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Constabulary, Police, Community Policing and Ganduje Model of Security Architecture

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By Abba Anwar

The history of the Constabulary in Nigeria dates back to 1861 when the British colonial administration established the Lagos Constabulary. For maintaining law and order within the Protectorate.

In 1861 Lagos Constabulary formed with 30 men to maintain law and order in Lagos Colony. As time went on, the need for more hands in the art of maintaining law and order in Lagos arose, in 1879 the Constabulary expanded to 100 men.

Due to the good performance of Lagos Constabulary and the need to replicate similar security architecture in other regions, in 1890s to be precise, Constabularies established in other Nigerian territories, including the Royal Niger Company Constabulary.

The need for the expansion of this security agency for maintaining law and order, came handy, which necessitated its consolidation between 1900 to 1960.

For example in 1906, Northern and Southern Nigeria Constabularies merged to form the Nigerian Police Force. Meaning, Nigeria Police Force is an offshoot of Nigeria’s Constabulary.
While in 1914 Nigeria Police Force reorganized into the Northern and Southern Provincial Police Forces.

Few decades before Independence in 1930s to be precise, Nigeria Police Force expanded to include specialized units like Marine Police, Mounted Police, etc.

In Post-Independence from 1960 to present Nigeria there were many changes that occurred in the process. For example in 1960 Nigerian Police Force became a National Force after Independence.

From1967 to 1970 Nigerian Civil War led to significant expansion and reorganization of the Police Force in 1990s Nigerian Police Force restructured into the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and other specialized agencies for complying with modern policing.

In single and simple sentence, Constabulory is the mother of Nigeria Police Force, midwifed by many regimes.

Not only Nigeria Police Force, the primary law enforcement agency in the country, was created from Nigerian Constabulory, there are other agencies that were also created from the agency.
Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) was established in 1967, it was renamed and restructured in 2003.

Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) was established in 1988 as a specialized agency for road safety management.
Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) was established in 1963 as the Nigerian Immigration Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1992.

The Nigerian Customs Service (NCS) was established in 1892 as the Nigerian Customs Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1970.

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While other specialized agencies, such as the State Security Service (SSS) and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), were also separately established to address specific security concerns. But these agencies were created outside Constabulory.

Understanding this history, the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, during his tenure 2015 to 2023, he made good use of the history and floated an excellent process to comply with the modern policing strategy, community policing.

He did it well, in such a way that, he brought together all the secure agencies and established operational rapport amongst them. This singular, but workable idea merged with political will, helped the state to become the most peaceful state in the federation, when Ganduje was captaining the ship.

Responding to his situation, the Nigerian state, local organizations and foreign organizations, appreciated Ganduje’s model as an excellent disposition of skilled and focused leadership, with unscathing and seamless political will and gave him Awards of Excellence in the area of security.

Kano witnessed one of her most peaceful era when Ganduje was on the throne. Ganduje believed that modern community policing strategy, Constabulary, plays a vital role in Nigeria and other nations. That was why he revived the role of traditional institutions in securing our local communities. He initiated Security Summits across our 5 Emirates in the state.

While understanding the role of all security agencies generally, he also amplified neighborhood patrols, where Constables engage in foot patrols, building relationships with residents, and addressing local concerns.

In the face of community engagement, his administration gave special consideration to the Constabulory participation in community meetings, events, and initiatives to foster trust and cooperation.

In the area of intelligence gathering, the administration of Ganduje linked the process to other security agencies with Constables as another sources to gather information on local crime trends and share with other agencies. This gave way to harmonious working relationship with all the security agencies.

It is believe that Nigeria Police Force burden in enforcing and maintaining law and order, in the country, gets helping hand from Constables, who serve as frontline officers in community policing.
It is evident how Community Police Officers (CPOs) work closely with local leaders and residents. While Special Constabularies (e.g., Railway Police, Port Police) focus on specific areas.

Community policing as enunciated and supported by Constabulory body is a global trend and relevant in modern policing. In the United Kingdom for example Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) support constables in community policing.

In United States of America Community Police Officers and Neighborhood Police Officers engage in community-focused policing. While in Australia Community Constables work with indigenous communities. As in Canada where Community Police Officers focus on building relationships and trust.

It is evidently clear that there are underlying benefits of Constabulary in Community Policing across the globe in recent time. Such as improved community relationships, enhanced trust, reducing crime, increased intelligence gathering, more effective problem-solving, among many others.

But all these benefits are not without challenges. As it is obtainable elsewhere. But fundamentally speaking, Constabulory activities and Police core responsibilities, should be made to become more blended and proactive. As it is the case in more developed societies. As evidently given above.

