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Dangote: Our acquisition of Obajana Cement plant followed Due Process

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Obajana

 

Obajana Cement PLC was incorporated in 1992 and as at 2002 had no paid up shares

* Kogi State has no equity interest in Obajana Cement Plc

 

* The plant and machinery were conceived, designed, procured, built, and paid for solely by DIL, well after it acquired the shares in Obajana Cement Company

 

* The land on which the Obajana Cement Plant is built was acquired solely by Dangote Industries Limited (DIL) in 2003

 

* Taxes paid to Kogi Govt yearly since production commenced in 2007

 

The management of Dangote Industries Limited has insisted that its acquisition of the Obajana Cement Plc in 2002 followed due process, contrary to claims by the Kogi State government.

 

 

The conglomerate asserted that Kogi State government has no equity interest in Obajana Cement Plc. It also stated that the company as a responsible corporate organisation has been paying relevant State taxes, levies and charges to the Kogi State government since 2007 when production commenced in the acquired cement plant.

 

These clarifications were contained in a statement issued by the management of Dangote Industries Limited titled ‘Obajana Cement Plant: Separating Facts from Fiction.’

 

According to the statement, “This is a statement issued for the sole purpose of addressing the concerns and apprehensions of the stakeholders of Dangote Cement Plc (DCP) especially the over twenty-two thousand people it employs directly, and more indirectly, as well as thousands of contractors, wholesalers, users of our products, our financiers and shareholders.

 

“At a time of significant economic challenges that we face as a nation, we believe all must be done to keep our economy running effectively, our people employed, businesses that depend on us thriving and not discourage those who take the risks of needed, lawful and significant investments in our economy. The shutdown of our plant has materially jeopardised the economic wellbeing of our country without any regard for its significant consequences.

 

“Whilst reserving our rights to proceed to arbitration in accordance with the extant agreement, we have reported the unlawful invasion by KSG and the consequential adverse effects of same to all the relevant authorities, including the Federal Government of Nigeria who has now intervened in the matter. It is hoped that the dispute resolution process we have initiated will quickly resolve the disputes and allow us to focus on our business without distraction and continue our significant contribution to our national economy. It is in this context that we state in brief as follows”, the company added.

 

According to the statement, “The Obajana Cement Plant is one of the most critical components of economic activity in the nation, being one of the highest taxpayers, and vehicle for one of the largest companies invested in by thousands of Nigerian and foreign investors. Its most important assets are (1) its land, the plant and machinery thereon, and (2) the vast limestone deposit covered by mining leases issued under licence by the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN).”

 

The company clarified that the land on which Obajana Cement Plant is built was solely acquired by Dangote Industries Limited (DIL) in 2003.  “The land on which the Obajana Cement Plant is built was acquired solely by Dangote Industries Limited (DIL) in 2003, well after it had acquired the shares in Obajana Cement Company in 2002, following the legally binding agreement it entered into with KSG to invest in Kogi State. DIL was issued three Certificates of Occupancy in its name after payment of necessary fees and compensation to landowners.

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“The plant and machinery were conceived, designed, procured, built, and paid for solely by DIL, again, well after it acquired the shares in Obajana Cement Company. The limestone and other minerals used by the Obajana Cement Plant, by the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution belonged to the Federation, with authority only in the FGN and not the State in which the minerals are situated, to grant licences to extract and mine the resources”, the company explained.

 

“After the agreement with the KSG, DIL applied for and obtained mining leases over the said limestone from FGN, at its cost and has complied with the terms of the leases since inception. The Government of Kogi State had no minerals to give, had no assets to give, and only invited DIL as most responsible governments do to come into the State and invest in a manner that will create employment, develop the State, and earn it taxes”, the statement added.

 

In a section of the statement titled, ‘The Incorporation of OCP and the Invitation by KSG’, the company noted that, “In 1992, the Kogi State Government incorporated Obajana Cement PLC (OCP) as a public limited liability company. Sometime in early 2002, about 10 years after the incorporation of the OCP (which still had no assets or operations as of that time), KSG invited Dangote Industries Limited (DIL) to take the opportunity of the significant limestone deposit in the State by establishing a cement plant in the State.

