Connect with us

Opinion

The Progress Needed For Connecting The Unconnected-Y.Z Ya’u

Published

3 years ago

on

 

By

Y. Z. Ya’u, CITAD

In a few weeks, the global internet community will meet at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at the 17th Global Internet Governance Forum to deliberate on the progress more in extending meaningful connectivity to the billions of people across the world who have remained unconnected by last year. While a number of countries have made startling progress, Nigeria has beyond the statement of attention, there has been no substantive progress in connectivity the unconnected.

Throughout the year, both in the media and through direct contact, CITAD has engaged the government via its relevant agencies such as the Ministry of Communication and Digital Economy, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), the Universal Service Provision Fund (USPF), to come up with policies on community networks so as to create the space for communities to mobilize their resources and deploy community networks as a complimentary tool for bridging the connectivity gaps in the country,

Government has repeatedly stated its commitment to address the digital divide in the country. However, declaration a lone without action, cannot solve the problem. All those in the industry agree now that no one single mode of technology rollout and ownership can fit all situation in a country. This is why all countries that have succeeded in bridging their own internal digital divide have done so through the deployment of a combination of different owner types, including private, public and community ownership, to which community networks fall.

In Nigeria, as in other countries, private sector led technology rollout has failed to address the connectivity gaps as well as affordability gaps in the country, as demonstrated by figures resulting from the work of USPF that there are still about 114 clusters of communities that are either underserved or unserved and therefore experiencing connectivity challenges. The reason that the private sector cannot address this is that most of these clusters are either sparsely populated (with poor prospects for generating or even terminating tele traffic) or they are in terrains that difficult to reach, thus needing additional expenditure over and above the normal or have people who are too poor to afford the cost of connectivity. All these situations means that these communities are not profitable and thus not attractive to investors who put their money in Mobile network operators (MNOs).

It is in response to such instances of lack of profitability that global practice has developed various methods of connectivity bridging through the establishment and utilization of universal access fund. The universal access fund in Nigeria is provided in the law establishing the Universal Access Provision Find (USPF) that is funded through a special fund accruing from a profit tax of telecommunication license operators.

Although the USPF has a latitude as to how to address both connectivity and affordability gaps, it has often hoped to do that by subsidizing commercial operators rather than empowering communities to pool their resources, endowments, skills, capital to design, deploy and managed community-owned telecommunication infrastructure.

But as experience in both Nigeria and in other countries has shown that MNOs are not attracted by one off incentive from bridging authorities. Instead, they prefer a situation in which conditions are created for sustained return on investment.

Community networks not only help communities to create solutions for themselves but also create the conditions for more profits and return on investment for MNOs. This they do, first by facilitating the insertion of excluded people into the tele-traffic chain, thereby both generating and terminating traffic for the MNOs thar could otherwise have remained suppressed, thus bringing additional income streams for them. Secondly, experience has shown that one of the reasons why MNOs do not when gravitate to the one-off incentive is the cost of overall servicing of non-profitable infrastructure and sites for which the income from them is far less than the cost of maintenance. However, where are developed community networks capital exists, MNOs are able to hand over the management of their sites and infrastructure to communities to ran and manage on profit sharing basis and risk spreading. This frees the MNOs from having to spend on overhead on unperforming sites while communities are freed from investing in infrastructure. Another benefit is that by bringing these communities to cyber space, their community development potentials are enhanced through better and improved access to education, healthcare, business and entrepreneurial activities, etc and in their fuller participation in governance processes.

Advert

Government agencies are well aware of these. In meetings after meetings, both the minister and the leadership of NCC have expressed recognition of this and indicated their commitment to create the necessary framework for the seeding and sustenance of community networks. For example, in a meeting with a team from both CITAD and Association for Progressive Communications (APC) on 19 April 2021, the team of License Department of NCC not only expressed commitment but also requested CITAD to provide a background position paper on this and examples of policy frameworks from other countries. Both of these were done and delivered to them. Similarly, in a meeting with the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy later in September 2021, the Minister requested CITAD to submit to him a four pager on how to proceed with putting up a framework for community networks In Nigeria which CITAD did without delay. In December last year, when CITAD convened a consultative meeting of stakeholders of community networks, the Minister who delivered the Keynote Address through the Director-General, National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), affirmed the need for policy and ensured that such policy was going to be developed sooner.

For the past three years, CITAD has been working with over 10 different communities which are determined to establish community networks in their communities. These communities have formed platforms that have been registered as legal entities for the purposes of establishing and running community networks in their respective communities. They have also applied for licenses from NCC to operate community networks. in absence of formal policy framework of community networks licensing by the regulator, all applicants for community licenses are treated the same as applications for normal commercial telecommunication licenses. This is not only cumbersome but also too costly the communities to meet.

We have spent over a year now trying to see how communities comply with these. We have gone through these requirements with a number of organizations, including the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the Alliance for Affordable Internet as well as the Foreign and Commonwealth Development Office which has been supported the development of community networks across the globe. The overwhelming conclusion that these conditions cannot allow for the seeding of community networks and that Nigeria needs to create a category of licenses for community networks so that communities could apply, obtain, run, and manage community networks licenses like in other parts of the world.

This has the advantage that government does not have to invest funds in addressing affordability and connectivity gaps in the country.

Following this hardship, we experienced in trying to meet the current requirements, CITAD along with its partners decided to launch a signature campaign to request the relevant authorities to create a non-commercial license category as an additional tier of connectivity providers and to grant such licenses to all communities that are desirous of operate community networks and meeting certain minimum conditions. the signature campaign started last week and so far over 200 representatives of different communities from all parts of the country have appended their signature.,

In this effort, the media has an important role to play in helping to amplify the voice of the unconnected to allow them to legally address their own connect challenge by themselves. In this connection, it important that Nigeria creates category of community license as part of its commitment to address the digital divide in the country. While on their surface media has may not see connection with its work and community networks, however on reflection, it will understand how difficult it is to report news and reports in areas where there is no connectivity. In other words, addressing the connectivity gaps will enhance the practice of journalism in the country as it will open up areas that can be classified as difficult to report for the media.

The key message here is tell the government that it is in the overall national interest of the country to recognize and grant these community licenses. This should be done urgently even before the formal request by the signatories to the campaign is submitted. The Minister of Communication and Digital Economy should direct for the empaneling of a committee to develop the necessary framework for regulating and licensing of community networks while the telecommunication regulator, the NCC should move from expression of commitment to actual actioning by granting provisional licenses to communities that present their formal applications for such licenses.

Related Topics:

Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

Published

24 hours ago

on

December 8, 2025

By

 

By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

Advert

But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

Continue Reading

Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

Published

1 day ago

on

December 8, 2025

By

 

By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

Advert

Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

Published

2 days ago

on

December 7, 2025

By

 

By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

Advert

Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

Continue Reading

Trending