Anwar was former Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. He can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
November, 2024

Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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Opinion

Scholarship or Trap? Why Northern Nigerian Youth Must Verify Foreign Opportunities

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By Alhassan Bala

Hundreds of young Nigerians, including students and graduates from northern Nigeria, have benefited from legitimate scholarships and educational opportunities offered by foreign governments and institutions. Such programmes can open doors to quality education, professional development and international exposure.

However, the growing use of social media to advertise scholarships, jobs and training opportunities abroad also presents serious risks.

Some seemingly attractive offers may be fraudulent, exploitative or even serve as channels for human trafficking and forced recruitment.

This is why young Nigerians must exercise extreme caution before accepting foreign scholarships or employment opportunities promoted online.

Recently, I came across a northern Nigerian professor working outside the country advising Nigerians, particularly young people from the North, to take advantage of a scholarship opportunity reportedly being promoted by educators he knows in Russia.

I have enormous respect for the professor, as I do for many academics who genuinely want to help young Nigerians access opportunities abroad.

Nevertheless, his recommendation reminded me of the disturbing experience surrounding the Alabuga recruitment programme in Russia and the need for prospective applicants to verify such offers independently before travelling.

The Alabuga warning,
For those unfamiliar with the Alabuga controversy, the programme began attracting young Africans through online advertisements offering employment, vocational training and what was presented in some cases as educational opportunities in Russia.

Investigations by international and Nigerian media later raised serious concerns about the programme.

Young Africans, including Nigerians, were recruited through social media and other online channels and taken to Russia.

Reports indicated that some participants who expected education or employment opportunities ended up working in facilities associated with the production of drones used by Russia in its war against Ukraine.

The Nigerian Ministry of Education subsequently said its website had been compromised and that advertisements for the controversial Alabuga Start programme had been posted without official authorisation.

Officials also stressed that the programme was not part of Nigeria’s approved bilateral scholarship arrangements with Russia.

The episode should have taught Nigerians an important lesson: the appearance of government endorsement, the involvement of a university professor or the presence of an attractive scholarship advertisement on social media does not, by itself, establish that an opportunity is genuine or safe.

From scholarships to the battlefield.

There is an even more disturbing dimension to the growing concern over recruitment of Africans to Russia.

In recent years, reports have emerged of Africans travelling to Russia after being promised civilian employment, only to find themselves recruited into the Russian military and deployed to the war in Ukraine.

In February 2026, the Russian ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that Moscow operated any government-supported programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

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He said that if illegal individuals or organisations were recruiting Nigerians unlawfully, such activities were not connected to the Russian state.

Despite the denial, investigations and reports have documented cases involving Nigerians and other Africans who allegedly travelled to Russia believing they were taking up civilian jobs before being sent to the battlefield. In one widely reported Nigerian case, Adam Anas and other Nigerians were recruited under the guise of security employment and subsequently deployed to fight in Ukraine.

The cases are not limited to Nigeria. In March 2026, the Association of Nigerien Students in Russia announced the death of Abdoulaye Issaka Ismael, a Nigerien master’s student who, according to the student organisation, had been recruited into Russian combat forces and deployed to the frontline in Ukraine.

Ghana has also reported serious losses. Its Foreign Minister disclosed in February 2026 that 55 Ghanaians had died after being lured into fighting in the Ukraine war, while hundreds more were believed to have joined the Russian military.

These cases demonstrate that the danger is not merely theoretical.

The lesson for young Nigerians, especially those desperately seeking educational or employment opportunities abroad, is straightforward: verify before you travel.

Anyone offered a scholarship in Russia or any other foreign country should first establish whether the programme is officially recognised by the Nigerian government and the government of the destination country.

Applicants should independently contact the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the relevant embassy or high commission before committing money, submitting sensitive documents or travelling.

They should also verify the name of the university, its accreditation, the exact course of study, the physical location of the institution, the identity of the sponsoring organisation and the legal status of whoever is recruiting them.

Most importantly, prospective applicants should be suspicious of opportunities that are promoted exclusively through WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, TikTok or other social media platforms, particularly when recruiters pressure applicants to travel quickly or discourage them from contacting government authorities.

A genuine scholarship should withstand scrutiny.

Northern Nigeria has millions of young people searching for education, employment and opportunities to improve their lives.

That makes the region particularly vulnerable to individuals who exploit unemployment and economic hardship with promises of quick opportunities abroad.