 

“Following several engagements and assessment of the viability of the proposed opportunity, DIL agreed that it would establish a cement plant in Kogi State and provide the entirety of the substantial capital required for the investment.

 

“DIL also agreed, following a specific request by KSG, to use the OCP name (albeit only existing on paper as of that time, and without any assets or operations) for the time being, as the vehicle for this investment

On 30 July 2002, KSG and DIL entered into a binding agreement to document their understanding. The agreement was amended in 2003 and remains binding on, and legally enforceable by, the parties to same,” the statement explained.

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On the issue of an Agreement between Dangote and Kogi State Government, the statement gave a summary. It noted that “it was agreed, inter alia, that: DIL would establish a cement plant with a capacity of 3,500,000 metric tonnes per annum; DIL shall hold 100% of the shareholding in OCP, and source for all the funds required to develop the cement plant; KSG shall have the option to acquire 5% equity shareholding in OCP within 5 years; and KSG shall grant tax relief and exemption from levies and other charges by KSG for a period of seven (7) years from the date of commencement of production.”

Consistent with the terms of agreement, DIL sourced for 100% of the funds that was used to develop the plant without any contribution from KSG. In line with its rights, ensuring alignment with the Dangote Brand, as part of internal restructuring and for better market recognition the name of OCP was changed to Dangote Cement Plc in 2010, and a number of other significant cement companies (such as the Benue Cement Company) owned by DIL were merged with OCP to become the enlarged Dangote Cement Plc”, the statement added.

 

On the issues of ‘Execution of the Agreement: The Plant, Taxes, Shares & Dividends’, the statement noted, “DIL assiduously and at significant cost met all the terms of the agreement between it and KSG in relation to OCP. It built the cement factory, much bigger and better than envisaged.

 

“KSG could not meet its financial obligations of contributing to the funding the plant in any form; neither could KSG fund acquisition of 5% equity shares in OCP when it was asked on a number of occasions to exercise the purchase option.

 

“KSG also did not meet its obligations to grant waiver of taxes, charges and levies that it could charge the operations, affairs and activities of OCP. Rather despite being entitled (under the terms of the agreement with KSG) to tax relief and exemption from charges and levies by KSG for a period of seven (7) years from the date of commencement of production, OCP (and now DCP) has paid all due sub-sovereign taxes, levies and charges to KSG since it commenced production in 2007.

 

“KSG does not have any form of investment or equity stake in OCP, so no dividend or other economic and/or shareholding rights whatsoever could have accrued to it from the operations of the company”, the statement added.

 

On the issue of the Acquisition of the Plant Site, the statement noted that, “After the agreement between DIL and KSG in 2002, DIL in 2003, applied to KSG for the acquisition of land for the plant site, and this application was granted with the issuance of three Certificates of Occupancy to DIL. DIL to the knowledge of KSG, paid substantive compensation to Obajana Farmland Owners located within the two (2) square kilometres plant site.

 

“Subsequently, in September 2004, DIL, in good faith, applied to the State Governor for the statutory consent for DIL to assign the plant site to OCP being DIL’s investment vehicle. This consent request was granted by the State Governor and the appropriate consent fees were paid by DIL”, it added.

 

Shedding more light on the company’s engagement with Kogi State Government, the statement explained that, “The investment of DIL in Kogi State through OCP was at the instance of the duly constituted government of Kogi State, done in accordance with the law of the State and all enabling laws in that regard, and the transaction documents were effectively, lawfully and duly executed by the Governor and Attorney General of the State (at the time), after internal approvals were obtained within the government.

 

“Since the inception of Alhaji Yahaya Bello’s administration in 2016, and regardless that government is a continuum, we have had series of enquiries about the ownership structure of the Dangote Cement PLC as it relates to the alleged interest of KSG; and had several engagements with the officers of the State government including Governor Yahaya Bello. At all of these engagements we have provided all the details and information supported by relevant documents, required by the Government and the State House of Assembly to confirm our lawful investment.

