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I Officially Don’t Care Who’s President in 2023

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Presidential Hopeful

 

 

By Farooq A. Kperogi
Twitter: @farooqkperogi

I am officially emotionally divested from the possible outcome of the 2023 presidential election. Irrespective of who wins it, Nigeria will at best remain the same and at worse degenerate to new lows.

This isn’t petulant, self-indulgent pessimism. My emotional divestment and cynicism emanate from my heightened awareness of the consequences of the unexampled political roguery going on right now.

For one, the stench of the moral rot wafting out of the primary contests in the country is so overpowering I can smell it even here in America! It’s impossible for anything good to come out of this. I’ll come back to this point shortly.

For another, the Independent National Electoral Commission, whose courage I’d praised, has buckled under the pressure of APC to extend the deadline to submit the names of candidates for the general election.

That is unforgivably irresponsible and shows clearly that INEC does not have the moral stamina to conduct a transparent and credible election. The outcome of the election can now be predicted before its actual conduct.

 

The Bigot In Kperogi’s Mirror

In a May 11 article I published on my social media timelines and on my blog titled “Ahmed Lawan and Threat to INEC’s Independence,” I pointed out that INEC was facing the first real crucible of its independence and credibility in 2022 after the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) reportedly requested it to extend its June 3 deadline for political parties to turn in the names of their nominees for the 2023 election.

“Anyone who is paying attention would know that this move was in all likelihood sponsored by the leadership of the APC, which has dragged Ahmad Lawan to run for the APC presidential ticket in anticipation of the emergence of a northerner as PDP’s candidate,” I wrote.

“Well, should INEC buckle under and extend the deadline that ‘IPAC’ has requested,” I said, “that would be the first, firm evidence that INEC is in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a free and fair election in 2023.”

The only major political party that INEC’s 6-day extension of the primary election timetable is designed to benefit is APC. There’s no question about that. PDP has already screened its presidential contestants and is ready to conduct its primary election this weekend.

APC, on the other hand, hasn’t screened its contestants even when it publicly said it would conduct its primary election on Sunday. It keeps shifting the goalposts while the game is on. Buhari curiously left the country and wasn’t scheduled to be back when something as momentous as the presidential primary election of his party was supposed to be conducted.

This at once shows awful irresponsibility, impunity, and an indication that APC knew it could manipulate INEC at the last minute to bend to its wishes.

APC has always wanted PDP to first elect its candidate so that it can determine how it will choose its own. If PDP nominates a northerner, it will nominate one, too. If it nominates a southerner, it will nominate one, too. It just got its wishes on a platter because INEC has shown itself to be a spineless and feckless toady of the party in power.

INEC is evidently in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a fair, credible, and transparent election.

If rules made months ago can be changed so whimsically to pamper the irresponsibility of a political party, what’s the point of making them? We might as well be conducting primary elections until Election Day in 2023.

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Mahmood Yakubu obviously hasn’t learned anything from his disastrous conduct of the 2019 election. He is determined to replicate it in 2023, and that’s such a shame.

In addition to a barefacedly partisan INEC whose conduct has already signaled where its loyalties lie before Election Day, the conduct of primary elections so far have made it clear that politics is now a brazen transaction. Party delegates openly haggle over and sell their votes to the highest bidders, and the highest bidders get to fly their parties’ flags in the general election.

This is the lowest point in Nigeria’s democracy. We had never seen anything like this. The mercenariness of the electoral process used to a little subtler and a little more “dignified.” Now, there’s no pretense. It’s in your face.

Even Yemi Osinbajo who, along with Muhammadu, pretended to lead an “anti-corruption” regime (and is a pastor, to boot), doles out N250,000 bribes—which he now pays in dollars— to delegates in the open each time he visits states to campaign. And those are mere “ground-wetting” bribes before the main bribes.

Bola Tinubu, who had never pretended to be anything other than an unprincipled, wheeler-dealing political conman, is also bribing delegates silly—in dollars and in the open. He endorsed a disgraceful coronation of his handpicked stooge in the Lagos governorship primary “election” and shut out two other contestants who paid nomination fees.

But he wants a fair contest for his presidential ambition in Abuja and chafes at the kind of “consensus” he imposed in Lagos. I hope he gets the karmic retribution he deserves in Abuja whenever APC holds its primary election.

