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2023 Presidency: Assessing the Options Before Nigerians

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Adnan Mukhtar Tudun Wada

 

By Adnan Mukhtar

As the 2023 general elections knock on the door with 18 presidential candidates on the ballot, pundits have narrowed the options available to Nigerians to just four.

This is the first time that Nigeria will witness the rise of major presidential contenders under unpopular platforms. Despite practising multi party system, Nigeria has always witnessed two major contenders for the office of the president since 1999.

It was Olusegun Obasanjo and Olu Falae in 1999. It was Obasanjo of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Muhammadu Buhari of the All People’s Party (APP) in 2003. It was Umaru Musa Yaradua of PDP and Buhari of All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP) in 2007. It was Buhari of Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and Dr Goodluck Jonathan of PDP in 2011. But in 2007 and 2011, Atiku Abubakar and Nuhu Ribadu flew the flags of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) respectively and both came third.

Buhari contested for this office three times and lost before he won in 2015 after the merger with other political parties which won him the southwest and north central.

The decision to elect Buhari in 2015 and 2019 has however turned out to be a regrettable one for Nigerians as sorrow, tears and blood have been the lot of the masses.

With all these challenges facing the country, who can rescue and unite Nigeria at this critical moment?

2023: NNPP Gubernatorial Candidate tackles FG over universities’ increase in registration fees

The All Progressives Congress has Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as its flag bearer, Peoples Democratic Party has Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Labour Party is fielding Peter Obi and the New Nigeria Peoples Party has nominated Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Analysts are of the view that it’s a repeat of the 1979 general election with five candidates among whom Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) emerged victorious.

Despite having four major contenders, the race is strictly between Atiku and Tinubu. The other two – Obi and Kwankwaso – are just regional candidates like Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Nnamdi Azikwe of the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) and Aminu Kano of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP), in 1979.

While PDP and APC have structures across the country, LP and NNPP have not fielded candidates for all the National Assembly, State House of Assembly seats and governorship positions across the country.

While Atiku and Tinubu are aiming for the top prize, Obi and Kwankwaso are apparently in this race to garner experience for the future and claim they were once presidential candidates.

Tinubu’s candidacy has problems of its own. His party is deemed to have failed the country and his presence of mind and general health status are suspect.

Tinubu is relying on the core north to give him votes but his approval rating in the northwest has plummeted in recent weeks with new naira notes palaver and acute fuel shortage supervised by the APC moving people to the edge.

Hajia Najatu Mohammed’s defection to the Atiku camp and recent campaign against the APC candidate have also done incalculable damage to the chances of the Tinubu/Shettima ticket in the North.

Obi is winning the southeast, parts of south-south and parts of north central but there is no credible path to victory for him.

As attested to by Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo, Obi’s performance in Anambra is also not inspiring, aside saving monies he should have spent on infrastructure and human capital development.

Kwankwaso’s performance as Kano State governor was incredible. He sponsored the children of the poor for postgraduate and undergraduate studies abroad.

His understanding of national politics is however shallow. Like Obi, he has to shatter a huge glass ceiling to be able to get near the Villa.

The NNPP according to analysts can only win Kano, his home state, with a slim margin but cannot go anywhere in Kaduna, Jigawa, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto and Zamfara States.

A vote for NNPP will only strengthen Tinubu’s APC. It is a vote for continuity of Buhari’s failure. The party is no where outside Kano, therefore will not be compared with Aminu Kano’s PRP in the second republic with two governors and members of the National Assembly from Kano, Kaduna and other Northern States.

Atiku is an old war horse, a restless fighter who has experience at the highest level to lead Nigeria to greater heights.

Atiku is contesting for the 5th time. He did it in 1992, 2007, 2015, 2019 and 2023. The ‘unifier’ has built bridges across the country. He was instrumental to bringing El-Rufai, Nuhu Ribadu, Okonjo Iweala and some other best brains into government. The economy was very stable until when he left as Vice President in 2007.

