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Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

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Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu

Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

Abdallah Uba Adamu

As we enter into ‘will they, will they not’ mode of uncertainty typical of Nigerian public culture about the change of Nigerian higher currency denominations announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on 25th October 2022, my mind went back to an article I wrote on 16th April 2007. This was in the wake of the removal of “Arabic inscriptions” on the Nigerian currency (the Naira) on 28th February 2007 in the new currency notes that removed the Ajami (Hausa written in Arabic script) writing that indicated the denomination of the respective currency note and replaced with the Latin alphabet. This is a ‘remix’ of that posting on the then popular platforms of Blogspot. Mine was called Nishadin Hululu (Hausa Popular Culture).

The full historical overview of how the Arabic “script” came to become part of essentially northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa educational package is given in Manuscript Learnability and Indigenous Knowledge for Development – Hausa Ajami in Historical Context. A version is available at https://bit.ly/3zoi7XN.

I rarely bother to visit Nigerian “Naija” websites on the web or any other group of politically motivated Nigerians. I know what I will find — the usual vituperative tirade against northern Nigerians, Muslims, Hausa, ad nauseum. Southern Nigerians have three fundamental articles in their crusade against northern Nigeria: Islamic fanaticism, conservative feudalism and their weird perception of “born to rule” syndrome apparently held by the ‘northerners’. No matter how many groups of Nigerians you interact with, these three form the main focus of the divide in Nigeria. They are the main reasons why Nigerian “unity” is virtually impossible.

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I doubt if there is any other group of Africans who hang out their ethnic dirty laundry like Nigerians. I accept, for the most part such ranting is probably not personal; they are basically religious – the Christian versus Muslim divide, rather than any feeling of superiority of one ethnic group over the other. Any such feelings of superiority are part of a religious template that sees acquisition of education as the central criteria for judging the value of a whole people. Thus education, not religion, is the central fulcrum around which the Nigerian nation wobbles.

Southern Nigerian acquired education through Christian Missionary activities from about 1849. Such education became the mainstay of acquiring Westernized modernity. Inevitably Western education brought by Christian missionaries to Nigeria became equated with Western Christian values. For the most part, Christian southern Nigerians are happy with this because it makes them “civilized” — in the absence of any cherished antecedent cultural values. Thus, any other worldview is considered barbaric.

Northern Nigerians, specifically the Hausa and the Kanuri acquired education through conversion to Islam since 1250 and in Kanuri kingdom, even earlier. The constant eddy of scholars from north African learning centers throughout 14th to 17th centuries ensured a sustained scholastic tradition in Muslim northern Nigeria. Muslim northern Nigerians therefore had a longer exposure to the concept of formalized learning and literacy than southern Nigerians. A universal basic education was indeed introduced around 1464 in the city of Kano when new methods of indigenizing the Arabic script to Hausa phonology were created. This led to the creation of a novel way of writing out Hausa language in a script the young scholars will understand. It is this method of indigenizing Arabic script to Hausa language that became “ajami”. It became one of the main ways of educating young pupils in northern Nigeria. Do you remember all those “Almajirai” you see in northern Nigerian cities? Well, most are fluent in ajami writing. Currently, the most prominent modern Hausa political singer (though not the most talented or likeable), Dauda “Rarara” Adamu Kahutu, has an extensive catalogue of his songs all written Ajami which he reads as he records in the studio.

Ajami, therefore, is any literacy strategy in which any language is written in Arabic. Over 50 languages are currently written in the script. Let us look at the parallel sphere. If any African language is written in Latin characters, it can be called Ajami. Ajami is not Islamic; any more than Latin alphabets are Christian.

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However, in a new era of reform, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) decided to remove the “Arabic” script from the Nigerian currency in new currency notes launched on 28th February 2007. The removal of ajami script on the Nigerian currency reflected the deep-rooted religious divide that is Nigeria, because the Arabic script was seen as religious – and Nigeria is considered a secular country. This equates Arabic with Islam – ignoring the huge number of Arab Christians that exist throughout the Middle East.

