profile arrests, but they are potentially more important in the long run.

There is also another aspect of Aliyu’s leadership that deserves consideration.

During his inaugural press briefing in Abuja, the ICPC chairman made an unusual commitment. He said he would personally participate in the prosecution of major cases.

“I will lead by example,” he said, pledging to personally appear in ICPC cases in court.

He described the commitment as an effort to demonstrate that integrity, accountability and transparency must become part of the fabric of Nigerian society.

He subsequently fulfilled that pledge by personally appearing at a High Court in Kano in a case involving allegations of fund misappropriation by the Kano State Government through its 44 local government caretaker chairmen.

The significance of that decision was not simply that the chairman appeared in court. It was the message that the head of an anti-corruption institution was willing to put his professional reputation and legal expertise behind the cases being pursued by his organization.

That is what leading from the front means.

The case itself generated considerable legal controversy.

The defendants, including the state Commissioner for Local Government and Deputy Governor, had previously obtained an interim court order restraining ICPC from conducting further investigations, summoning or interrogating individuals involved in the matter.

Their lawyers also challenged the jurisdiction of the Commission and argued that multiple agencies investigating the same matter amounted to “forum shopping” and an “abuse of court process.”

They further alleged that ICPC had breached an earlier injunction by continuing its investigation.

Aliyu, however, challenged the legal standing of the caretaker chairmen, relying on a Supreme Court position concerning the legality of appointing caretaker chairmen in place of democratically elected local government officials.

The chairman’s argument was straightforward: those holding positions whose legality was itself under challenge could not, in his view, use the legal system as a shield against accountability.

The allegations remain subject to judicial determination, and the courts will ultimately decide the substantive issues.

Yet the episode demonstrated Aliyu’s willingness to personally engage with difficult institutional and legal questions rather than leave everything to subordinates.

This brings us back to Kaba.

The 962-unit housing project could become one of the clearest demonstrations of what successful asset recovery should look like.

The land, according to the ICPC, had remained unutilised after the original housing project failed to materialise. FMBN’s Managing Director, Shehu Osidi, acknowledged this when he thanked ICPC for recovering and handing over the property for its intended purpose.

He noted that the land had been abandoned and left unused for some time, describing the ICPC’s intervention as evidence of a commitment to protecting public assets and ensuring that forfeited properties are put to productive use for Nigerians.

That is a powerful endorsement because it speaks to the ultimate purpose of recovery.

The ICPC chairman’s position that the success of the Kaba intervention should be judged by the completion and fair allocation of the homes is therefore particularly important.

The project should not be allowed to become another abandoned estate.

The land has been recovered. The court has provided the legal framework. FMBN has taken possession for the intended purpose. ICPC has been mandated to monitor the process.

The next stage is delivery. And delivery is where integrity is ultimately tested.

There is a temptation in public life to measure leaders by the number of arrests they make, the value of properties they recover or the number of high-profile cases they announce.

Those figures matter, but they are not the whole story.

The deeper measure is whether institutions become stronger under their leadership and whether ordinary Nigerians can eventually feel the impact of their work.

For Aliyu, the Kaba project presents precisely such an opportunity.

If 962 families eventually move into homes built on land recovered through an anti-corruption process, the story will no longer be merely about forfeiture.

It will be about restitution.

It will be about taking something allegedly diverted from its original purpose and restoring it to the purpose for which it was intended.

It will also demonstrate that the fight against corruption does not have to end in a courtroom.

It can end in a school, a hospital, a road, a factory or, in this case, a home.

That is why the Kaba District development deserves to be followed closely.

The responsibility now falls on both ICPC and FMBN to ensure that the process remains transparent, properly supervised and insulated from the very abuses that necessitated the recovery in the first place.

The joint committee must do more than exist on paper. It must track progress, identify obstacles, ensure compliance and provide Nigerians with credible information about the development.

The intended beneficiaries must also remain at the centre of the process.

A housing estate recovered for the public must ultimately serve the public.

The broader lesson is that integrity in public office should not be defined merely by the absence of personal corruption.

Integrity should also mean doing the right thing with public power.

It should mean recovering what belongs to the people and ensuring that it is not lost again through bureaucratic neglect.

It should mean prosecuting cases fairly, strengthening institutions, closing loopholes, embracing technology and ensuring that recovered assets deliver measurable benefits.

This is why the Kaba handover represents more than another event in the calendar of the ICPC.

It offers a practical illustration of the intersection between integrity and progress.

Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu’s leadership will ultimately be judged not by the rhetoric surrounding his tenure but by what remains after it.

If the 962 homes rise from the Kaba landscape, if they are completed to the required standards, if they reach the families for whom they were intended, and if the process remains transparent from beginning to end, then the ICPC would have achieved something more significant than recovering land.

It would have shown Nigerians what recovered public wealth can become.

And that may be one of the most persuasive forms of anti-corruption advocacy possible: not merely telling Nigerians that corruption has consequences, but showing them that accountability can produce progress.

For News Point Nigeria, that is the bigger story behind Kaba not simply the land that was forfeited, but the homes that could rise from it; not simply the alleged wrongdoing that led to the forfeiture, but the public good that should emerge from the recovery.

The true victory will be when Nigerians can look at the completed 962-unit estate and say: this is what recovered public assets are supposed to do.