 

“For instance, in 2017, we were invited by the Judicial Commission of Inquiry, and we made our submission to the commission with relevant documents to support our position. We are yet to receive any feedback from the Judicial Commission of Inquiry. While still waiting to hear of the report of the Inquiry, we were invited by the State House of Assembly on the same matter earlier this year, and again, we provided evidence in support of our position that KSG does not have any equity or other interest in OCP or DCP.

 

“On Wednesday 5 October 2022, hundreds of dangerously armed men, other than law enforcement officers, attacked our cement plant in Obajana, Kogi State, destroyed our property, inflicted grievous injuries on many of our employees, and shutdown operations at the plant. KSG has admitted that the armed invaders acted on its instructions, and in furtherance of the recent enquiry by the Kogi State House of Assembly in connection with the ownership of the Obajana Cement Plant.

 

“Curiously, on 6 October 2022, a day after the shutdown of our facility in Obajana on the orders of KSG, Governor Bello addressed the public and announced that a Specialised Technical Committee which was set up as part of the recommendations of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry had just presented its recommendations, which have been accepted by KSG. This statement makes it abundantly clear that the shutdown of DCP’s plant occurred regardless of the Governor’s own confirmation that implementation of the recommendations of the Specialised Technical Committee was still pending”, the statement noted.

 

Focusing on the current state of play, the company said, “Whilst we do not want to speculate on the motivation for the spurious claims being made by KSG in relation to the ownership of the Company, which have resulted in the unfortunate unlawful forcible closure and damage of our plant, and injury of several people, we condemn in strongest possible terms, the unlawful shutdown of our plant by KSG sponsored armed-thugs, the damage to our property (including the looting of large sum of money kept in the office), and grievous injury inflicted on our employees by them.

 

“This disruption of operations at the plant has caused loss of revenue not only to our company and its customers but has also adversely impacted revenue due to both the Federal and State governments. It has also occasioned loss of jobs for the teeming youths who are daily paid workers that throng our plant for their daily sustenance.

Appealing for overall peace and calm, the statement noted, “We implore all our stakeholders, namely shareholders, customers, suppliers, employees, and the entire community of Obajana and Kogi State at large to remain calm while we follow the legitimate and lawful process to resolve this matter. We shall keep our stakeholders duly updated whilst we remain confident that the statutory and contractual rights ofB DIL shall be upheld by these legal processes which we have initiated.”

 

 

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CITAD Condemns Arrest of Abubakar Idris, Demands His Immediate Release

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The Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD) condemns the arrest and continued detention of Abubakar Idris, popularly known as Comrade Danhabu, by the Kaduna State Police Command over a social media post.

This was contained in a statement by the director of the centre Malam YZ Yau

Malam Y Z Yau said COTAD views the arrest as a clear abuse of power and a troubling attack on citizens’ constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of expression and participation in public discourse. Criticism of public officials and government actions, whether online or offline, is not a crime but a core pillar of democratic governance.

He said CITAD are deeply concerned by the growing pattern of arbitrary arrests, intimidation, and harassment of activists, journalists, and citizens across the country, often under the guise of cybercrime and other vague allegations. These actions undermine public trust in law enforcement institutions and erode democratic values.

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CITAD therefore calls on the Nigeria Police Force to immediately release Abubakar Idris unconditionally and to desist from being used as a tool to silence dissenting voices. Law enforcement agencies must uphold the rule of law and protect citizens, not intimidate them for expressing legitimate concerns.

The centre further urge Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State to focus on the real priorities of governance—improving security, livelihoods, service delivery, and the overall welfare of Kaduna citizens—rather than presiding over the arrest of critics whose only “offence” is demanding transparency and accountability. Silencing critics does not solve governance challenges; it only deepens public frustration.

CITAD reiterates that accountability, openness, and respect for human rights are essential for sustainable development and democratic stability. We will continue to stand with citizens, activists, and all defenders of civic space in Nigeria.

 

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SPECIAL REPORT:“Nigeria’s Democracy and the Endless Cycle of One-Party Dominance”

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Nigeria's Map

 

A historical analysis reveals how Nigeria’s democracy repeatedly succumbs to one-party dominance, with the current regime being worst as it perfects the playbook of past eras.