Other APC presidential frontrunners like Rotimi Amaechi and Ahmad Lawan are also either bribing delegates or hoping for a “consensus” arrangement that will help them circumvent the rigors of an actual electoral contest.

If the hints APC chairman Adamu Abdullahi dropped on May 26 that the field of contest will be open to all contestants, you can expect the ticket to go to the highest bidder.

It’s no better in PDP, whose already rickety structure is collapsing before facing off with APC. There, too, the highest bribe giver to delegates will be the party’s nominee. Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar are in a contest for who can bribe party delegates more liberally than the other.

So, in 2023 we’ll have a cast of elected people who unashamedly bought delegates with millions (in some cases billions) to get to their positions. What could possibly go wrong with that? Why should people who expended enormous resources to bribe their way to power be expected to be anything other than thieves with a legal cover to siphon the national treasury?

More than that, though, the structure that enables and sustains Nigeria’s many dysfunctions won’t change with a change of government. In fact, it might get worse with the crop of shameless bribe givers that will be ushered into power next year.

Our system is incapable of reforming itself structurally. It’s condemned to perpetually sustain and reproduce its dysfunctions. Any politician who tells you he or she will “restructure” Nigeria when he or she becomes president is lying to you.

To truly restructure Nigeria would require creative destruction. That means people who’re comfortably ensconced in the current structure have to agree to destroy it from top to bottom (or, as Buhari says, “botum”) and that won’t happen.

After colonialism, only military regimes have been able to tinker with the structure of Nigeria. Except for 1963 when the Midwest Region was created from the Western Region during Nigeria’s first parliamentary democracy, every other structural change in Nigeria—from state creation to local government creation—happened under military regimes.

Only people who are outside the orbit of the power structure advocate restructuring. The moment they get into the power structure and experience its elite indulgence, impunity, lack of accountability, reward for indolence, and sloth, they become its most vociferous defenders.

It never fails. APC ran for election in 2014 and 2015 on the promise of restructuring Nigeria. They are today the most passionate defenders of the very structure they said was in need of reform. The PDP, which defended the structure the APC said needed to be reformed, now says it will restructure the country when it gets back to power.

It’s all a giant deception. None of the people running for president from the major political parties has any plans to depart from the past. I have given up. It can’t work. Why should I care who becomes president in 2023?

 

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As Garo Takes Oath, Electorate In Kano’s 484 Wards Are Represented

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By Abba Anwar

As His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf superintendents the official swearing – in of His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, electorate in all the 484 political wards, across the 44 local governments of the state, will begin to feel well represented. Especially those within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Alongside others from other parties. And even non-party individuals.

According to an analyst, from one of the political research groups based in Abuja, Garo is one of the few politicians in Kano, who have direct and real contacts in each and every ward in the state. So bringing him to the corridor of power, is not only strategic, but politically engaging.

Agreed he has his tentacles across all the 44 local governments and all the 484 wards, coupled with his well wishers across the state. Both state and non-state actors. Today’s swearing-in is not only one of the symbols of state political development, it is aptly conceived in the most designed inclusive political success stories.

While Garo was patiently waiting for the swearing – in, many more political reconciliations took place across political divides, intra and inter. With outstanding results all over camps, communities and individuals. He, outrightly, becomes a unifier for Kano First Agenda. The way I see it, is this, His Excellency, the Deputy Governor, is also one of the hottest cakes in the state now. A position, he enjoys for a long time before now.

His acceptance speech, says a lot in what he believes to be his cardinal principles, as a Deputy Governor. Without any doubt, Governor Yusuf, will find true loyalty, glued support and deliberate delivery in governance, government and the governed, in him.

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What is so fascinating at the swearing – in event, is the presence of His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, whose relationship with HE Garo has always been seen as a bit sour. An explanation, that, I, used to counter-argue on different occasions.

DSP’s presence, marks the beginning of new APC in Kano. I now see unity upon unity in Kano APC. This development alone, is promising, productive, engaging and fruitful. It says a bunch about fence mending effort, initiated and executed by some covertly notable individuals. Some of whom are not even from Kano.