He has the best policy document and has the ability to implement it from the look of things. His ideas are lucid and convincing and everywhere he goes he holds the audience spellbound with his massive presence of mind, clarity of thoughts and clear headedness.

Obviously, he is the best man for the job. He is the right candidate to heal the wounds and cure the illness of that the Buhari administration represents.

 

Adnan is a Political PR Consultant. He writes from Atiku Abubakar Campaign Office, Zaria Road, Kano.

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Opinion

When Power Fears Legacy: Emir Sanusi, the Police, and the Spectacle of Political Intimidation

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The recent move by the Kano State Police Command to summon His Highness Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II for questioning, ostensibly over a Sallah homage visit that included no horses, no title holders, and no formal procession, marks a dangerous low point in the intersection of politics, culture, and governance in Nigeria.

Let us be clear from the outset: this was not a Durbar. It bore none of the hallmarks of the historic Hausa cavalry pageant—no traditional titleholders, no palace horses, no regalia-laden parade through the city. What occurred was a quiet homage—a ride in a car to visit his mother and the state governor, carried out in full compliance with police directives banning Durbar-related horse riding.

Yet the police, in a move that has shocked many observers, have initiated investigations and summoned not just palace aides but the Emir himself. This is not about law or public safety. This is about power, visibility, and intimidation.

*The Federal Hand Behind the Summons*

Behind this theatrical display of “law enforcement” lies a more calculated political agenda. The police are widely understood to be acting on the orders of powerful figures within the federal government—individuals who have never accepted Emir Sanusi’s return to the throne after his earlier removal for political reasons.

Sanusi’s reinstatement, made in accordance with tradition and supported by significant public sentiment, has clearly unsettled elements within Nigeria’s ruling class. His voice—intellectual, critical, and unapologetically reformist—represents everything that political gatekeepers fear: a monarch who cannot be bought, silenced, or domesticated.

*The Politicization of Security Forces*

It is a dangerous sign when state security agencies are used as tools of political retribution. The police have failed to distinguish between a symbolic act of cultural duty and an act of rebellion. Worse still, their intervention appears timed and tailored to undermine Sanusi’s legitimacy, casting a shadow of alleged defiance over what was, in reality, a subdued and respectful observance of Sallah tradition.

This is a misuse of police power, and it calls into question the neutrality of state institutions that are supposed to serve all Nigerians, not the political ambitions of a few.

*Undermining Tradition to Secure Power*

The true tragedy here is not just the police action—it is the broader erosion of Nigeria’s cultural autonomy and federal balance. The Kano Emirate, like other traditional institutions, carries centuries of historical legitimacy and moral authority. When such institutions become battlegrounds for federal vendettas, the consequences are severe: civic trust erodes, cultural dignity is diminished, and the thin fabric of national unity is strained even further.

In colonial times, British administrators feared the influence of Emirs and tried to curtail their power through indirect rule and surveillance. It is disheartening to see a postcolonial Nigerian state reenacting that same script—this time with security agents and political handlers instead of colonial residents.

*A Legacy Larger than Power*

What is it about Sanusi that provokes such disproportionate fear? Perhaps it is his refusal to be silent. Perhaps it is the uncomfortable truth that his legitimacy does not come from state machinery, but from the people, from tradition, and from a moral clarity that has made him a rare figure in Nigeria’s compromised elite class.

Whatever the cause, one thing is clear: this police action has backfired. In seeking to diminish Sanusi, the state has elevated him. In attempting to humiliate him, they have reaffirmed his place as a symbol of dignity under siege.

*Conclusion: The State Cannot Police Conscience*

In a democracy, cultural expression must not be criminalized. Tradition must not be trampled under the boots of federal anxiety. And most importantly, conscience must never be summoned like a suspect.

The people of Kano know who their Emir is. The world is watching. And history will remember not the orchestrated summons, but the quiet courage of a man who chose duty over fear, dignity over silence.

Olu Damilola writes from Kano.

