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Opinion

Barau and his poor political strategy, By Adnan Mukhtar

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Senator Barau

 

Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, seemed well-positioned to shape discussions on Nigerian political strategy, but his recent ill-advised moves and ineffective decisions may have far-reaching consequences, potentially undermining the influence he should wield as the country’s third-highest-ranking official.

Barau Jibrin, fondly known as Maliya, is a household name in Kano politics. His rise to prominence began in 1999 when he became a member of the House of Representatives. Notably, he chaired the influential Appropriation Committee at the Green Chamber, one of the House’s most powerful committees.

After Barau’s 2003 election loss, his political presence waned until the Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso revitalizsed his career by appointing him Commissioner for Science and Technology – a surprise move, given that many were wondering what had become of the man. Barau took over the role from Bala Muhammad Gwagwarwa, who had been promoted to APC National Treasurer during the party’s inaugural convention.

Barau Jibrin secured the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial ticket for Kano North after Kwankwaso parted ways with Abdullahi Muhammad Gwarzo, a former Deputy Governor and Minister of the Federal Republic. This development occurred when Kwankwaso instructed Ganduje to return to Kano from Lagos and lead the senatorial primaries, throwing his full support behind Barau Jibrin and ultimately leading to Gwarzo’s loss. The reason behind this move was Gwarzo’s opposition to Kwankwaso’s presidential aspirations at the party convention, where he aligned with Bola Tinubu, a former leader of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) where Gwarzo himself was a member.

That’s how Barau Jibrin emerged as a Senatorial Candidate paving his way to become the Deputy President of the Senate today.

In politics, loyalty is fleeting, there is no permanent friend or enemy, only a permanent interest. This truth played out in the rift between Barau Jibrin and Rabiu Kwankwaso. Shortly after Barau’s emergence, he severed ties with Kwankwaso, aligning himself with Abdullahi Ganduje amidst their infamous feud. Turning away from the famous Hausa saying, “Ana Barin Halak Dan Kunya,” Barau snubbed Kwankwaso and openly supported Ganduje on the Senate floor, even when Kwankwaso was still a member of the red chamber. This move underscores the transience of alliances in politics.

Barau, notorious for his unwavering pursuit of personal interest even at the expense of general interest, spares nothing and no one in satiating his thirst for greed and conquest. This again manifested in the undeniable role he played in the removal of Abdullahi Gwarzo as Minister. It is claimed that Barau consistently lobbied at the presidential villa to ensure Gwarzo’s ousting, despite the Minister holding no grudges against him.

Barau Jibrin’s recent actions are reportedly aimed at solidifying his position as the most influential APC member from Kano State. Observers suggest that his next target is Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the current National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress – an the same man whom he once sided with against Kwankwaso his political benefactor, as well as other appointees from Kano State, in a bid to consolidate his power and dominance within the party.

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With 2.5 years to go until 2027, Barau Jibrin has already begun the game of dirty politicking, welcoming defectors to the All Progressives Congress (APC). However, it appears his primary focus isn’t on serving his constituents, but rather on fueling his own ambition to become Governor. To successfully govern a cosmopolitan state like Kano, one needs strategic diplomacy, not creating unnecessary conflicts and enemies.

Interestingly, the influx of decampees has turned Barau into an “ATM machine.” They would visit him in Abuja, claiming to have left the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) one day, only to pledge loyalty to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf at the Kano Government House the next. This raises questions about the sincerity of these defections and Barau’s true intentions.

TikToker Umma Wiyya’s recent speech revealed the true motives behind her brief defection from NNPP to Barau and back again within just a week. According to Umma, she and others joined Barau solely to get a share of the “national cake” and have now returned to their rightful place. This flip-flopping exposes the insincerity of these defectors, who are driven by financial gain rather than loyalty to Barau ¹.

Whenever the governing Kano NNPP witnessed people flocking to Barau’s residence, they would mockingly chant “A wanki gara” in Hausa, aptly describing Barau as a docile politician. This phrase suggests that Barau is too passive and easily manipulated, allowing individuals like Umma Wiyya to take advantage of his generosity.

Umma Wiyya’s example highlights the superficial nature of Barau’s political alliances in Kano, where personal interests often outweigh genuine commitment.

With such shenanigans up Barau’s sleeves, now, the Kano APC members have seemingly united against Barau Jibrin due to his treatment of former Minister Abdullahi Gwarzo. Gwarzo is highly respected in Kano North for his accessibility, kind demeanor, and unwavering support for his constituents during both joyful and challenging times. For anyone with gubernatorial aspirations, like Barau, it’s crucial to foster unity among party members rather than plotting against them.

As a neutral political commentator and analyst, I’ve observed that this backlash against Barau won’t bode well for his gubernatorial or general political ambitions. In fact, history has shown that internal party conflicts can have significant consequences, as seen in the 2023 Kano State gubernatorial election. Barau’s actions may ultimately harm his chances of success, this is a forewarning.

Barau Jibrin’s attempt to outmaneuver the National Chairman of the party, a former governor with eight years of experience and who before then was a local government administrator and two time deputy governor, is a high-risk and ill-advised strategy. This chairman is inherently the party leader, making Jibrin’s move a potential recipe for disaster.

Moreover, plotting against key stakeholders in Kano North, including former Deputy Governor Abdullahi Gwarzo and Murtala Sule Garo, Chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, undermines Jibrin’s gubernatorial ambitions. This tactic may ultimately harm his chances of success, as it’s essential to foster unity among party members rather than creating divisions.

Jibrin’s actions may be seen as a power struggle, which could lead to further conflicts within the party. In politics, loyalty and alliances are crucial, and Jibrin’s approach may cost him the support he desperately needs to ascend the Kano government house.

The ambition of Senator Barau is dead on arrival. Given that Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who served as governor for eight years, hails from Kano North, it’s now Kano Central’s turn to take the reins. Allowing the APC to award its ticket to another candidate from Kano North would be a misstep, as it would bypass the established rotation pattern.

Will the Kano South stakeholders fold their arms? The last time someone from Kano South led Kano as a governor was in 1993, some 31 years ago.

It’s not too late for Barau to change his political strategy in the interest of his ambition and that of his supporters. He should carry his party members along by stop creating unnecessary enemies for himself within the party.

As Deputy President of the Nigerian Senate and Senator representing Kano North since 2015, Barau’s actions carry significant weight. Hence, he should know that Politics is not about giving people money and becoming difficulty inaccessible; it demands genuine connection and a listening ear to the yearnings of the people.

Adnan, a university lecturer and political commentator writes from Abuja.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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