The logic of the removal of the what the Nigerian economic establishment call “Arabic inscription” on the Nigerian currency given by the Nigerian Government was premised on using a Latin inscription that is available to all Nigerians (even if in mutually exclusive languages), rather than an exclusive script tied down to a particular religious culture. According to the then Governor of CBN, Professor Chukwuma Soludo during a sensitization visit to the Sultan of Sokoto,

“I will also like to inform you that the removal of the Arabic inscription on the notes is not targeted at any group or religion but rather to promote our language and cultural heritage…As you can see, Naira is the symbol of our nationalism and our pride. It is pertinent to let you understand that Arabic is not one of our national languages and it was inscribed on the notes forty years ago because the majority of people then, can read it in the northern part of the country to the detriment of their counterparts in the South (ThisDay, 16th February 2007, posted to the web 19th February 2007 at https://bit.ly/3TQ4FEw.

Similarly, the CBN issued a rebuttal to the controversies by stating that the “de-ajamization” was to “conform (to) Section 55 of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises four languages, English, Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba as medium of conducting government businesses.” After all, as they claimed, after forty years of Western education, most people in Nigeria should be able to recognize the Roman inscriptions. This, we believe, can strengthen our unity by ensuring equity and fairness. Indeed, the replacement was done in national interest and the desire to comply with the Constitution of the country.”

But how can national unity be attained when still a large proportion of the country is marginalized? To prevent this marginalization, the British colonial administration introduced the Ajami letters on the first Nigerian modernized currencies, well aware of the large gap in education – and therefore ability to read and understand Latin characters on the country’s currency notes. An example was the £1 note.

“Fam daya” was prominently written to enable those literate in Ajami, but not Latin alphabet to identify the currency.

It is interesting that a main argument was that the presence of ajami on Nigerian currency was seen to the “detrimental” to southern Nigerians (who presumably do not understand it) – yet the inclusion of Latin alphabet is not seen as detrimental to non-Roman literate northern Nigerians (especially non-Muslim Hausa, who presumably do not understand it). In this warped logic, it is therefore easier to alienate Muslim Hausa northern Nigerians than southern Nigerians, especially since a Christian was the President of the country (and a Christian Governor of the Central Bank facilitated the alienation). Of course, when a Muslim becomes the President, the arguments might be revisited – and reversed; which another subsequent Christian president will also revisit, and so on endlessly. Farooq Kperogi actually imagined a nightmare scenario that might come out of this in 2022 at https://bit.ly/3TOt2T1.

The inclusion of the script on the Nigerian currency by the British colonial administration was an acknowledgement of the rich literary heritage of a vast number of people in Nigeria who could not read the Latin script– and not a strategy to impose Islam on anyone in Nigeria. Certainly, the British colonial administration had no reason to propagate Islam. Yet on the currencies circulated by the same administration the “Arabic inscription” was conspicuously present. This was maintained subsequently until 2007, when the despised Arabic inscription was removed and replaced with the much-loved Latin ‘inscription’. An example with ₦50 illustrates this.

The ₦50 with the ‘Arabic inscription’ of Ajami merely indicating that it is fifty naira in Hausa. In the redesigned ₦50, the Roman name for the Hausa was ‘naira hamsin’ instead of the Ajamized ‘hamsin’ in the old note. Yet, ‘hamsin’ means fifty in Arabic! So, like it or not, Arabic still remains on the naira. To get rid of it, you have to get rid of the Hausa language entirely, since about almost 45% of Hausa words are based on Arabic language.

Further, other multicultural countries do pay such homage to multiple literacies in their currency notes. The Indian currency, for instance, has 15 language scripts, including Urdu (ajami) – despite Arabic not being part of its national languages.

And while not explicitly stated, the links made by the Nigerian economic establishment with Arabic to Islam seems to be part of a move to “de-Islamize” Nigeria – scoring a cheap point particularly in the way most northern Nigerian States re-introduced Islamic Shari’a in their governance from 1999 led by Zamfara State, and the earlier issue of Nigeria’s membership of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in January 1986, which the Nigerian Christian (as well as Marxist Muslim) groups were against.

We look forward to the new currency notes in December 2022.

Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu is a dual Professor of Education Science and Cultural Communication

Opinion

When a Gentle Light Goes Out: The Demise of a Quintessential Dandago

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By Lamara Garba

A deep wave of disbelief and sorrow swept through Bayero University, Kano the moment the tragic news began to circulate. Offices fell unusually silent, lectures paused in uneasy whispers, and clusters of staff and students gathered across the campus seeking confirmation of what many feared was true.

Faces reflected shock and grief as the heartbreaking news filtered through the university community that Professor Kabiru Isa Dandago had passed away. For many, it felt almost unreal that a man whose presence symbolised humility, warmth and intellectual guidance within the institution was suddenly gone.

Professor Kabiru Isa Dandago passed away on Wednesday, 4th March 2026, at the age of 63, leaving behind a legacy defined by scholarship, service and compassion. His departure represents not only the loss of a distinguished Professor of Accounting but also the passing of a man whose life was devoted to the pursuit of knowledge, mentorship and the upliftment of others.

Indeed, his passing marks the quiet departure of a quintessential Dandago, a man whose life was woven with simplicity, sincerity and uncommon generosity.

Those who knew him closely often spoke first of his character before mentioning his impressive academic achievements. Despite his towering reputation as a scholar, Professor Dandago remained remarkably approachable. His friendliness was genuine, his humility disarming and his conduct consistently reflected deep respect for others. Titles and positions never created barriers between him and the people around him.

Whether engaging senior colleagues, junior staff members or students, he displayed the same warmth and simplicity that endeared him to many. Above all, he was deeply God fearing. His life reflected strong moral values rooted in faith, sincerity and compassion. In him, intellect walked hand in hand with humility, and knowledge was always guided by conscience.

His acts of altruistic benevolence knew no bounds.

Just about a week before his passing, an incident occurred that now carries deep emotional significance. Members of our Non Governmental Organization, the Raa’ayi Initiative for Human Development, were mobilising resources for one of our humanitarian traditions. The organisation periodically raises funds to purchase food items for families of deceased colleagues who may be struggling silently after losing their loved ones.

Professor Dandago was among the first to respond.

Not only did he send his contribution promptly, his donation turned out to be the highest among more than one hundred members of Raa’ayi Initiative. Even after making his personal contribution, he encouraged other members to support the project so that the target could be achieved and the families assisted meaningfully.

Unknown to him, he was making what would become his final contribution to the Raa’ayi project.

Today, that gesture stands as a powerful reflection of the generosity that defined his life. The man who was helping families of deceased colleagues did not know that he himself would soon be mourned by the same community. In giving comfort to others, he was unknowingly writing the final line of his own story of kindness.

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Within Bayero University Kano, his influence was both profound and lasting. One of the enduring legacies associated with him is the strong mentoring culture within the Faculty of Management Sciences, formerly the Faculty of Social and Management Sciences. Several years ago, he played an important role in strengthening a mentoring system that has since guided many young academics and students.

He believed firmly that institutions grow when experienced scholars patiently guide younger minds. Many lecturers today acknowledge that their professional journeys were shaped by his advice, encouragement and fatherly support.

Another notable contribution under his influence was the introduction of the student ICAN programme. Through this initiative, students were encouraged to pursue professional certification with the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria while still undertaking their undergraduate studies. Today, more than fifty students have successfully obtained ICAN qualifications alongside their degrees, reflecting Professor Dandago’s vision of producing graduates who are both academically sound and professionally competitive.

According to the Dean of the Faculty of Management Sciences, Professor Muhammad Aminu Isa, the faculty has lost a great pillar whose presence contributed immensely to unity and stability. He noted that Professor Dandago consistently worked towards strengthening cooperation among staff while always seeking ways to advance the growth and progress of the faculty and the university.

Born on April 5, 1963, in Dandago Quarters of Gwale Local Government Area of Kano State, he joined Bayero University in September 1990 and rose through the ranks to become Professor of Accounting in 2007. Over more than three decades of service, he held several academic and administrative positions including Head of the Department of Accounting and later Dean of the Faculty of Social and Management Sciences.

A prolific scholar, he authored over thirty books and published more than eighty five academic articles while supervising numerous postgraduate students, including doctoral candidates. His intellectual contributions extended beyond the university, as he also served as Federal Commissioner at the Tax Appeal Tribunal and earlier as Commissioner for Finance in Kano State.

