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Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

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3 years ago

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Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu

Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

Abdallah Uba Adamu

As we enter into ‘will they, will they not’ mode of uncertainty typical of Nigerian public culture about the change of Nigerian higher currency denominations announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on 25th October 2022, my mind went back to an article I wrote on 16th April 2007. This was in the wake of the removal of “Arabic inscriptions” on the Nigerian currency (the Naira) on 28th February 2007 in the new currency notes that removed the Ajami (Hausa written in Arabic script) writing that indicated the denomination of the respective currency note and replaced with the Latin alphabet. This is a ‘remix’ of that posting on the then popular platforms of Blogspot. Mine was called Nishadin Hululu (Hausa Popular Culture).

The full historical overview of how the Arabic “script” came to become part of essentially northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa educational package is given in Manuscript Learnability and Indigenous Knowledge for Development – Hausa Ajami in Historical Context. A version is available at https://bit.ly/3zoi7XN.

I rarely bother to visit Nigerian “Naija” websites on the web or any other group of politically motivated Nigerians. I know what I will find — the usual vituperative tirade against northern Nigerians, Muslims, Hausa, ad nauseum. Southern Nigerians have three fundamental articles in their crusade against northern Nigeria: Islamic fanaticism, conservative feudalism and their weird perception of “born to rule” syndrome apparently held by the ‘northerners’. No matter how many groups of Nigerians you interact with, these three form the main focus of the divide in Nigeria. They are the main reasons why Nigerian “unity” is virtually impossible.

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I doubt if there is any other group of Africans who hang out their ethnic dirty laundry like Nigerians. I accept, for the most part such ranting is probably not personal; they are basically religious – the Christian versus Muslim divide, rather than any feeling of superiority of one ethnic group over the other. Any such feelings of superiority are part of a religious template that sees acquisition of education as the central criteria for judging the value of a whole people. Thus education, not religion, is the central fulcrum around which the Nigerian nation wobbles.

Southern Nigerian acquired education through Christian Missionary activities from about 1849. Such education became the mainstay of acquiring Westernized modernity. Inevitably Western education brought by Christian missionaries to Nigeria became equated with Western Christian values. For the most part, Christian southern Nigerians are happy with this because it makes them “civilized” — in the absence of any cherished antecedent cultural values. Thus, any other worldview is considered barbaric.

Northern Nigerians, specifically the Hausa and the Kanuri acquired education through conversion to Islam since 1250 and in Kanuri kingdom, even earlier. The constant eddy of scholars from north African learning centers throughout 14th to 17th centuries ensured a sustained scholastic tradition in Muslim northern Nigeria. Muslim northern Nigerians therefore had a longer exposure to the concept of formalized learning and literacy than southern Nigerians. A universal basic education was indeed introduced around 1464 in the city of Kano when new methods of indigenizing the Arabic script to Hausa phonology were created. This led to the creation of a novel way of writing out Hausa language in a script the young scholars will understand. It is this method of indigenizing Arabic script to Hausa language that became “ajami”. It became one of the main ways of educating young pupils in northern Nigeria. Do you remember all those “Almajirai” you see in northern Nigerian cities? Well, most are fluent in ajami writing. Currently, the most prominent modern Hausa political singer (though not the most talented or likeable), Dauda “Rarara” Adamu Kahutu, has an extensive catalogue of his songs all written Ajami which he reads as he records in the studio.

Ajami, therefore, is any literacy strategy in which any language is written in Arabic. Over 50 languages are currently written in the script. Let us look at the parallel sphere. If any African language is written in Latin characters, it can be called Ajami. Ajami is not Islamic; any more than Latin alphabets are Christian.

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However, in a new era of reform, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) decided to remove the “Arabic” script from the Nigerian currency in new currency notes launched on 28th February 2007. The removal of ajami script on the Nigerian currency reflected the deep-rooted religious divide that is Nigeria, because the Arabic script was seen as religious – and Nigeria is considered a secular country. This equates Arabic with Islam – ignoring the huge number of Arab Christians that exist throughout the Middle East.