The presence of the former Governor of the state, the Sardauna of Kano, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, an embodiment of humility, during the event, is another symbol of excellence, signifying victory for the party in Kano. Shekarau, another icon whose visibility cuts across all the 44 local governments. The architect of Shoorah political dynasty. A sensitive leader, whose love among his people is largely genuine and unqualifiable.

The Senator representing Kano South, Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila’s attendance, at the event, sends signal to opposition parties, that Kano APC is one indivisible political entity. That cements its power, relevance and domineering effect across the length and breadth of the the state. Victory assured!

Without crossing any boundary, let me say this, part of the strong qualities of HE Garo is loyalty, straightforwardness, KALAMU WAHID, and taking his people closer to his heart. He cares for each and every member of his supporters community, not only in Kano, but even outside the state. His becoming so endearing to his people, supporters and well wishers, has never been accidental.

With DSP, Shekarau and Sumaila at the centre, HE Yusuf and HE Garo at the state level, along other critical stakeholders, Kano APC is waxing stronger, well positioned and expressly attractive. In unity the party can make wonders, make and not mar.

Let me assure the people’s governor, that, keeping HE closer, than usual, will aid the government in maintaining popular grassroot support, from now to election period and beyond. More so, closer understanding and cohesion between our leaders, especially between DSP Jibrin and HE Garo will help the governor in trickling down democratic dividends. In an appreciative manner.

The more our dear governor assigns responsibilities to HE Garo, the more chances for smooth administration. His Excellency, the Deputy Governor alone can shoulder all matters to do with, serving party loyalists, effective political strategy in the land and tension absorption.

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 5th May, 2026

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Kaduna 2027:The Man For The Job, Usman Shehu Bawa

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By Gimbiya Abdu, Kaduna

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION

Born in Kaduna in April 1973 into the family of Alhaji Bawa Garba – the businessman who pioneered satellite and cable TV in Northern Nigeria and launched the Kaduna International Trade Fair – Usman Shehu Bawa Garba, the 5th of 13 children, grew up with an early appreciation for access and enterprise.

He began his primary education at Kaduna Polytechnic Staff School, continued at Kaduna Capital School, and started secondary school at Sardauna Memorial College before transferring to the American-run Essence International School, where he graduated in 1993. He proceeded to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, earning a Bachelor’s degree in Geography in 1999.

THE MAN BEHIND THE NAME: CHARACTER AND VALUES

Even as a student, Usman Bawa Garba was known as a man of the people, well-liked by his peers and teachers alike, already exhibiting the quiet, grounded leadership that would define his politics.

Humility remains his hallmark. Unassuming and approachable, he consistently seeks ways to make lasting impact in people’s lives. That instinct drives his low-key philanthropy, and he engages freely with all citizens irrespective of ethnicity or religion – a direct reflection of his upbringing.

FROM ANPP TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY: SERVICE AND TRACK RECORD

Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba began his political career in the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), contesting for the House of Representatives to represent Kaduna North. He later joined General Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and won his seat in the 2011 general elections, serving as Deputy Chairman of the House Committee on Communications, and periodically as Acting Chairman.

As a legislator from 2011 to 2015, Hon. Shehu ABG made impact by delivering people-focused projects across education, health, water and infrastructure in Kaduna North Federal Constituency.

ACHIEVEMENTS

ICT AND DIGITAL EDUCATION

He established and equipped solar-powered ICT centres at Kaduna State University, GSS Doka Boys, and Sardauna Memorial College, and drove early school digitalisation by donating over 400 computers.

Beneficiary schools included Kaduna Capital School, Sardauna Memorial School, GSS Ungwan Sarki, GSS Doka, GSS Independence Way, Nuruddeen Islam School Malali, GSS Badarawa, GSS Hayin Banki, and Rimi College, each receiving over 100 computers to expand digital learning access.

These centres remain operational today, with beneficiaries gaining digital skills, employment, freelancing opportunities and launching small tech ventures.

EDUCATION AND YOUTH DEVELOPMENT

Beyond ICT, he renovated classrooms and improved learning facilities in several public schools, including Abdullahi Gwandu College and Kaduna Capital School. Through the Shehu ABG Foundation, he funded free ICT training, SSCE sponsorships, and scholarships for indigent students.