Only days before his passing, Professor Dandago delivered what would become his final public lecture. On Saturday, 28th February 2026, he spoke at the 10th Ramadan Lecture organised by the Islamic Forum of Nigeria. In that lecture, he reflected on the pathway to economic development of the northern region, carefully identifying the roots of the region’s economic challenges while proposing thoughtful solutions for sustainable progress.

In mourning the distinguished scholar, the Vice Chancellor of Bayero University Kano, Professor Haruna Musa, fsi, described the late Dandago as a complete gentleman, an honest and committed academic whose contributions significantly shaped the growth and reputation of the university.

The Vice Chancellor noted that Professor Dandago was more than a scholar; he was a mentor and a steady hand in university administration whose calm disposition, integrity and willingness to support colleagues earned him admiration across the institution.

“His passing leaves a vacuum that will be difficult to fill,” Professor Musa said, while praying that Almighty Allah forgives his shortcomings and grants him Aljannatul Firdaus.

Thousands of mourners later gathered for his funeral prayers in Kano, reflecting the deep respect and affection he commanded across academic, professional and community circles.

Yet in reflecting on the life of Professor Kabiru Isa Dandago, one timeless truth quietly emerges. Life is not measured by the length of years alone, but by the depth of the footprints one leaves behind. Some lives pass like fleeting shadows, barely touching the edges of memory. Others, like that of Professor Dandago, glow with purpose, kindness and service, leaving behind a light that continues to guide long after the bearer of the light has gone.

Though his years were sixty three, the influence of his life stretches far beyond the boundaries of time. In the minds he shaped, the hearts he inspired and the values he lived by, the quintessential Dandago will continue to endure.

May Almighty Allah forgive his shortcomings and grant him eternal rest in Aljannatul Firdaus. Ameen.

Lamara Garba, Director of Public Affairs, Bayero University, Kano

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Opinion

FROM APPOINTEE TO AGITATOR: DECODING THE REAL MOTIVES BEHIND GALADIMA’S ATTACKS ON GOVERNOR YUSUF AND THE DSS

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By Mohammed Babagana Abubakar
28 February 2026

In the theatre of Nigerian politics, certain actors have mastered what analysts call the distraction technique: generating maximum noise about injustice at precisely the moment their own relevance is slipping away. The recent outbursts by Alhaji Buba Galadima against His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, and the Director of the Department of State Services (DSS) in Kano State is a clear demonstration of this manoeuvre. The claims of midnight justice and the systematic arrest of opposition voices paint a dramatic picture of a state in crisis. The facts, examined honestly, tell a fundamentally different story.

It is not coincidental that Galadima’s public offensive against the Governor and the DSS intensified immediately following his removal as Chairman of the Governing Council of Kano State Polytechnic in February 2026. Governor Yusuf, acting under the stated policy of his Kano First Agenda, a governance framework oriented toward institutional performance and the prioritisation of Kano’s developmental interests, relieved Galadima of the position, citing the need for optimal performance and institutional repositioning. The role was subsequently conferred on the Emir of Gaya, Alhaji Aliyu Abdulkadir, a figure whose stature and local relevance align directly with the Governor’s repositioning objectives.
For a public figure who held a senior institutional appointment in a state of which he is not an indigene, a graceful and dignified exit would have been the appropriate response. Instead, Galadima chose retribution. His subsequent media campaign, escalating in intensity and in the seriousness of its allegations with each successive interview, is not the behaviour of a disinterested democratic advocate. It is the behaviour of a man whose access to institutional privilege has been withdrawn, and who is determined to exact a political cost for that withdrawal.

The specific allegations Galadima has advanced, including claims about the arrest of a radio personality and the characterisation of security agency actions as politically motivated persecution, represent a calculated misrepresentation of the constitutional and operational realities of governance in Kano State. Kano is navigating a complex security and political environment, one shaped by the Governor’s strategic realignment with the APC and the accompanying need to stabilise the state’s politics within a new national power configuration. In that context, the actions of the DSS have been directed, as they should be, by federal law, institutional mandate, and specific credible complaints, not by partisan instruction.
Freedom of expression, guaranteed under Section 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is a right the Governor’s administration has consistently respected. However, no constitutional guarantee of free expression extends to the use of media platforms to incite public disorder, spread demonstrably false information, or engage in conduct that, under the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act of 2015, constitutes a criminal offence. When security agencies invite individuals for questioning in response to credible complaints under these provisions, that is the rule of law functioning as designed. Characterising it as political kidnapping is not democratic advocacy. It is deliberate and legally questionable misrepresentation.