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Opinion

Federal Teaching Hospital KATSINA At The Verge Of Collapse-Zainab Amiru Sanusi

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By Zainab Amiru Sanusi

The main goal of any Federal Teaching Hospitals in Nigeria is to provide safe, quality, affordable, adequate, equitable, accessible and comprehensive health services to people, as well as contributing to the development of healthcare professionals. But this is not the case at the Federal Teaching Hospital Katsina State.

My experience at the FTH on the 1st of April 2025, brings about many questions on the commitment of this institution in caring for the life it was designed to save.
My son (3 years) was running temperature and could barely walk, but I managed to take him to the Federal Teaching Hospital where we saw a doctor. After the consultation, the doctor asked if I had given him anything prior to which I responded that I had given him anti-malaria drugs and paracetamol, the doctor referred us to the laboratory for further investigations. At the laboratory, my son’s blood sample was taken but that itself was painful to watch as a mother, because they kept missing the vein thereby causing him more pain and discomfort. We were told to return the following day for the results. However, I felt the need to report back to the doctor and ask for advise on what else I could do pending the outcome of the result. The doctor recommended Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) but I raised my concern that my son had vomited everything he had taken so far, including water. The doctor reluctantly stated that I should just complete that anti-malaria drugs and continue with the ORS even if he throws up. He added that there was nothing else he could do without seeing the results of the Full Blood Count (FBC) from the laboratory.

That was how we returned home feeling disturbed as a mother seeing her son severely sick. My sleep was full of worries and my son kept throwing up the whole night.

The next day, after completing the anti-malaria dose, I returned to FTH and headed straight to the National Health Insurance Scheme(NHIS) laboratory to collect the results of the FBC tests so that we can proceed to see the doctor. To my greatest shock and disappointment, I met a staff who dismissively told me that the result was not out and that I should follow up at the hematology. I sensed something was not right because I had given them enough time to get the results ready.

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Notwithstanding, I went straight to the hematology, It was at the hematology that I got the shock of my life, I was told the test was not done! I was dumbfounded, sad and speechless. I asked for an explanation after detailing to the staff that indeed, my son’s blood sample was taken and that I was assured the results would be ready in 24 hours. The only response the staff could provide was “Hajiya bamu da Kayan aiki“ (Hajiya, we are short of working tools.) I could not make sense of what he told me, then I asked again where is the blood sample of my son? He responded by saying that they had not been collecting blood samples because they were not carrying out those investigations and that they probably sent them back! I asked him why would you take blood samples for which you cannot run the test? To this, I was met with a deadpan stare! After some excruciating minutes of waiting for I don’t even know what, I asked him what I should do now.

He suggested I go outside the hospital and conduct the test if I truly needed it. “Allah ya bama Mara lafiyan lafiya” he concluded.

I left the hematology feeling disappointed and distressed at the hospital of that calibre, that pride itself with knowing exactly how to cater to the needs of its patients was displaying the highest form of incompetence and neglect with no one taking responsibility or showing any form of empathy. In fact, it can be said they are being deceitful, if not, why would samples be taken, knowing surely that the tests would not be done?

I dragged my feet to the NHIS lab to demand for the blood samples of my son and to my greatest shock (yet again), I was told it could not be found. At that instance I could feel the rage building up and I asked how that was possible. Yet again I was met with a deadpan stare!!! The lab attendant finally stated that it wasn’t their fault and that if they had the right working tools, they would have done that. His responses beg the question WHOSE FAULT IS IT??? Why is it that a reputable hospital such as the FTH Katsina doesn’t have the materials to conduct a test like “FBC???”

I reached out to some of the staff of the hospital who offered to speak on condition of anonymity. I was reliably informed that the major reason why I could not get my results was due to the absence of reagents which is the main substance used in conducting tests. They also stated that in cases, where the reagents where available, the management had to sign for them to be released to the laboratory. In a nutshell, the bureaucratic policy of the hospital is what is causing many patients like me and my son not to get the blood samples taken analysed. The patient is either left in the dark or made to seek for other alternatives.