In 2025 alone, the Foundation provided CBT training for 5,000 JAMB/UTME candidates and paid fees for 1,500–3,000 applicants. Internal tracking shows a majority met admission requirements, with many securing placements in tertiary institutions.

The Foundation also awarded health-field scholarships to 100 youths across all 23 LGAs.

WATER AND HEALTHCARE INTERVENTIONS

He delivered boreholes across the 12 wards of Kaduna North, improving access to clean and safe water. Notably, a 40,000-litre water facility was installed at Kawo Motor Park, easing water scarcity for motorists and travellers heading to Northern Nigeria. In healthcare, he constructed and upgraded primary healthcare facilities to strengthen grassroots services, including Ungwan Shanu Primary Health Care, enhancing community-level delivery.

ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT AND JOB CREATION

Constituents remember tangible impact beyond speeches. He quietly distributed over 61 cars, countless motorcycles, grinding and sewing machines, irrigation pumps and direct cash support to youth, women, and elders. His private-sector experience in enterprise growth and youth empowerment complemented this.

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He facilitated employment for many young people into federal establishments including NIPOST, National Ear and Throat Hospital Kaduna, Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital Kaduna, University of Nigeria Nsukka, Nigerian Army, Nigeria Police Force, Immigration Service, and NSCDC.

Through his ABG Computer School and skills acquisition programs, beneficiaries transitioned into income-generating activities, with several now running small businesses in fish farming, poultry, and ICT, and employing others.

SUSTAINED PHILANTHROPY AND INCLUSION

Since leaving the National Assembly, Hon. Shehu has maintained a steady, state-wide rhythm of intervention. His Ramadan relief efforts have distributed more than 10,000 bags of staple food and grains to widows, elders, persons with disabilities, and low-income households, alongside over ₦250 million in cash aid to orphans and vulnerable families.

These interventions are non-discriminatory as Christian communities have equally received Christmas gifts, educational support, and humanitarian assistance.

The Foundation has also implemented education support and relief across all 8 LGAs of Southern Kaduna between 2023 and 2025, reaching thousands of beneficiaries.

Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba frames this as a personal culture of giving “even when not holding office,” aimed at easing hardship and expanding access. While in the National Assembly, his committee experience which included Diaspora, Health, Gas Resources, Electoral Matters, gave him a wide view of Kaduna’s bottlenecks.

THE 2027 MANDATE: A PEOPLE-FIRST GOVERNORSHIP AGENDA

Now a governorship aspirant under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for 2027, he has chosen the PDP as the most inclusive and nationally competitive platform to deliver people-oriented governance in Kaduna State. He is framing his record into a platform focused on four pillars:

1. SECURITY: To tackle the current security challenges facing the state, Hon. Shehu plans to deploy community-based security backed by ward-level intelligence gathering; invest in technology-driven surveillance and rapid response systems; tackle root causes through mass youth employment and skills programs.

2. INCLUSION FOR YOUTH, WOMEN, AND PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES: Given the diversity of Kaduna State, inclusion of youth, women and persons with disabilities is paramount in building an inclusive, prosperous and united state. In this stead, Hon. Bawa Garba plans to expand access to quality healthcare and education; sustain scholarship schemes, promote digital skills training, and implement targeted empowerment programmes for all.

3. FOOD SECURITY AND ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION: The importance of ensuring food security given the current economic hardship and rising cost of food items cannot be overemphasized. Hon. Shehu outline some of his plans in this regard to include: support irrigation and cooperatives; drive investment in agro-processing, mini-grids, as well as investments in ICT hubs to create jobs.

4. GRASSROOTS GOVERNANCE: Regarding grassroots governance, Hon. Shehu is a strong advocate of local government autonomy. If elected governor, he will ensure the local government receives direct funding with full transparency, and he will define a clear role for traditional rulers in strengthening grassroots security and governance.

What makes Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba different is grassroots acceptance across all regions, a consistent record of youth-focused interventions and a unifying approach to leadership that cuts across religious and ethnic lines.

The thread linking father and son remains the same: building infrastructure people can use to live meaningful livelihoods, carried forward with humility and a people-first approach.

Without doubt, S.H.E.H.U. is an embodiment of:
S – Service
H – Humility
E – Empathy
H – Honesty
U – Unity

Not through grand gestures or photo opportunities, but by deliberately and intentionally asking: How can we make the lives of our people better?