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While Galadima has been constructing his narrative of persecution, the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has been constructing something considerably more consequential: a governance record. The administration has pursued the reform of Kano’s tertiary institutions, addressing years of accumulated structural dysfunction. It has moved to clear long-overdue gratuity obligations to retired civil servants, a commitment to public workers that previous administrations allowed to languish. And it has taken deliberate steps to dismantle the architecture of godfatherism, the entrenched system of patronage-based political control that has historically subordinated Kano’s public institutions to the interests of political power brokers rather than the citizens those institutions exist to serve.
It is precisely this dismantling of godfatherism that illuminates the deeper logic of Galadima’s campaign. His objection is not fundamentally to the governance philosophy of the Yusuf administration. It is to a system in which access to public institutional positions, and the patronage and influence those positions confer, is no longer guaranteed by political connection alone. The removal from the Polytechnic board was not merely an administrative decision. It was a signal that the old arrangements no longer apply. Galadima’s response has been to attempt to demonstrate, through sustained public aggression, that such decisions carry a political cost. Governor Yusuf and his administration must, and should, remain undeterred by that calculus.

The people of Kano are neither passive observers nor easily manipulated audiences. They are a politically sophisticated electorate with a long institutional memory and a demonstrated capacity to distinguish between genuine democratic advocacy and the grievance politics of displaced privilege. Galadima is not fighting for the common people of Kano. He is fighting for a lost title, a withdrawn appointment, and a diminished political footprint. That is his right. But it should be named honestly for what it is.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf was elected to govern Kano in the interest of its people, not to preserve the access arrangements of those who regard public office as personal entitlement. His administration, the DSS, and all institutions operating within their constitutional mandates must remain focused on that mission, undistracted by the noise of those whose loudness is inversely proportional to the credibility of their arguments. Kano’s future will be built on governance, performance, and accountability, not on the manufactured grievances of those left behind by the end of an era they benefited from and now seek to restore.

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mohammed Babagana Abubakar is a political commentator and analyst with a keen interest in governance, accountability, and the democratic development of Kano State and Northern Nigeria.

 

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not represent the position of any organisation, party, or institution.

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Opinion

GALADIMA’S ALLEGATIONS AGAINST GOVERNOR YUSUF AND THE DSS: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED, EVIDENTIALLY BASELESS, AND INSTITUTIONALLY DANGEROUS

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The Unifier Project, a national civic organization committed to democratic accountability, responsible public discourse, and peaceful coexistence, has taken note of the recent media interview by Alhaji Buba Galadima, in which he advanced allegations against His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State, and the Department of State Services (DSS) in Kano. He alleged, without verifiable evidence, that opposition voices in Kano State are being suppressed through the instrumentality of federal security agencies.

After a thorough review of the substance, context, and timing of these claims, the Unifier Project states unequivocally that the allegations are devoid of credible foundation and are driven by narrow political considerations rather than genuine democratic concern. We make this statement because the deployment of unsubstantiated allegations against public institutions carries measurable consequences for the stability of our democratic order, social cohesion, and public confidence in institutions.
The Unifier Project has examined Alhaji Galadima’s claims with the seriousness they demand. Our conclusion is unambiguous: not a single allegation is supported by documentary evidence, sworn testimony, or any verifiable account that could withstand independent scrutiny. What has been placed before the Nigerian public is a collection of assertions coloured by personal grievance, political frustration, and the rhetoric of a man whose relationship with the current political order in Kano has undergone a well-documented deterioration.
Allegations of political interference in a federal security institution such as the DSS are extraordinarily serious. They implicate constitutional principles, the rule of law, and citizens’ fundamental rights. Precisely because they are so serious, they demand an equally serious evidentiary standard. A press interview saturated with political animus and bereft of supporting documentation does not meet that standard. The Unifier Project calls on the public, the media, and the political community to treat these claims with the scepticism they deserve, and to resist amplifying unverified allegations simply because they are confidently stated.

