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Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

Opinion

Muhuyi Raided Our Area: Encomiums, Prayers and Solidarity Trail Operation

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Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Abba Anwar

A few days ago, Sheikh Salga Street, the stretch from Goron Dutse to Jakara, was a haven for Yandaba and drug addicts. They terrorized residents in broad daylight without fear, and at night, it was even worse. The Jakara Divisional Police did their best to curb the menace, but the challenge was beyond a single station.

The real game-changer came when the Inter-Agency Task Force Against Drug Abuse and Other Related Crimes, under the fearless Barrister Muhuyi Magaji Rimingado, stormed the area. It was a thorough, house-to-house operation that combed every nook and cranny.

This is my area. I was born and raised in Bakinruwa quarters, and I have friends across all the adjoining neighborhoods. When Barrister Rimingado led his men in a Rambo-style raid, calls started coming in. Many residents told me that this single operation alone has convinced every right-thinking person in the area to vote for the present administration under His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, in the 2027 election.

Interestingly, a greater percentage of those I spoke to do not belong to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress, APC. Yet they insisted that this intervention is the best thing that has happened to them in recent times. They promised to pay back with their votes in 2027.

Politics aside, when these criminal elements forced people to run for their lives, they did not ask whether you wereAPC, ADC or any other party. Several people were severely injured. Some were alleged to have lost their lives.

What made this raid more strategic and successful was how the Task Force worked hand-in-hand with traditional community leaders, the Masu Unguwa. These are leaders who know the suspects by name, who know their parents, their houses and their hideouts. That is why the operation succeeded.

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This is a smart application of community policing. Beyond intelligence from security agencies, bringing in community leaders was a vital, creative and strategic move by the Chairman of the Task Force.

The raid was not a one-day show. It continued up to yesterday. Coincidentally, there was a Maulud gathering on the road between Durumin Kaigama and Yar Kasuwa. I learnt that immediately after the Maulud, a special prayer session was held. They prayed for Governor Yusuf to secure another term, and they prayed for Allah’s protection and guidance for Barrister Rimingado and his dedicated team.

What the Task Force did was appreciated by thousands of residents. From what I gathered, some youth have even started organizing a movement to support Governor Yusuf’s re-election bid. The movement, I learnt, has nothing to do with party affiliation.

I was briefed that youth from all walks of life are involved – students, artisans, members of community-based organizations, business people, women groups and civil servants.

What Barrister Rimingado did has opened the eyes of many apolitical people. These are hundreds of people who do not belong to any political party, but who have now resolved to do everything possible to ensure Governor Yusuf returns in 2027.

This vindicates what I wrote earlier, that politics aside, if properly handled, the activities of the Task Force could be one of the most fundamental efforts capable of giving APC more votes in Kano in all elections, especially the gubernatorial contest.

Alhamdulillah, rules of engagement were professionally adhered to during the raid. About 80 suspected criminals were arrested. Some fled out of the state, but I was reliably informed they will be trailed to wherever they hide. This is what we call patriotic commitment.

Let me use this platform to convey the thank-you message of our people to the Governor of Kano State and the Task Force under Barrister Rimingado for this timely intervention and show of concern and seriousness.

One Malam Ahmad Dahawi, who leads an umbrella body of community associations in the area with thousands of members, confirmed that peace has now returned to the affected areas. He assured that although their umbrella body comprises people across different political parties, they have resolved to support Governor Yusuf in 2027, while members are free to vote for whoever they like in other elections.

More grease to your elbow, the people’s Governor. More courage and fearlessness to Barrister Rimingado and his unwavering team. With this kind of teamwork and community support, the days of these criminals are numbered.

What is most interesting is the political will of the Governor and his unwavering support for cleansing our state of criminal activities.

I suggest other areas within the metropolis and rural communities, should copy from our people in supporting the operation of the all-important Task Force. It is for the good of all of us.

