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Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

Opinion

Begging in Northern Nigeria: What Future Are We Preparing for Our Society?

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By: Anas Idris Hassan

Street begging has become an increasingly familiar sight across Northern Nigeria. From busy markets and major roads to public spaces and mosque entrances, children, young people, elderly persons and even able-bodied adults can be seen asking passers-by for money and food. What was once largely associated with extreme hardship and temporary distress is gradually becoming a way of life for some families and communities.

This development raises an important question: What kind of society are we preparing for the next generation if begging becomes a normal means of survival?

This is not an argument against helping the poor or showing compassion to people facing difficult circumstances. Poverty, disability, illness, unemployment and displacement are genuine problems. People experiencing these challenges deserve support, dignity and understanding. However, we must also recognize the danger of allowing street begging to become a permanent occupation, particularly for children and young people who should be in school, learning a trade or developing skills that will help them become independent.

One of the greatest concerns is the effect of prolonged dependence on people’s attitudes towards work, responsibility and self-reliance. A child who grows up watching adults earn money through begging may eventually accept it as a normal way of life. Similarly, a young person who becomes accustomed to receiving daily handouts without access to education, vocational training or employment opportunities may find it increasingly difficult to pursue other means of earning a living.

Over time, this situation can weaken the desire to acquire skills, establish a business, seek employment or take responsibility for one’s future. Not everyone who begs is unwilling to work. Many people are victims of circumstances beyond their control. But when begging becomes normalized among those who could otherwise be supported into productive activities, society must ask whether it is providing solutions or simply allowing dependency to continue.

The situation is particularly troubling when children are involved. Childhood should be a period of learning, protection and development. Yet many children spend their days moving between streets, markets and public places in search of money. This exposes them to abuse, exploitation, physical danger, harmful influences and health risks. It also deprives them of valuable time that should be spent receiving formal education, learning practical skills and developing under proper parental supervision.

No child should be expected to provide for their own upkeep through street begging when parents, guardians and relevant institutions have a responsibility to protect their welfare.

Another concern is the increasing number of young people who appear physically capable of working but depend on begging as their primary means of survival. Northern Nigeria has a large population of energetic and talented young people. Many could develop useful skills in carpentry, welding, tailoring, electrical installation, motorcycle repairs, modern agriculture, construction and digital technology.

Not everyone will secure a government appointment or find employment in a corporate organization. However, the absence of formal employment does not mean there are no other opportunities to earn an honest living. What is needed is greater investment in vocational education, mentorship, access to tools, small-business support and practical training that prepares young people for economic participation.

Governments, private businesses, traditional institutions and community leaders must work together to create these opportunities. Rather than allowing young people to depend indefinitely on charity, we should help them acquire the skills and resources needed to support themselves and their families.

The consequences of ignoring this problem could be serious. Children who grow up without adequate education or vocational skills may struggle to escape poverty and eventually pass the same conditions on to their own children. The economy also loses when large numbers of young people remain outside productive activities. More importantly, a society that fails to prepare its young people for meaningful work risks losing future entrepreneurs, professionals, innovators and community leaders.

Islam offers important guidance on this issue. It encourages honest labour, self-respect, generosity and responsibility towards people in genuine need. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught that the giving hand is better than the receiving hand and discouraged asking others for assistance without genuine necessity.

In a narration recorded in Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1044, the Prophet (peace be upon him) explained to his Companion Qabisa ibn Mukhariq that seeking assistance is permissible in three particular circumstances: when someone takes on a financial obligation to reconcile a dispute, when a person’s wealth is destroyed by a calamity, and when someone experiences extreme poverty that credible members of the community can confirm.

The lesson is not that society should abandon people who need help. Rather, Islam recognizes genuine hardship while discouraging the exploitation of public generosity. Charity remains an important act of worship, but it should be guided by wisdom and directed towards people who genuinely need it.

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There is also a need to clarify a common misunderstanding surrounding Almajirci in Northern Nigeria. Almajirci and begging are not the same thing. Almajirci is traditionally associated with the pursuit of Qur’anic education under the guidance of an Islamic scholar, while begging involves soliciting money or food from others.

Seeking Qur’anic knowledge is a noble undertaking and should not be treated as a social problem in itself. Many Almajiri students receive proper support from their parents and guardians and do not depend on street begging. Likewise, not every child found begging on the streets is an Almajiri.