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No responsible analysis can proceed without examining context. It is public record that Alhaji Galadima was recently removed from the board of Kano State Polytechnic. It is equally public record that these intensified allegations emerged immediately after that removal, and against the backdrop of Governor Yusuf’s association with the APC.
The Unifier Project does not suggest that political disappointment forfeits the right to speak. Every citizen retains constitutional freedom of expression, unconditioned by political loyalty. However, when a public figure who has suffered an identifiable political setback immediately turns to making sweeping, institution-threatening allegations against those who administered that setback, the burden of proof rises sharply, and the public’s obligation to interrogate motive rises with it.
The pattern of timing is neither subtle nor coincidental. It is the familiar architecture of a grievance campaign dressed in the language of democratic concern. The Unifier Project calls it by its proper name.
The DSS is a constitutionally established institution charged with protecting Nigeria’s internal security. To allege, without evidence, that it is being weaponised for partisan purposes in Kano is not merely to criticise a governor. It is to invite the public to regard a pillar of national security as corrupt and undeserving of trust.
The consequences are not abstract. Citizens who distrust security institutions cooperate less with them, report fewer threats, and become more susceptible to criminal, extremist, or vigilante alternatives that fill the resulting vacuum. In a state as significant as Kano, with its population density, economic centrality to Northern Nigeria, and historical vulnerabilities, the erosion of institutional confidence is not a political game. It is a security hazard.
The Unifier Project calls upon Alhaji Galadima and all who have amplified these allegations to reflect on their consequences, and to consider whether any personal or partisan interest is worth the institutional damage they risk inflicting on the Nigerian state.
The Unifier Project affirms without qualification that freedom of expression is a democratic value we defend, including when exercised by those whose motives we question. We do not seek to silence Alhaji Galadima or any citizen with grievances against authority.
However, freedom of expression has never been a licence for evidence-free, potentially defamatory targeting of individuals and institutions. The Nigerian Constitution, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and international democratic standards all recognise that expression carries responsibilities of accuracy, fairness, and proportionality. Public commentary making serious allegations without factual grounding risks crossing into defamation, with all the legal consequences that entails.
We call upon political actors, commentators, social media influencers, and media organisations to uphold responsible communication. Verify before you amplify. Question the motive behind the message. The coordinated spread of unverified allegations through digital platforms is information warfare with real victims, real consequences, and real costs to our democracy.
Alhaji Galadima’s allegations did not emerge in isolation. They are part of a pattern of coordinated negative messaging that has intensified following recent political developments in Kano State. Across Facebook, X, WhatsApp, and TikTok, a campaign of narrative warfare has been waged against the person, record, and administration of Governor Yusuf, drawing on fabricated claims, decontextualised information, emotional manipulation, and strategic amplification of partisan voices.
This is the architecture of a disinformation operation. Its goal is not to inform but to destabilise, manufacturing a political reality so saturated with negativity that truth becomes difficult to locate and public confidence impossible to sustain. The Unifier Project calls on regulatory bodies, civil society, and responsible media to take a stronger, coordinated stand against the weaponisation of digital platforms for political disinformation.
The Unifier Project calls upon political actors of all affiliations to commit to evidence-based communication and refrain from making or endorsing unsubstantiated allegations. We call upon the media, traditional and digital, to apply rigorous editorial standards to politically charged claims, demand evidence before amplification, and uphold their responsibility as gatekeepers of the public information environment.
We call upon civil society, religious leaders, traditional rulers, and community influencers across Kano State and Northern Nigeria to resist divisive narratives and serve as anchors of reason and social cohesion. We call upon citizens to engage critically with political information, ask who benefits from the narratives placed before them, and demand the same standard of evidence from political actors that they would demand from any other party.
The future of Nigerian democracy will be determined not only by the quality of its leaders, but by the quality of its public discourse. That discourse is under sustained attack. The Unifier Project is committed to defending it, and we invite every Nigerian of goodwill to stand with us.

Issued and authorised by:
NAJEEB NASIR IBRAHIM
National Director-General, The Unifier Project
Abuja, Nigeria | 28 February 2026

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