Anwar writes from Kano
Saturday, 3rd October, 2026

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Opinion

Muhuyi and the Fight for Kano’s Future-Ismail Auwal

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By Ismail Auwal

I knew Muhuyi Magaji Rimin Gado had capacity. His work at Kano’s Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission had established that much. But watching the pace of his present assignment, I have had to revise my expectations upward. I did not imagine he would bring this much energy to the task.
The operations have kept coming: arrests, investigations and court proceedings. Alongside them are plans for rehabilitation and skills training. What has emerged is a public official taking responsibility for an assignment whose consequences reach far beyond his office and into the homes and neighbourhoods of Kano.
Within 45 days, the task force reportedly conducted more than 200 raids and secured more than 200 convictions, with four mobile courts handling the cases. Those figures remain reported results. They nevertheless describe an early pace of enforcement that deserves attention, and the leadership sustaining it deserves recognition.
Consider the work behind an operation. Information arrives and must be assessed. Someone decides what requires investigation and brings the relevant agencies together. Officers are deployed, evidence is gathered and records are prepared. After an arrest, the responsibility continues through the preparation and handling of a case.
Maintaining that effort across repeated operations requires organisation and follow-through. This is where Muhuyi’s energy becomes significant. He has taken on a responsibility that demands sustained attention, and the accounts emerging from Kano suggest he is giving the assignment precisely that.
The arrests sit at the centre of this effort because they make government action visible. For residents who have reported suspected criminal activity, an operation can show that their information reached someone prepared to respond. It can begin to restore a connection between public complaints and public action.
That connection matters. When people believe a complaint will go nowhere, they may stop making it. They find ways to live around the problem, avoid certain places or carry their concerns privately. An institution that responds gives them a reason to participate again and demonstrates that their knowledge of their community has value.
Muhuyi’s task force has an opportunity to strengthen that relationship with every operation properly investigated and every case properly followed. His leadership deserves commendation for pursuing the work through institutions, bringing enforcement and court proceedings into the same understanding of public responsibility.
For Kano, the stakes are personal. A family dealing with harmful drug use may find its plans gradually displaced by the next crisis. Schooling is interrupted, money intended for other needs goes towards seeking help, and relationships come under strain. Parents try to understand what is happening while worrying about what might happen next.
These are the lives behind the assignment. A response that reaches them can change what they expect from government. It can provide somewhere to seek assistance and a reason to believe that the burden they have been carrying is receiving attention beyond the household.
That is why I have followed Muhuyi’s work with growing interest. The task force is addressing a problem whose effects can spread through generations. Protecting a young person’s opportunity to learn, work and contribute has consequences for an entire family. It also influences the kind of Kano that will emerge in the years ahead.
Muhuyi brings experience suited to these demands. At the Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission, he worked where citizens’ grievances met the machinery of government. Complaints had to be received, records examined and investigations pursued. Public expectations had to be translated into administrative and legal action.
His contribution included work on the institution itself. In April 2025, the commission published an account of commendations from the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre. CISLAC recognised developments under his leadership, including an anticorruption strategy, operating guidelines for government institutions and offices across Kano’s 44 local government areas.
There is substance in that record. Extending an institution’s presence makes it easier for people to approach it. Establishing procedures gives staff a framework for handling complaints. Setting a strategy helps work continue across competing demands. These are foundations on which visible results depend.
For a resident seeking assistance, the difference can be practical: an office within reach, a process that can be understood and an official assigned to follow the matter. Such arrangements give public service a form people can use. Muhuyi’s experience developing them is an asset to his present responsibility.
The commission’s engagement with CISLAC also involved cooperation on asset tracking and recovery. That experience points to another quality relevant to the task force: understanding that institutions can accomplish more when they combine expertise and establish clear arrangements for working together.