The problem arises when children are sent away for religious education without adequate arrangements for their food, clothing, accommodation, healthcare and general welfare. When such children are left to fend for themselves through street begging, the issue becomes one of neglect and child protection.

We must therefore stop blaming the entire Almajiri system for every instance of street begging. At the same time, religious education must never become an excuse for neglecting children’s basic needs.

Parental responsibility is another important part of this discussion, particularly the responsibility of fathers. Fatherhood involves much more than bringing children into the world. It includes providing food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, education and moral guidance.

Allah says in the Qur’an, Surah At-Tahrim, verse 6:

“O you who have believed, protect yourselves and your families from a Fire…”

In Surah Al-Baqarah, verse 233, Allah also emphasizes the father’s responsibility for provision and clothing according to what is reasonable.

These teachings remind us that raising children is a serious responsibility. It is difficult to justify a situation in which an able-bodied father remains idle while his young children spend their days begging on the streets. Similarly, sending a child to a Qur’anic teacher without making arrangements for the child’s basic needs raises serious concerns.

Children should not be made responsible for financing their own upkeep through begging, and money collected by children on the streets should never become a regular source of household income.

Of course, not every struggling parent is irresponsible. Many families face unemployment, rising living costs, illness and other difficult circumstances. Such families deserve understanding and support. However, parents who are capable of providing for their children must not transfer that responsibility to the public.

Addressing street begging requires more than criticism. It requires practical action from governments, parents, religious leaders, traditional rulers, civil society organizations and ordinary citizens.

First, governments in Northern Nigeria should invest more in vocational training centres where young people can learn practical trades and receive the tools and support needed to establish themselves. Training should not end with the acquisition of certificates. Graduates need access to equipment, mentorship, funding and opportunities to earn an income.

Second, authorities and community leaders should establish proper welfare arrangements for Qur’anic students. Such arrangements should guarantee access to food, clothing, safe accommodation, healthcare and protection from exploitation.

Third, local governments, religious institutions and charitable organizations should develop reliable systems for identifying people facing genuine hardship. Orphans, people living with disabilities, elderly persons without support, widows and families experiencing extreme poverty should receive targeted assistance.

Fourth, charitable giving should be better organized. Rather than limiting assistance to handing money to children on the streets, individuals and organizations can sponsor education, support vulnerable families, provide vocational equipment and contribute to properly managed welfare programmes.

Fifth, government agencies must strengthen child protection measures, investigate cases of child exploitation and develop rehabilitation programmes for vulnerable children. Simply removing beggars from major streets without addressing the reasons they are there will not solve the problem.

Religious scholars also have an important role to play. Their influence in Northern Nigerian communities gives them an opportunity to educate people about the dignity of work, parental responsibilities, the proper treatment of children and the Islamic distinction between seeking assistance in genuine hardship and making begging a permanent occupation.

The wider community must also rethink how it supports people in need. Helping the poor is a responsibility we should never abandon. However, our assistance should go beyond temporary relief wherever possible. We should help people acquire education, skills and opportunities that enable them to live with dignity and independence.

Young people must also be encouraged not to surrender their future to dependency. Those who have the ability to learn, work and develop useful skills should be supported to do so. Their circumstances today should not determine the rest of their lives.

Ultimately, the kind of Northern Nigeria we should aspire to is one where children are in classrooms rather than spending their days begging on the streets; where young people acquire skills, establish businesses and create employment; where Qur’anic students receive proper care and education; and where parents take pride in their children’s learning, character and achievements.

We need a society that supports people facing genuine hardship while creating opportunities for those capable of working. These two responsibilities should never be treated as competing priorities.

Begging itself is not the only problem. Our greater challenge is the failure to address the conditions that allow it to become a permanent way of life. We must fight poverty without humiliating the poor, protect children without undermining religious education, and encourage self-reliance while ensuring that genuine opportunities exist.

Northern Nigeria does not need a society that turns its back on the poor. It needs one that protects the vulnerable, educates its children, equips its young people and gives everyone a fair opportunity to earn a living with dignity.

The future of our society will depend on the choices we make today.

Anas Idris Hassan
Kano, Nigeria
Email: binmalikh@gmail.com
Phone: +234 803 414 0637

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Opinion

Kano’s War On Drugs: How Barr. Muhyi’s Taskforce Is Changing The Game

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Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Muhammad Abubakar Suleiman

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf declared a public health emergency on drug abuse on July 22, 2026, and inaugurated the Multi-Agency Task Force on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, many in Kano saw it as another committee. Three months later, the committee led by Barrister Muhyi Magaji Rimin Gado is dominating security headlines in the state.