The logic of the removal of the what the Nigerian economic establishment call “Arabic inscription” on the Nigerian currency given by the Nigerian Government was premised on using a Latin inscription that is available to all Nigerians (even if in mutually exclusive languages), rather than an exclusive script tied down to a particular religious culture. According to the then Governor of CBN, Professor Chukwuma Soludo during a sensitization visit to the Sultan of Sokoto,

“I will also like to inform you that the removal of the Arabic inscription on the notes is not targeted at any group or religion but rather to promote our language and cultural heritage…As you can see, Naira is the symbol of our nationalism and our pride. It is pertinent to let you understand that Arabic is not one of our national languages and it was inscribed on the notes forty years ago because the majority of people then, can read it in the northern part of the country to the detriment of their counterparts in the South (ThisDay, 16th February 2007, posted to the web 19th February 2007 at https://bit.ly/3TQ4FEw.

Similarly, the CBN issued a rebuttal to the controversies by stating that the “de-ajamization” was to “conform (to) Section 55 of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises four languages, English, Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba as medium of conducting government businesses.” After all, as they claimed, after forty years of Western education, most people in Nigeria should be able to recognize the Roman inscriptions. This, we believe, can strengthen our unity by ensuring equity and fairness. Indeed, the replacement was done in national interest and the desire to comply with the Constitution of the country.”

But how can national unity be attained when still a large proportion of the country is marginalized? To prevent this marginalization, the British colonial administration introduced the Ajami letters on the first Nigerian modernized currencies, well aware of the large gap in education – and therefore ability to read and understand Latin characters on the country’s currency notes. An example was the £1 note.

“Fam daya” was prominently written to enable those literate in Ajami, but not Latin alphabet to identify the currency.

It is interesting that a main argument was that the presence of ajami on Nigerian currency was seen to the “detrimental” to southern Nigerians (who presumably do not understand it) – yet the inclusion of Latin alphabet is not seen as detrimental to non-Roman literate northern Nigerians (especially non-Muslim Hausa, who presumably do not understand it). In this warped logic, it is therefore easier to alienate Muslim Hausa northern Nigerians than southern Nigerians, especially since a Christian was the President of the country (and a Christian Governor of the Central Bank facilitated the alienation). Of course, when a Muslim becomes the President, the arguments might be revisited – and reversed; which another subsequent Christian president will also revisit, and so on endlessly. Farooq Kperogi actually imagined a nightmare scenario that might come out of this in 2022 at https://bit.ly/3TOt2T1.

The inclusion of the script on the Nigerian currency by the British colonial administration was an acknowledgement of the rich literary heritage of a vast number of people in Nigeria who could not read the Latin script– and not a strategy to impose Islam on anyone in Nigeria. Certainly, the British colonial administration had no reason to propagate Islam. Yet on the currencies circulated by the same administration the “Arabic inscription” was conspicuously present. This was maintained subsequently until 2007, when the despised Arabic inscription was removed and replaced with the much-loved Latin ‘inscription’. An example with ₦50 illustrates this.

The ₦50 with the ‘Arabic inscription’ of Ajami merely indicating that it is fifty naira in Hausa. In the redesigned ₦50, the Roman name for the Hausa was ‘naira hamsin’ instead of the Ajamized ‘hamsin’ in the old note. Yet, ‘hamsin’ means fifty in Arabic! So, like it or not, Arabic still remains on the naira. To get rid of it, you have to get rid of the Hausa language entirely, since about almost 45% of Hausa words are based on Arabic language.

Further, other multicultural countries do pay such homage to multiple literacies in their currency notes. The Indian currency, for instance, has 15 language scripts, including Urdu (ajami) – despite Arabic not being part of its national languages.

And while not explicitly stated, the links made by the Nigerian economic establishment with Arabic to Islam seems to be part of a move to “de-Islamize” Nigeria – scoring a cheap point particularly in the way most northern Nigerian States re-introduced Islamic Shari’a in their governance from 1999 led by Zamfara State, and the earlier issue of Nigeria’s membership of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in January 1986, which the Nigerian Christian (as well as Marxist Muslim) groups were against.

We look forward to the new currency notes in December 2022.

Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu is a dual Professor of Education Science and Cultural Communication

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Opinion

Your Excellency, the Governor of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf: Welcome to APC the People’s Party

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2 days ago

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December 31, 2025

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By Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,mti,Kent,UK, former special adviser on public affairs to former Governor H/E Ganduje

It is with a heart full of joy and a spirit of unity that we welcome a true son of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf into the fold of the APC, the people’s political party and the largest political party in Africa.

Governor Yusuf, an‑engineer by profession and the elected leader of our great State since May 2023 has already made a lasting imprint on Kano State. Sir, thanks.