THE PLEDGE: Inclusive Governance for a greater Kaduna:
If elected in 2027, Hon. Shehu Usman Bawa Garba will govern through wide, continuous consultation with all Kaduna people – including traditional and religious leaders, technocrats, market associations, labour unions, farmers’ cooperatives, women’s groups, youth organisations, persons with disabilities, the elderly, and the underserved – irrespective of religion, ethnicity, or political creed.

His administration will deliver responsive, people-driven services that confront today’s harsh economy: affordable healthcare and quality education, food security via irrigation and input support, jobs through agro-processing, mini-grids and ICT hubs, and security that lets families and businesses thrive.

The measure is simple: no citizen regrets their vote. With transparency and inclusion, Hon. Shehu Usman Bawa Garba will deliver real dividends of democracy, restore dignity to livelihoods, and return Kaduna to peace, prosperity, and its past glory.

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Nigerian Opposition Parties: Divided Within, Weakened by External Forces

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By Ali Sabo

Nigeria’s democracy is facing a quiet but dangerous shift, not through the abolition of opposition parties, but through their systematic weakening. What is unfolding across the country’s political landscape increasingly suggests not just coincidence or internal dysfunction, but a pattern in which opposition parties are being fractured in ways that ultimately benefit the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

At the heart of this crisis is the steady disintegration of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While internal divisions have long existed, recent developments point to something more strategic. The prominent role of Nyesom Wike, a leading PDP figure now serving as the FCT Minister within the APC government has blurred the line between opposition and ruling party influence. His continued leverage within PDP structures, combined with legal battles over party leadership, which were put to bed yesterday by the Supreme Court has effectively paralysed the party at a critical moment in Nigeria’s democratic cycle.

The pattern does not end with the PDP. The Labour Party, which energised millions of voters in the last election, is now entangled in leadership disputes and factional crises that have weakened its national momentum. The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) faces similar fragmentation. Even newer coalition efforts around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), led by Senator David Mark, are already showing signs of destabilisation before they can fully consolidate.

Individually, each of these crises might be explained away as internal party failure. But taken together, they reveal a broader pattern: every major opposition platform is simultaneously weakened, divided, or distracted. This is where the question of interference becomes unavoidable.

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The circulation and reported video allegedly involving the Chief of Staff to the President, has intensified concerns that these outcomes may not be entirely organic. The suggestion that political actors are being encouraged to remain within opposition parties in order to destabilise them, if true, reflects a strategy that does not eliminate opposition outright, but renders it ineffective from within.

Even beyond that video, Nigeria’s political history shows that power is rarely neutral in moments like this. Influence is exercised through alliances, inducements, strategic appointments, and the leveraging of state and legal processes. When key opposition figures align closely with the ruling establishment while retaining influence in their original parties, it creates conditions for internal sabotage that are difficult to prove, but impossible to ignore.

To be clear, opposition parties are not without fault. Weak internal democracy, personality-driven leadership, and lack of ideological clarity have made them vulnerable. But vulnerability alone does not explain the consistency and timing of the crises now affecting nearly all major opposition platforms.

What emerges is a political environment where: Opposition parties are internally divided, leadership struggles consume their energy, legal disputes stall their progress, and, ultimately, the ruling party faces a fragmented and ineffective challenge

This is how dominant-party systems are built, not by banning opposition, but by ensuring it cannot function effectively.

Nigeria is not yet a one-party state. But if the current trajectory continues, it risks becoming something just as troubling: a system where opposition exists, but only in form, not in strength.

The danger here is not only political; it is democratic. When voters begin to feel that alternatives are weak, compromised, or deliberately undermined, trust in the system erodes. Participation declines. Cynicism grows. And power becomes increasingly concentrated.

The responsibility, therefore, is twofold. The ruling party must recognise that long-term legitimacy depends on fair competition, not strategic dominance at all costs. And opposition parties must urgently rebuild internal cohesion and resist forces, internal or external that seek to divide them.

Because in the end, democracy is not sustained by the strength of those in power alone, but by the presence of a credible, independent, and resilient opposition.

Ali Sabo is a political analyst, and he writes from Kano

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