The Taskforce was constituted as a multi-agency platform bringing together NDLEA, Police, DSS, Consumer Protection Council, Pharmaceutical Society, Ministry of Health, Anti-Daba Unit and other stakeholders. Dr. Ibrahim Garba Muhammad serves as Secretary.

From Raids to Results: Over 400 Arrests

According to briefings by the Chairman, within the first two months the Taskforce arrested more than 380 suspects and secured over 230 convictions. By September 29, when Barr. Muhyi spoke at the Kano Network of NGOs (KANET) Monthly Lecture at Nasarawa GRA, the figure had risen to over 400 arrests.

Presenting its scorecard to the State Executive Council in late September, the Taskforce reported a 35% reduction in drug-related crimes in the last three months, attributing it to intensified enforcement, seizures and over 500 convictions as of October 22.

Operations have focused on identified hotspots: Race Course, Filin Idi, Filin Mahaha, Tashar Rami, Kawo, Tashar Rimi, Jakara, Madigawa, Yalwa, Sanka, Kul Kul, Dogon Nama and Kukar Bulukiya.

Recoveries include Cannabis Sativa, Tramadol, Diazepam, Pentazocine, Pregabalin, Exol-5 and a Methamphetamine-based designer drug. In one case, 870,000 capsules of Pregabalin were seized from a pharmaceutical company over suspected diversion. Local weapons – knives, daggers, cutlasses and clubs – used by gangs were also recovered.

The Taskforce also recorded high-profile arrests. On August 18, it announced the arrest of a former Chairman of Rogo Local Government for allegedly selling and administering fentanyl injections to youths, after a victim who spent over N2 million on injections identified him.

Latest: Gang Sponsor Tracked to Port Harcourt

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In its most recent operation, the Taskforce announced on October 30 the arrest of a 27-year-old suspected gang violence sponsor, Ishaq Lawan Ibrahim, popularly known as Malam Keya, from Yalwa in Dala LGA.

According to the committee, Malam Keya was allegedly financing violent clashes by rival Daba gangs in Dala that claimed lives. He fled to Port Harcourt, Rivers State, after crackdown intensified, but was tracked and arrested in an operation led by Head of Operations, CSP Bashir Gwadabe, and brought back to Kano. He is now in police custody pending prosecution.

Chairman Muhyi said the arrest outside Kano shows the Taskforce will pursue suspects beyond state boundaries.

Beyond Enforcement: Children, Rehabilitation and Technology

The committee says its mandate is not just enforcement. It reported rescuing 43 underage children allegedly exposed to intoxicants and convicting two dealers – Kabiru Isa and Usman Hamisu – for the offence. About 125 persons were referred to the Kano Reformatory Institute in Kiru for rehabilitation. With Kiru overstretched, government has provided an additional facility in Tofa.

The Taskforce has set an ambitious target of taking 10,000 youths off the streets for rehabilitation, skills acquisition and reintegration.

On August 21, Barr. Muhyi inaugurated nine sub-committees to professionalize the fight: Finance; Media and Publicity; Advocacy and Sensitisation; Licences, Inventory and Verification; Compliance, Inspection and Electronic Tracking; Monitoring and Implementation; Intelligence; Reformative and Traditional Council; and Anti-Drug Coordination.

Tech Turn: AI, 24-Hour Line and NDLEA Support

In the last two weeks, the Taskforce unveiled a new approach. On October 22, Barr. Muhyi, on behalf of Governor Yusuf, donated operational equipment to the NDLEA Kano Strategic Command led by Commander Dahiru Yahaya Lawan, to boost operations.

He also disclosed that Kano is deploying Artificial Intelligence for surveillance and tracking of suspected dealers, and equipping a rapid-response centre with ICT and a 24-hour toll-free line where residents can report and get response within 30 minutes.

At KANET lecture themed “Kano Drugs Crisis: Challenges, the Way Forward and the Role of the Community,” Muhyi stressed community intelligence and called for more rehabilitation to decongest remand homes.

No Sacred Cows

From day one, Barr. Muhyi has maintained a hard line on political interference. “No politician can pressure me to free drug suspects. The only person who can stop me is the Governor, and I know he will never interfere,” he told journalists on July 28.

That stance, coupled with intelligence-led raids, has earned the Taskforce both praise and scrutiny.

