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Opinion

The Progress Needed For Connecting The Unconnected-Y.Z Ya’u

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Y. Z. Ya’u, CITAD

In a few weeks, the global internet community will meet at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at the 17th Global Internet Governance Forum to deliberate on the progress more in extending meaningful connectivity to the billions of people across the world who have remained unconnected by last year. While a number of countries have made startling progress, Nigeria has beyond the statement of attention, there has been no substantive progress in connectivity the unconnected.

Throughout the year, both in the media and through direct contact, CITAD has engaged the government via its relevant agencies such as the Ministry of Communication and Digital Economy, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), the Universal Service Provision Fund (USPF), to come up with policies on community networks so as to create the space for communities to mobilize their resources and deploy community networks as a complimentary tool for bridging the connectivity gaps in the country,

Government has repeatedly stated its commitment to address the digital divide in the country. However, declaration a lone without action, cannot solve the problem. All those in the industry agree now that no one single mode of technology rollout and ownership can fit all situation in a country. This is why all countries that have succeeded in bridging their own internal digital divide have done so through the deployment of a combination of different owner types, including private, public and community ownership, to which community networks fall.

In Nigeria, as in other countries, private sector led technology rollout has failed to address the connectivity gaps as well as affordability gaps in the country, as demonstrated by figures resulting from the work of USPF that there are still about 114 clusters of communities that are either underserved or unserved and therefore experiencing connectivity challenges. The reason that the private sector cannot address this is that most of these clusters are either sparsely populated (with poor prospects for generating or even terminating tele traffic) or they are in terrains that difficult to reach, thus needing additional expenditure over and above the normal or have people who are too poor to afford the cost of connectivity. All these situations means that these communities are not profitable and thus not attractive to investors who put their money in Mobile network operators (MNOs).

It is in response to such instances of lack of profitability that global practice has developed various methods of connectivity bridging through the establishment and utilization of universal access fund. The universal access fund in Nigeria is provided in the law establishing the Universal Access Provision Find (USPF) that is funded through a special fund accruing from a profit tax of telecommunication license operators.

Although the USPF has a latitude as to how to address both connectivity and affordability gaps, it has often hoped to do that by subsidizing commercial operators rather than empowering communities to pool their resources, endowments, skills, capital to design, deploy and managed community-owned telecommunication infrastructure.

But as experience in both Nigeria and in other countries has shown that MNOs are not attracted by one off incentive from bridging authorities. Instead, they prefer a situation in which conditions are created for sustained return on investment.

Community networks not only help communities to create solutions for themselves but also create the conditions for more profits and return on investment for MNOs. This they do, first by facilitating the insertion of excluded people into the tele-traffic chain, thereby both generating and terminating traffic for the MNOs thar could otherwise have remained suppressed, thus bringing additional income streams for them. Secondly, experience has shown that one of the reasons why MNOs do not when gravitate to the one-off incentive is the cost of overall servicing of non-profitable infrastructure and sites for which the income from them is far less than the cost of maintenance. However, where are developed community networks capital exists, MNOs are able to hand over the management of their sites and infrastructure to communities to ran and manage on profit sharing basis and risk spreading. This frees the MNOs from having to spend on overhead on unperforming sites while communities are freed from investing in infrastructure. Another benefit is that by bringing these communities to cyber space, their community development potentials are enhanced through better and improved access to education, healthcare, business and entrepreneurial activities, etc and in their fuller participation in governance processes.

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Government agencies are well aware of these. In meetings after meetings, both the minister and the leadership of NCC have expressed recognition of this and indicated their commitment to create the necessary framework for the seeding and sustenance of community networks. For example, in a meeting with a team from both CITAD and Association for Progressive Communications (APC) on 19 April 2021, the team of License Department of NCC not only expressed commitment but also requested CITAD to provide a background position paper on this and examples of policy frameworks from other countries. Both of these were done and delivered to them. Similarly, in a meeting with the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy later in September 2021, the Minister requested CITAD to submit to him a four pager on how to proceed with putting up a framework for community networks In Nigeria which CITAD did without delay. In December last year, when CITAD convened a consultative meeting of stakeholders of community networks, the Minister who delivered the Keynote Address through the Director-General, National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), affirmed the need for policy and ensured that such policy was going to be developed sooner.

For the past three years, CITAD has been working with over 10 different communities which are determined to establish community networks in their communities. These communities have formed platforms that have been registered as legal entities for the purposes of establishing and running community networks in their respective communities. They have also applied for licenses from NCC to operate community networks. in absence of formal policy framework of community networks licensing by the regulator, all applicants for community licenses are treated the same as applications for normal commercial telecommunication licenses. This is not only cumbersome but also too costly the communities to meet.

We have spent over a year now trying to see how communities comply with these. We have gone through these requirements with a number of organizations, including the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the Alliance for Affordable Internet as well as the Foreign and Commonwealth Development Office which has been supported the development of community networks across the globe. The overwhelming conclusion that these conditions cannot allow for the seeding of community networks and that Nigeria needs to create a category of licenses for community networks so that communities could apply, obtain, run, and manage community networks licenses like in other parts of the world.

This has the advantage that government does not have to invest funds in addressing affordability and connectivity gaps in the country.

Following this hardship, we experienced in trying to meet the current requirements, CITAD along with its partners decided to launch a signature campaign to request the relevant authorities to create a non-commercial license category as an additional tier of connectivity providers and to grant such licenses to all communities that are desirous of operate community networks and meeting certain minimum conditions. the signature campaign started last week and so far over 200 representatives of different communities from all parts of the country have appended their signature.,

In this effort, the media has an important role to play in helping to amplify the voice of the unconnected to allow them to legally address their own connect challenge by themselves. In this connection, it important that Nigeria creates category of community license as part of its commitment to address the digital divide in the country. While on their surface media has may not see connection with its work and community networks, however on reflection, it will understand how difficult it is to report news and reports in areas where there is no connectivity. In other words, addressing the connectivity gaps will enhance the practice of journalism in the country as it will open up areas that can be classified as difficult to report for the media.

The key message here is tell the government that it is in the overall national interest of the country to recognize and grant these community licenses. This should be done urgently even before the formal request by the signatories to the campaign is submitted. The Minister of Communication and Digital Economy should direct for the empaneling of a committee to develop the necessary framework for regulating and licensing of community networks while the telecommunication regulator, the NCC should move from expression of commitment to actual actioning by granting provisional licenses to communities that present their formal applications for such licenses.

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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