The words of the Chief Medical Director (CMD), on the hospital’s website reads “We equally dedicate our resources to support our healthcare workforce in their daily tasks, helping them reach their fullest potential, thereby developing and maintaining service excellence at the highest level. We believe that, by ensuring better healthcare services for the present and future generations, we contribute to building a brighter world together. We look forward to your continued support and patronage.”

Sadly, my experience and that of many other helpless patients out there, some of who reached out to me with their own experiences is in direct contradiction to his words. There is no sign that the hospital is concerned about the poor state of affairs at its laboratory if not, there is no justification why there would be repeated issue of absence of common reagents to run tests effectively. The bureaucratic process of receiving these items also needs to be looked into if indeed the hospital wants to live up to its potential as the best place to access affordable healthcare in the state. For now though, the state of the laboratory is an accident waiting to happen.!

Therefore, I call on the federal government, the state government, Chairman Nation Health Insurance Scheme Katsina(NHIS) and the appropriate authority of the Federal Teaching Hospital Katsina to pay serious attention and take necessary action to address the present condition of the hospital from collapsing by providing adequate assistance, medical facilities and trained medical personnel in order to minimise the rate of casualty and health complication in the state.

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Opinion

GIGGS: The Downward Spiral of a CSO

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By Abbati Iro

GIGGS, once a respected Civil Society Organization (CSO), has taken a drastic turn for the worse. Its recent actions have left many questioning its motives and integrity.

In recent weeks, GIGGS has launched a relentless assault on the Kano State Government, spewing forth press statements that are nothing short of propaganda. The language used is akin to that of an enemy of the state, leaving no doubt about their mission.

It’s no secret that GIGGS is being manipulated by powerful individuals with their own agendas. Their statements are crafted by well-known cronies in Abuja and surrogates in Kano, all working to undermine the Kano State Government.

What’s most disturbing is that GIGGS has compromised its values and principles for financial gain. This CSO has relegated itself from a respected advocate to a conflict entrepreneur, prioritizing profits over the welfare of the people.

GIGGS’ journey to this point wasn’t surprising, considering the characters behind it. They’ve always displayed traits of political jobbers who believe in the cash-and-carry theory, where loyalty is bought and sold.

The people of Kano will not be fooled by GIGGS’ antics. They deserve better than an organization that prioritizes its interests over their welfare.

It’s time for GIGGS to change its ways or risk losing the trust of the people forever. The people of Kano demand transparency and accountability from all organizations that claim to be working in their interests.

GIGGS must be held accountable for its actions. Its leadership has been opaque, and its funding sources are shrouded in mystery.

GIGGS’ actions have undermined the trust of the people in civil society organizations. Its behavior has been unacceptable and must be addressed.

The people of Kano demand a higher standard of behavior from all organizations that show support for greater Kano. GIGGS must put the interests of the people first.

Kano expects, and demand the CSO to align itself with best practices, and we asked will GIGGS reform and prioritize the people’s interests, or will it continue down its destructive path?

A stronger Kano requires better leadership, not just from its government but also from its civil society organizations. GIGGS must step up and adopt global best practices in its statutory role.

Therefore, the time for change is now. GIGGS must reform and prioritize the people’s interests, to revamp its image.

GIGGS should have at the back of their mind that a new path forward is needed, one that prioritizes transparency, accountability, and the welfare of the people.

A call to reform is necessary. GIGGS must reform and prioritize the people’s interests to regain the trust of the community. The future of GIGGS hangs in the balance. Will it reform and prioritize the people’s interests, or will it continue down its destructive path?

Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration has kickstart a new era for Kano that prioritizes transparency, accountability, and the welfare of the people, and it remains incumbent on GIGGS to see through and turn a new leaf.

Abbati Iro, a Human Rights Activist writes from
Life camp Palm City Estate, Abuja. Can be reached at iro4life@yahoo.com

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