His bold intention to declare a state of emergency on education allocating a remarkable 30 % (more than 26% of prescription by UNESCO) of the state budget to schools has turned the tide for countless children of downtrodden to be educated and enlightened. From solar‑lit streets that brighten our nights to a N50,000 monthly support for 5,200 women entrepreneurs to cushions economic precarity, his initiatives echo the APC’s vision of a prosperous future, inclusive of the benefits of former councillors in the 44 LGA of Kano State. Also, the benefits of pensioners which have not been paid a long time ago. I’m sure that the next special advisers’ benefit will be on the line.

Hence, the countless roads construction and rehabilitation at both metropolitan and rural areas has been going on without delay. Your Excellency, these gigantic policies by His Excellency have been the same with the central government under His Excellency President Bola Tinubu.

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The APC, under the steadfast guidance of Chairman Prince Abdullahi Abbas and the former national chairman His Excellency Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has repeatedly affirmed its readiness to receive Governor Yusuf “with open arms”. This invitation is not a political maneuver but a sincere call for unity, reconciliation, and collective responsibility values that will combine our strengths for the progress of Kano State and the entire nation. Take note that today Nigeria is on the way to political, economic and social reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Nigeria will be on the same pathway with other economic emerging markets of the Global Southern Hemisphere.

As we extend this warm embrace, we also look forward to the synergy of your seasoned leadership and the APC’s grassroots energy. Together, we shall:

*Strengthen our education sector, ensuring every child has a desk, a book, and a future especially on science, technology and innovation

*Boost agriculture, healthcare system, transport, security and strengthen women‑empowerment programmes that lift families out of poverty. Drive infrastructural development that lights up our streets and connects our markets. And again, this writing and understanding that there’s the need to create “New Kano” as has been done in other nations like Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Nigeria and other developing nations of the world.

Governor Yusuf, your presence today is a testament to the power of partnership and with that Kano State will be the next commercial centre of Africa. We pledge to walk hand‑in‑hand with you in APC, to build a Kano that shines brighter than ever before the creation of the State in 1967. With your presence in APC the election year of 2027 will be a work over in Kano State and the nation at large.

Thank you, and welcome home!

Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,pl.sc,political strategy and communications consultant and care taker chairman former special advisers to former Governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje

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Opinion

The Price of Betrayal: How History Caught Up with Kwankwaso

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2 days ago

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December 31, 2025

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Kwankwaso

 

By Dr Usman Sarki Madobi

Political power rarely collapses overnight. More often, it unravels slowly, weighed down by history, memory, and the quiet reckoning of past actions. The steady decline of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s once-formidable political dynasty in Kano is best understood not as coincidence or bad luck, but as political payback. It is a reminder that in politics, as in life, those who help you rise matter, and the cost of betrayal is eventually collected.

Kwankwaso did not emerge in a vacuum, his political journey was shaped, guided, and sustained by mentors and allies who believed in his potential long before he became a household name. Among them was the late Senator Hamisu Musa, a crucial figure in Kwankwaso’s early political career. Hamisu Musa mentored him, opened doors, and helped him establish the contacts necessary to enter the House of Representatives before contesting the governorship at later time, and without such foundational support, Kwankwaso’s rise would have been far more difficult. Yet, history records that this alliance ended in bitterness, with both men eventually standing on opposite sides due to what many viewed as Kwankwaso’s betrayal. The same pattern repeated itself with other political benefactors such as late Musa Gwadabe and Engr. Magaji Abdullahi, both of blessed memory who invested their time, trust, and political capital in Kwankwaso. However, instead of being rewarded with loyalty or respect, they were sidelined when their interests no longer aligned with his ambition.

Perhaps the earliest and most symbolic fracture was with Abubakar Rimi. Rimi, being a political heavyweight, expected to play the role of godfather and chief conductor of the Kwankwaso administration and this was not unusual in Nigerian politics, where senior figures often guide protégés from behind the scenes. Kwankwaso, however, asserted his independence and insisted on running the government himself. While this stance earned him admiration from some quarters, it also marked the beginning of a reputation for political ingratitude and intolerance of shared power. Rimi’s eventual withdrawal of support was not just personal; it signaled to others that alliances with Kwankwaso were conditional and expendable.