Drug enforcement brings together responsibilities held by different bodies. Reporting on the task force’s maiden meeting described participation by the NDLEA, police, Department of State Services and other public institutions. Their involvement provides a basis for coordinated work, while leadership keeps that cooperation active after the meeting ends.
Information must move to those able to assess it. Evidence must reach those preparing proceedings. Responsibilities must be understood well enough to prevent a case from losing momentum between institutions. Muhuyi’s role is to help make these connections work, and the reported activity gives reason to recognise his commitment.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf also deserves credit for establishing the platform and giving the assignment political backing. Placing an experienced official at its head was a consequential decision. Muhuyi’s response has given that decision operational meaning through the task force’s reported activities and developing partnerships.
The governor’s support and the chairman’s drive can reinforce each other. Public backing enables institutions to commit resources, while operational leadership directs those resources towards the work. Kano benefits when both remain focused on the people the assignment is meant to serve.
The effort has attracted recognition from other institutions. Reports of an August visit said the NDLEA’s Zone 5 Command named Muhuyi a War Against Drug Abuse ambassador, citing cooperation, awareness and community mobilisation. In September, the North-West Development Commission also commended the task force and expressed interest in collaboration.
Such recognition can open opportunities for assistance and shared expertise. It also encourages the personnel carrying out the work. Officers, investigators and administrative staff all contribute to the results associated with a chairman’s name. Their effort deserves recognition alongside the leadership coordinating it.
The ambition to help people rebuild their lives after enforcement is equally important. Muhuyi has reportedly outlined plans for skills training reaching 10,000 people, with a role envisaged for the Kiru Reformation Centre. That number is a proposed target, and its direction is encouraging: rehabilitation has a place in how he understands the assignment.
A young person returning home may need treatment, an opportunity to resume education or help acquiring a skill. The family may also need guidance. Recovery can involve a series of steps, each requiring someone to remain involved after the immediate crisis has passed.
Including rehabilitation recognises that public responsibility continues through those steps. It gives the campaign a purpose that families can understand: helping a person regain the ability to participate in everyday life. That ambition deserves support because its benefits can extend well beyond the individual receiving assistance.
A young person who resumes school recovers an opportunity to prepare for adulthood. Someone who acquires a useful skill has a basis for pursuing a livelihood. A household that receives help can begin making plans again. Through these changes, an intervention becomes an investment in Kano’s future.
The support of religious scholars, Friday mosque imams and Hisbah can strengthen this effort. These institutions have relationships with communities that government agencies can work alongside. Their participation can encourage discussion, prevention and assistance in places where families already seek guidance.
Muhuyi deserves credit for leading an assignment that is developing these connections. Public engagement helps build the cooperation on which sustained progress depends. Families need to know where to seek help, and communities need to understand how they can contribute to protecting young people.
The task force’s developing approach brings these responsibilities into the same conversation. Operations address suspected offences, court proceedings carry cases forward, rehabilitation plans look towards recovery, and community partnerships create opportunities for prevention and support. Together, they provide a basis for recognising the leadership behind the effort.
I have followed Muhuyi’s work with an existing appreciation of his capacity. What I now appreciate more fully is his willingness to apply it with urgency. He has brought energy to an assignment that requires people to keep showing up, keep coordinating and keep following the work. That commitment deserves commendation.
Kano’s future will be shaped partly by what happens to its young people today. Every opportunity preserved, every family assisted and every community able to obtain a response contributes to that future. Muhuyi has taken on a responsibility that reaches directly into those possibilities.
The arrests have made the effort visible, and his leadership is giving it momentum. With sustained support, the work can leave its strongest record in the lives of people who find a way forward: young people returning to education and employment, families receiving assistance and communities gaining confidence in the institutions serving them.