The Bigger Picture

Kano Police data cited by the Taskforce indicates about 70% of major crimes in 2025 were linked to drug abuse. The Executive Order outlawing Daba gangs provides a minimum of five years imprisonment under Section 97A of the Kano Penal Code.

Whether the Taskforce can sustain momentum will depend on three tests: securing the drug supply chain from pharmaceutical diversion, expanding rehabilitation beyond Kiru, and maintaining inter-agency cooperation without becoming a parallel enforcement body.

For now, in the markets of Filin Idi and the streets of Dala, residents say the presence of the committee is being felt.

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Opinion

The Reward For Hardwork Is More Work: A Rejoinder To Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta

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By Nworisa Michael

The redeployment of Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya PhD from the Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs to the Ministry of Youth and Sports Development has attracted several reactions. While professional and civic organisations have congratulated him and acknowledged his contributions, Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta, a supposedly veteran journalist, has chosen to use the development to question his performance and professional conduct in his former ministry.

Dr Danbatta is entitled to his opinion. Nobody should be above criticism, especially in public office. However, when criticism is presented as a professional assessment, it should be supported by facts, not merely personal convictions or years of experience.

Before concluding that journalism suffered under Waiya, perhaps we should examine some of the developments recorded during his tenure.

Eight contributions worth considering:

• Grassroots information: Strengthened engagement with Information Officers across Kano’s 44 local government areas and eight zonal offices.

• Capacity building: Supported training programmes for local government Information Officers, alongside interactive engagements with editors and news managers.

• Media policy: Facilitated the inauguration of an 18-member committee to develop a media and information policy framework for Kano State.

• Digital transformation: Established a Digital Multimedia Department to modernise government communication, improve digital engagement and address misinformation.

• Peacebuilding: Advanced the Safe Corridor Project, an initiative focused on rehabilitation, skills development and reintegration of reformed youths.

• Media engagement: Engaged media practitioners, online publishers and political programme presenters on responsible public communication and professional conduct.

• Institutional development: Pursued interventions aimed at strengthening state-owned media institutions and improving the capacity of personnel within the information machinery.

• National recognition: Received the Crisis Communicator of the Year award at the 2026 National Spokespersons Awards in Abuja.

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These developments do not mean that Waiya’s tenure was without shortcomings. They simply demonstrate that there is more to his record than the sweeping conclusion offered by his critic.

There is also something interesting about the public reactions to his redeployment. The Kano State Forum of Information Officers, Northern Youths Assembly and International Peace and Secure Society are among the organisations that have publicly acknowledged his contributions and congratulated him on his new assignment. Their statements may not settle every debate about his tenure, but they show that his work was not viewed negatively by everyone who interacted with his ministry.

Now, to Dr Danbatta’s presentation of his professional experience.

I found it rather curious that a commentary intended to assess another public officer’s performance devoted three of its concluding paragraphs to the author’s own professional journey, positions held and years of experience. One could almost finish reading the piece knowing more about the author’s resume than the evidence behind his criticism of Waiya.

Same individual who has been unable to ensure good working relationship with his staffs at Pyramid Radio Kano where is currently serves as its manager, a station that constantly runs out of diesel and goes off the air, perhaps even he isn’t proud of this hence he left it out from the list of his workplaces listed.

With due respect, professional experience is valuable, but it should strengthen an argument, not become the argument itself. A good product sells itself. A journalist’s professional standing should be reflected in the quality, fairness and depth of their analysis. Thirty years in the profession deserves recognition, but it does not automatically make every opinion conclusive.

If the intention was to assess Waiya’s stewardship, then the more important questions should have been: What did he inherit? What did he change? Which initiatives did he introduce? What measurable outcomes were achieved? And where did he fall short? Those are the questions that give criticism substance.

We can be safe to say that Waiya’s redeployment was a direct reward for his performance in the former ministry. The Governor has publicly explained the cabinet adjustments as part of efforts to strengthen institutions and improve service delivery. What is evident, however, is that Waiya has been entrusted with another important responsibility, and his record in the former ministry remains open to public examination.

The Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs is not beyond criticism, and neither is Dr. Waiya. But fairness requires that we acknowledge the work done alongside the shortcomings alleged.

Frankly the most fitting way to understand this new assignment is captured in the title of this piece: the reward for hard work is more work. His previous assignment is now part of his public record; his new ministry presents another opportunity to serve.

Congratulations, Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya. The expectations continue.

Nworisa Michael is a
Writer, Public Affairs Commentator and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com
1st Nov. 2026

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