Kwari, a journalist writes from Abuja.

 

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Weight of a School Bag Is Not the Weight of Knowledge

Published

on

 

By IBRAHIM ONYINOYI SALIMAT

The final school bell rings, and twelve-year-old Tunde begins the long walk home with a school bag heavy enough to bend his shoulders. Inside are textbooks, notebooks, and a pile of assignments due the very next morning. After a full day of lessons, he hurriedly eats his meal and spends the rest of the evening racing against time, driven not by the joy of learning but by the fear of punishment for an incomplete assignment. By the time he is done, his mind is too exhausted to read ahead, explore ideas beyond the classroom, or simply enjoy the childhood every child deserves with friends and family. The next morning, he returns to school with neatly completed assignments, yet perhaps with little or no genuine understanding of what he is said to have learned.

If this routine has become our definition of academic success, then Nigeria must ask itself a difficult question: Are we raising critical thinkers and innovators, or are we merely producing children who complete tasks to avoid punishment, earn their teachers’ praise, and pass the next examination?

Behind the walls of many Nigerian classrooms lies a silent crisis that is often mistaken for academic excellence. The education system has gradually become more concerned with how much students can memorize than with how well they understand, analyze, and apply knowledge. Success is frequently measured by examination scores, completed assignments, and neatly copied notes rather than by problem-solving ability and intellectual curiosity.

Some educators argue that homework develops discipline and reinforces classroom learning. This is true when homework is purposeful and reasonably assigned. However, excessive academic workload often defeats its own purpose by leaving students with little time for rest, reflection, independent reading, or meaningful engagement with what they have learned. Instead of inspiring curiosity, it encourages students to work against the clock simply to avoid punishment or criticism.

This concern is supported by evidence. According to , millions of children continue to face learning challenges despite increased school attendance, demonstrating that time spent in school alone does not guarantee quality learning. Similarly, findings from the have consistently shown that effective education depends more on the quality of teaching and students’ understanding than on excessive academic workload.

Another challenge is that many classrooms still promote one-way communication, where the teacher speaks and the students listen. Learners are expected to accept information without questioning, exploring alternative ideas, or engaging in meaningful discussions. Over time, this weakens confidence, suppresses curiosity, and produces graduates who can recall information but struggle to think independently or solve practical problems.

Advert

The consequences extend far beyond the classroom. Students gradually begin to associate education with stress rather than discovery, fear rather than confidence, and obedience rather than initiative. As these learners become graduates, many find it difficult to adapt their knowledge to real-life challenges, contribute fresh ideas, or compete effectively in an increasingly knowledge-driven global economy.

Ultimately, the quality of a nation’s education determines the quality of its workforce, leadership, and national development. When an education system produces individuals who are trained primarily to pass examinations rather than solve problems, society bears the consequences through reduced productivity, limited innovation, and slower progress. By contrast, an education system that encourages critical thinking, ethical values, creativity, and effective communication is more likely to produce responsible citizens, competent professionals, and accountable leaders.

Addressing these challenges requires more than minor adjustments; it demands a bold rethinking of what education should achieve in Nigeria. The goal should no longer be to produce students who merely excel in examinations but to nurture individuals who can think independently, communicate effectively, solve problems creatively, and contribute meaningfully to society.

The first step is to invest in continuous teacher development. Teachers should be equipped not only with subject knowledge but also with modern teaching methods that encourage discussion, collaboration, and active participation. Classrooms should become spaces where students feel confident to ask questions, express opinions, and learn from their mistakes without fear of humiliation or intimidation.

Equally important is the need to make classroom learning more engaging and practical while reducing excessive homework. If students spend most of their day in school, then the classroom should remain the primary environment for meaningful learning. Lessons should incorporate experiments, projects, debates, presentations, case studies, and problem-solving activities that help students understand concepts rather than memorize facts. Homework should reinforce classroom learning, not replace it.

Schools should also recognize that leisure is an essential part of education, not a distraction from it. Sports, reading, music, drama, debate, and other extracurricular activities help students develop confidence, leadership, teamwork, emotional resilience, and creativity qualities that are just as important as academic achievement in today’s world.

Furthermore, assessment methods should shift from rewarding rote memorization to evaluating students’ ability to analyze, apply knowledge, and develop practical solutions to real-world challenges. Such an approach will prepare learners not only for examinations but also for higher education, employment, and responsible citizenship.

Finally, sustainable educational reform depends on effective strategic communication. Government agencies, school administrators, teachers, parents, students, and communities must communicate openly and work together to ensure that educational policies are clearly understood and effectively implemented. When stakeholders share a common vision, reforms become more practical, transparent, and sustainable.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined solely by the number of schools it builds or the number of students who pass examinations. It will be shaped by the quality of minds nurtured within those schools. A nation that values curiosity over fear, understanding over memorization, and innovation over routine is preparing its young people not merely to earn certificates but to transform society.

The weight of a school bag should never be mistaken for the weight of knowledge. True education is measured not by how much students carry home, but by how much they understand, question, create, and contribute.

IBRAHIM ONYINOYI SALIMAT
200 LEVEL DEVELOPMENT AND STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION STUDENT, UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA.

Continue Reading

Trending