Professors, academics, journalists, community leaders and other influential Nigerians therefore have a special responsibility when sharing foreign opportunities.

Before recommending a scholarship or job to young people, they should verify it through official channels and make the evidence available to prospective applicants.

A recommendation from a respected professor can give an opportunity credibility that it may not deserve. If the opportunity later turns out to be fraudulent, the consequences may be devastating.

The Nigerian government also needs to do more.
Government agencies responsible for education, foreign affairs, Nigeria Immigration Service, labour and youth development should maintain accessible, regularly updated databases of approved foreign scholarships and legitimate overseas recruitment programmes.

They should also promptly alert Nigerians whenever questionable opportunities emerge online.

The Alabuga experience showed how easily a dubious programme could acquire an appearance of legitimacy when its advertisements appeared on an official government website.

The subsequent reports about Africans being deceived into military service demonstrate the potentially fatal consequences of inadequate verification and oversight.

Young Nigerians deserve opportunities, but they also deserve protection.

A scholarship should lead to a classroom, laboratory or recognised institution not a factory where they are exploited, and certainly not a battlefield.

For young Nigerians seeking opportunities abroad, the safest rule is simple: do not trust an opportunity because it looks attractive; verify it because your life may depend on it.

Alhassan Bala, wrote this piece from Abuja

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Opinion

Between Sabotage and Scepticism: Why Nigeria’s Oil Dream Keeps Stalling

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Halima Aminu

 

By Halima Aminu

Governments do not only govern, they communicate governance. And in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the distance between what the government says it is doing and what its strategies are actually delivering has become one of the most consequential communication failures in the country’s recent economic history. Evaluating the Nigerian government’s strategies to increase oil and gas production is therefore not merely a matter of counting barrels. It is a matter of examining how those strategies are framed, how credibly they are communicated to critical stakeholders, and whether the outward narrative is supported by institutional reality on the ground.

The government’s dominant communication frame around oil and gas recovery has been one of triumphant reversal. Official figures show that national crude output, which had collapsed to dangerously low levels around 960,000 barrels per day in 2022 among the worst in Nigeria’s recent production history has climbed back to an average of approximately 1.71 million barrels per day in 2025, with peaks approaching 1.84 million barrels per day. As a communication strategy, this frame is deliberately constructed to project momentum, competence, and institutional control three attributes any government managing a resource-dependent economy urgently needs its investors and citizens to associate with its leadership.

The problem with this framing is not that the numbers are fabricated. The problem is that production recovery, presented in isolation, is a selective narrative. It tells the audience what improved without adequately explaining what remains structurally broken. Strategic communication theory draws a clear distinction between impression management projecting a preferred image and genuine credibility-building, which demands alignment between message and demonstrable reality. Nigeria’s government is currently far more invested in the former than the latter, and sophisticated investors, who are the primary audience for this messaging, are professionally trained to detect that gap.

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The Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 represents the most structurally significant legislative intervention in Nigeria’s energy sector in decades, and its potential is genuine. Its gas fiscal incentives have begun attracting new production-sharing arrangements with international partners. Its Host Community Development Trust framework had channelled substantial funding into hundreds of community projects across the Niger Delta by late 2025 a structural attempt to address the root communication breakdown between oil-producing communities and the Nigerian state, rather than merely managing its symptoms.

Yet even here, the government’s communication strategy reveals a persistent weakness. Five years after the PIA’s enactment, the law has succeeded in restructuring institutional forms creating new regulatory bodies, new oversight frameworks, new corporate structures. What it has not yet succeeded in doing is restructuring institutional culture. Rules exist on paper that are not consistently enforced in practice. Transparency mechanisms are in place that are not routinely populated with verifiable data. Approval processes have been reformed structurally but remain administratively slow in execution.

Nigeria’s oil is real. Its gas reserves, among the largest in the world, are real. Its production recovery, partial and structurally fragile as it remains, is real. What is not yet real not convincingly, not sustainably is the institutional framework that would make those assets fully and rationally investable at the scale the country requires. And what is equally not yet real is a government communication strategy sophisticated enough to build the credibility that framework needs to be believed.

Until Nigeria’s government understands that the long-term persuasiveness of its oil and gas strategy depends as much on how it communicates as on what it does and that impression management is not a substitute for institutional accountability the oil dream will continue to do what it has always done: inspire at the announcement stage, disappoint at the delivery stage, and leave Nigeria perpetually situated between sabotage on the ground and scepticism in the boardrooms of the investors it cannot afford to keep losing.

Aminu Halima
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
200 Level

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