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Dominant-party politics—where one party consistently controls political power while opposition exists but faces significant systemic disadvantages—has manifested at various points in Nigeria’s political history. While the current situation under President Bola Tinubu’s APC-led administration is evidently worst as it shows concerning trends toward a total dominance, historical precedents exist, particularly during the First Republic and the prolonged military eras that indirectly shaped party systems.

In The First Republic(1963-1966)

Nigeria’s first experiment with multiparty democracy effectively functioned as a “three-dominant-party system” at the regional level:

If checked critically in the Northern region as at that time, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) held virtually unassailable dominance, leveraging the feudal structure, ethnic solidarity (Hausa-Fulani), and control of Native Authority police and taxation. Opposition parties like the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) were systematically marginalized.

While in the Western region, the Action Group (AG) under Chief Obafemi Awolowo dominated until the 1962–63 crisis, which split the party and led to a federal government-backed takeover by the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP).

In the Eastern region the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) held sway, though with more competitive politics than the North.

It’s worth noting that this was regionalized dominance rather than a single nationwide dominant party. The federal government was a fragile NPC-NCNC coalition.

In The Second Republic(1979-1983)

The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) emerged as a nationwide dominant party in the second republic.

It won the presidency with Shehu Shagari as its candidate without a clear popular majority. But through patronage, co-optation of opponents (“boarding the bus”), and control of federal resources, the NPN gained “surprise” gubernatorial victories and parliamentary seats, particularly in the 1983 elections—which was widely viewed as heavily rigged.

It used federal might to unseat opposition governors, a good example of it which is the Ondo State saga, through controversial judicial processes.

National Party of Nigeria(NPN) had a parallel mode of operations to today’s administration of President Tinubu. The party was also a broad, pragmatic coalition of elites from multiple regions–like the APC–using control of the petroleum boom economy to reward loyalty and fellowship.

In the military era, there usually would be nothing as party politics. Military rule suppressed party politics entirely but orchestrated networks and a centralized federal might that later shaped civilian dominant-party tendencies.

This was evident in the 1989–1993 two-party experiment (SDP and NRC) imposed by Gen. Babangida. It was an artificial, state-created duopoly—not genuine multiparty competition.

The Fourth Republic(1999-Present Day)

The Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) was the first national dominant party in the history of Nigeria.

The party held the Presidency, National Assembly majority, and most governorships for 16 consecutive years.

It employed massive patronage, control of INEC and security forces, and corruption of electoral processes especially under the 2007 election, described as “do-or-die” by President Obasanjo.

Opposition victories were rare to see with only Lagos, ANPP strongholds as the opposition voice. Although victories were possible, just that there were rare, it showed that the system was competitive, authoritarian rather than full one-party rule.

Dominance ended in 2015 due to internal fragmentation (the 2013–14 defection of the “nPDP” bloc to APC) and widespread public discontent over insecurity and corruption, not via a level playing field.

In 2015, APC’s era came and won the presidency (Buhari) and, by 2023, controlled 22 of 36 states.

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By 2024 till this very moment in 2025, the ruling APC has been massively receiving politicians from the main opposition PDP and others into its fold. The most recent of it was the defection of governor Fubara of Rivers State.

The tsunami has left the PDP with just 5 governors now: governor Fintiri of Adamawa State, Dauda Lawal of Zamfara State, Caleb Muftwang of Plateau State, governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, and Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State.

Governor Agbu Kefas of Taraba State and governor Adeleke of Osun State would have been the sixth and seventh governors for the party respectively, but reports have it that the former has also defected to the APC. Although, official declaration for that is yet to happen as it has been scheduled to hold next year January, 2026.

While governor Adeleke has officially joined the Accord Party and has picked the gubernatorial form for his second tenure.

Reports also have it that governor Caleb Muftwang of Plateau State is one step away from joining the ruling All Progressives Congress, citing heightened differences between him and some of the state executives of APC as the impediment to his official alignment.

The party, APC, now commands a supermajority capable of constitutional amendments without opposition support with 73 Senators and 175 Representatives.

It has also 28 governors in total, leaving the opposition parties with 8.