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Opinion

Dry Taps Gone, Kano Flows Again: The Abba Yusuf Water Comeback By Abba Anwar

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By Abba Anwar

It is evidently clear and on record to understand that Kano thirsty decade is ending, as how His Excellency the Governor of Kano State, Eng Abba Kabir Yusuf is turning 95 years of ruin into a N21.3 Billion revival. This is leadership, commitment, display of patriotic political will and understanding of complexities and peculiarities of human existence.

What Kano is experiencing now, in terms of redirecting the water industry into human face, calls for global gist and account. For example in Cape Town, they called perennial shortage of water Day Zero – the day the taps would run dry.

In Flint, Michigan, history tells us that it was a lead poisoning crisis that shocked America. While in Kano, Africa’s most populous city, situated in Northern Nigeria, it was slower, quieter, and more painful. Very pathetic and heartbreaking, for over ten years, the taps simply stopped. No announcement. No Day Zero. Just air.

The history of Kano water sector reveals that the city needs 700 million litres of water every single day to survive. Until last year, it was getting less than 300 million. A deficit of 400 million litres. That is not a shortage; it is a systemic collapse. Mothers woke up at 4 a.m. to queue at boreholes. Children trekked kilometres with jerry cans. Industries shut down. Cholera whispered in the background.

Identification of problem didn’t match with problem diagnosis. For years, successive administrations applied plaster to a cancer. The current administration of Governor Yusuf has chosen to perform open-heart surgery. A better and neater option. Surgical operation not plaster application. Which catches and punches the right button.
And the heart is now beating again as the Governor means business and genuine service delivery.

Kano’s 95-year-old legacy, which I term as The Soul of a City, is a deliberate presentation for proper
understanding of the magnitude of what is happening now. Hence we must understand what was lost.

Kano’s water story did not start yesterday. It started in 1927, when the British colonial administration, under Emir Abdullahi Bayero, broke ground for what would become the first waterworks in Northern Nigeria – the Challawa Water Works. Completed in 1930, with a modest 20 million litres per day, it was an engineering marvel of its time. It supplied Dorayi, Kabuga, Kofar Fanfo, Jan Bulo, Rijiyar Zaki, and even the Army Barracks in Janguza. It ran non-stop for 86 years.

Then came its younger brothers. The Old Tamburawa in 1986 – 9.6 million litres, later upgraded to 20 million. Then the New Tamburawa, a behemoth with a 150 million litre per day capacity. And anchoring them all, the legendary Goron Dutse reservoirs – five massive underground and surface reservoirs built between 1930 and 1974, with a combined storage of over 40 million litres. They were the lungs of Kano’s distribution.

By whatever standard and estimation this was a system built by visionaries, with clearly defined vision. But it was, unfortunately, killed by neglect. Year in year out all the donkey years witnessed terrifying reality when city’s lifeline was utterly and irresponsibly looted.

To tell my reader that, that experience was worrying our Governor deeply even before he came on board, before he took the oath of office on May 29, 2023, he set up a powerful Committee of Experts to look into the perennial nature of the water industry. Immediately after he came on board his engineers gave him a report on water that read like a war zone assessment.

Since then, when I discussed the concern with a friend from Darmanawa he quickly commended the effort and called for public support of the entire process and procedures.

It was fundamentally clear that in Challawa, the scene was “pathetic and disheartening,” in the official words of the Ministry. Out of six giant industrial generating sets that power the entire plant when the national grid fails, only two were limping. Water Works No. 1 and No. 2 were dead. No. 3 was gasping at 30% capacity. A call for action at whatever rate.

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Worse than decay was destruction. Raw water pumps were gone. Electrical starters ripped from control rooms. Underground electrical facilities stolen. And in an act that shocked even veteran engineers, a 15-kilometre, 15.6 kilometre underground transmission pipeline – the artery that feeds Challawa – was excavated and stolen. Not vandalised. Stolen. Some individuals even walked into the premises claiming the federal government had sold the waterworks to them. A brazen dishonesty of the highest order.

At Goron Dutse, the story was even more symbolic. The reservoirs that had quenched Kano for nearly a century had not received a single drop of water for over ten years. Ten years! They were dry, cracked, and filled with silt. As bad as economies during conventional wars. Abandonment amid need for attention.

The total cost of decay was put at over N30 billion. An administration in the past had spent N5.6 billion in just 11 months for “maintenance” but it was maintenance without a soul. As pipes were not replaced, reservoirs were not desilted, pumps were not procured. The result? Tamburawa, designed for 150 million litres, was doing 27%. Challawa, designed for 220 million, was doing less than 30%. Together, they should produce 370 million litres. They were producing less than 90 million.