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Moreover, the rivalry between Kwankwaso and Alhaji Musa Gwadabe further deepened this narrative. Both of them were influential figures within the PDP in the early 2000s, and their conflict over party leadership, candidacies, and control of the party structure became one of Kano’s most defining political battles. Allegations that Kwankwaso sought Gwadabe’s removal from ministerial office only reinforced perceptions of intolerance and power consolidation. What could have been managed as internal party disagreement instead became another chapter in a growing list of broken relationships.
Ironically, at his lowest point, when Rimi, Musa Gwadabe, and Dangalan distanced themselves due to what they described as Kwankwaso’s political excesses and constant crises, one man stood firmly by him. Ambassador Aminu Wali became the only leader among the Kano PDP conveners that remained loyal, and helped Kwankwaso during the turbulent times. History, however, shows that even such loyalty did not translate into lasting trust, as Kwankwaso later fall out with many who once defended him against the odds.

The Ganduje episode provides perhaps the clearest illustration of history coming full circle. In 1999, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje won the PDP gubernatorial primaries but was persuaded by party stakeholders to accept Kwankwaso as his running mate in the interest of unity. Years later, when Ganduje became governor in 2015, Kwankwaso attempted to exert control over his administration. Ganduje’s refusal to submit led to a dramatic and bitter split. Today, critics argue that Kwankwaso is repeating the same controlling approach with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, reducing him to a political puppet in pursuit of personal interests again, at odds with the wishes of many in Kano State.

Recent defections within the NNPP appear to be the final confirmation of a long-standing pattern. The departure of figures such as Hon. Aliyu Madakin Gini, Hon. Kabiru Alhasan Rurum, Secretary to the Kano State Government Dr. Baffa Bichi, and other key stakeholders is widely seen as vindication for those who left Kwankwaso years earlier. Leaders like Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, Arch. Aminu Dabo, and others had warned of Kwankwaso’s autocratic and self-centered leadership style long before it became publicly undeniable but Kwankwaso remained adamant.

In the end, the collapse of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is less about external opposition and more about internal erosion. A movement built on personal control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung, not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

Politics never forgets. And in Kano, history has finally returned the favor.

*Usman Suleiman Sarki Madobi, Ph.D.*

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Opinion

OPINION: The Seniority of Barau Jibrin and the Political Reality of Kano APC

Published

4 days ago

on

December 29, 2025

By

Senator Barau

​By Ibrahim Aliyu Karaye

 

​The political atmosphere in Kano State has recently been thick with rumors and “jubilations” regarding the potential defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the NNPP to the All Progressives Congress (APC). While some elements within our party are celebrating this as a strategic move to “block” certain ambitions, it is crucial to temper this excitement with a dose of hard political reality. In the hierarchy of power and party leadership, some seem to have forgotten that the APC is a party of order, respect, and established leadership.
​First and foremost, it must be stated clearly: Senator Barau Jibrin is not just a member of the APC; he is the No. 5 Citizen of Nigeria and the Deputy President of the Senate. By virtue of this high office, he is the highest political office holder from Kano State. In the eyes of the National Leadership and the Presidency, Senator Barau remains the most influential political leader and the primary point of call within the Kano APC fold—take it or leave it.
​To those busy jubilating with the belief that a serving governor’s arrival will truncate Senator Barau’s 2027 aspirations, we see you. We are fully aware of the “secret romance” many of these detractors have maintained with the NNPP since the 2023 elections. These elements, who were neither here nor there during our party’s hours of need, now believe they can dictate the terms of engagement. However, they should realize they are not part of the top-level decision-making process. When the time comes for high-level negotiations regarding any return or defection to the APC, it is Senator Barau Jibrin, along with other elected party leaders, who will facilitate the process. Your “paymasters” will likely find themselves waiting on the balcony while the real decisions are made inside.
​Senator Barau Jibrin has proven himself to be a patient, focused, and strategic leader. He is not in a desperate hurry to realize his political dreams. While others play “spoiler” games, he is busy building the party, recently facilitating the defection of high-ranking NNPP officials into the APC. The APC is a big tent, but no one should mistake a new entry for a takeover. Senator Barau remains the primary gatekeeper of the party’s interests in Kano, and those celebrating his perceived “setback” should save their tears for later. The future of Kano APC will be negotiated by those who have stayed loyal, led by the Deputy President of the Senate himself.

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​Ibrahim Aliyu Karaye
APC Member, Kano State
ibrahimkaraye27@gmail.com

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