5–for PDP
1–for LP
1–for NNPP
1–for Accord Party

The Mechanisms of Dominance

Speaking with a public affairs analyst and political scientist, Austin Patrick, he shared that history has shown that financial advantage has been the tool in which ruling party use to dominate since democratic era.

“The control of oil revenues, state contracts, the capture of NNPC, CBN, and other agencies; alleged use of anti-graft agencies to pressure opponents are different mechanisms in which the ruling party use to dominate.”

He continued, “we all know that the Okowa case with the EFCC will no longer come to the public after his defection to the APC.”

Mr. Austin also emphasized on the judicial favouritism which the country has been witnessing in recent times, citing the position of court as the final arbiter in recent times.

“Courts now play an unprecedented role in determining election winners—over 80% of petitions in the 2023 cycle were dismissed on technicalities rather than merits,” he said.

On the other hand, Dr. Kabir Sufi, who is also a political analyst, opined that the APC’s dominance is largely attributed to structural advantages and the factions in the opposition parties.

“Well, the combination of the APC’s usage of structural advantages and fragmentation of the opposition contribute to how bigger and wider the ruling party has become.”

He also highlighted on the rumor by many Nigerians that the said fragmentation and weakness of the opposition is largely the orchestration of the APC itself.

The Dangers Of One-Party System

Dr. Sufi asserted that the dangers of one party system is largely on democracy itself rather than intergovernmental relations and federalism spirit.

“The implications are mostly for democracy itself, it’s not allowing the opposition to thrive.”

“The advantages in which oppositions are to enjoy are not actually realistic,” he added.

Although Dr. Sufi acknowledged that there are a lot of factors that have allowed the situation to become what it is today.

Meanwhile, Mr. Austin was of the opinion that the danger of one party system is ultimately accountability erosion.

“Weak opposition breeds legislative and fiscal oversight.”

He noted that with no external threat, APC may become more autocratic, stifling pragmatic democracy.

Mr. Austin also stated that one party dominance contributes to voter apathy among citizens.

“The belief that elections don’t change outcomes may depress turnout and fuel political violence.”

Moreover, Dr. Sufi, when asked if the opposition have any chance to unsit the APC in the coming 2027 presidential election, said that:

“With the wave of defections to the APC, the task may be getting harder for the opposition unless if there’s an implosion within APC.”

Summarily, while it’s evident that Nigeria is on the verge of becoming a one-party nation, it’s worth noting that it’s not yet completely a one-party state. Multiple parties still exist and compete, but it exhibits clear dominant-party authoritarian characteristics similar to the PDP’s peak (2003–2011).

The difference is that the current opposition is more fragmented and demoralized than in the past.

A thorough examination will reveal to one that dominant-party politics in Nigeria follows a cyclical pattern: a party gains power, uses state resources to entrench itself, becomes corrupt and fragmented, then collapses from internal splits rather than electoral defeat. The APC appears to be in the entrenchment phase, Nigerian Tracker News observed.

Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa is a freelance journalist and a reporter with the Nigerian Tracker News. He can be reached via: theonlygrandeur@gmail.com or 07069180810

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Insecurity: Kano Establishes Task Force to Secure Motor Parks, Ancilliary Spaces

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The Kano State Governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has approved the immediate establishment of a Special Task Force to decisively tackle security threats at motor parks and other strategic public spaces across the state.

This was contained in a statement signed by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa on Sunday.

The decision was part of the governor’s firm resolve to prevent criminal infiltration and safeguard Kano State, particularly at key entry and exit points within the metropolitan area.

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Motor parks have been identified as high-risk locations due to increased human movement and recent security developments, including the arrest of suspected miscreants at Kofar Ruwa Motor Park.

The task force will conduct intensive surveillance, intelligence gathering, and coordinated security operations at motor parks and other vulnerable locations.

Its operations will also extend to ancillary areas such as filling stations and public spaces where transient populations often congregate.

Governor Yusuf said the measure is a proactive step aimed at neutralising threats before they escalate, strengthening inter-agency coordination, and restoring public confidence.

He reaffirmed his administration’s zero-tolerance stance on criminality and its unwavering commitment to fully support security agencies in protecting lives and property.

 

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