To revive just Challawa, an official told journalists that the state would need $3.5 million, later revised to over $10 million, because the 1930-era machines have to be custom-built in Europe on demand. They are not on any shelf in the world.

This is the rot Governor Yusuf inherited. To me, Governor Yusuf’s political will is doctrinal with no match in sight. Unmatched political will. It is glaring for all to know that great cities are not revived by press releases. They are revived by political will. This is where His Excellency separates himself from every administration in the last decade.

He did not send a committee. He went himself. Since from the start of the good re-engineering touch of the water facilities. For example just yesterday, he and his able Deputy H.E. Murtala Sule Garo alongside other top government functionaries visited water projects that are almost ready for good operations.

In a now-famous inspection tour, Governor Yusuf, in rain boots, walked the length of Challawa and Tamburawa with engineers from CGC Nigeria Limited and CCECC Nigeria Limited – the same Chinese engineering giants building Africa’s biggest dams and railways. He saw the leaking pipes. He saw the obsolete clarifiers. He saw the dead high-lift pumps. And there, on the spot, he made a decision that will define his legacy.

He approved without any hesitation, the sum of N21.29 billion. Wow! the single largest water investment in Kano in 15 years. Leadership by example. Viva our dear Governor Viva.

Not N21.89 billion in rumour. N21.29 billion in signed contracts. With N9.9 billion to CGC Nigeria Limited for the total rehabilitation of Tamburawa Water Treatment Plant and its raw water pump station. The sum of N11.39 billion to CCECC Nigeria Limited for the rehabilitation of Challawa Raw Water Pump Station, its treatment plant, and the total restoration of the Goron Dutse reservoirs. Action! Action!! Action!!!

This is not rehabilitation on paper. This is what is happening on the ground right now, as confirmed by Dr. Dahiru Muhammad Hashim, Acting Commissioner for Water Resources, Environment and Climate Change. That:

1. The critical 15.6-kilometre transmission line to Goron Dutse has been restored with modern ductile steel pipes, replacing the 1970s asbestos pipes that were poisoning the system.

2. Goron Dutse reservoirs have been fully desilted and repaired.

3. Clarifiers, filtration units, manifolds, and high-lift pumps have been restored.

4. Ten high-capacity 110-kilowatt pumps have been procured.

5. A full test run was completed in mid-September.

And beyond the metropolis, the Governor is doing what no one did – reviving the dead. Nine out of Kano’s 19 dormant regional water schemes are under restoration. Guzugu in Kabo is flowing. Joda in Gabasawa is flowing. Wudil Waterworks, dead for years, is alive. For the first time, rural Kano is part of the water equation. Government for all sections of the state.

On September 21, 2026, the Ministry officially announced: expanded distribution of potable water would commence within few days to come. All are waiting patiently Your Excellency Sir!

Why Kano must attract global communities? From London to Lagos, water is politics. The UN says water scarcity will displace 700 million people by 2030. What Governor Yusuf has done is a case study in how to reverse it without World Bank loans, without privatising your heritage.

He did not outsource the problem. He funded the solution. He did not blame the past. He fixed the future. Sometime in the past I spoke to Malam Musa in Tarauni, he was lamenting all over. When asked again, now, he simply smiles that Governor Yusuf is on the top of the situation. This is courageous.

When the taps in Kofar Mata sputter and then gush, when a child in Dala drinks from the tap for the first time in his life, when Goron Dutse reservoirs hold water again after a 10-year drought, Kano will not just be celebrating water. Kano will be celebrating a Governor who proved that a 95-year-old dream, buried under silt, stolen pipes, and failed promises, can still flow.

That is not just governance. That is unmatched and unwavering political will in action.

KANO FLOWS AGAIN UNDER GOVERNOR YUSUF!

Viva Kano. Viva Abba Gida-Gida.

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 29th September, 2026

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