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Religion,Us And Then The Mischief-Uche Diala

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Uche Diala

 

Dr Uche Diala

Is there a time any one or any party can win Nigerian Presidency without Christian and Muslim votes? Never. God did not even make it so. That is why there is an admixture of Muslims and Christians in varied proportions and ratios all over the nation; including traditional religious worshippers by the way (lest we forget). God does not make mistakes. That I am sure we all agree with, irrespective of our individual religious faith.

I have a serious problem with and trepidation over our excessive mixing of religion with politics Nigeria especially since the return to civilian rule in 1999. That is what has tainted and actually endangered both religions in Nigeria and we must stop digging deeper; if we truly love our religions and Nigeria.

I have heard and read some disappointing comments and words from some religious and circular leaders alike and I wonder whether we understand what we are doing.

My fear is heightened by the fact that there is a preponderance of gullible and brainwashed Nigerians with reduced capacity for independent thought or reasoning beyond the herd mentality positions, taken, packaged, marketed and sold by their religious leaders.

A mixture of tribal and religious jingoism and bigotry is surely a recipe for gargantuan crises so I must sincerely commend His Lordship Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah and a few other religious leaders for their responsible use of words at this time.

Our messaging should be such that protect our religions, our country and our personal relationships even after the elections are over. The election is an event and a moment, even as it has lasting consequences but our lives, our religions, our nation and our relationships are forever; even after we are done here on earth and gone.

My passionate plea and advice is; by all means let everyone promote and campaign for any candidate they choose and do it with objectivity and decency; knowing like I said already that no individual one can win the Presidency with only Christian or Muslim votes. Hence the only sensible thing to do is try to get as many Muslim votes and Christian votes one can get. Surely that will not happen by alienating, disrespecting or denigrating people of religious faiths other than ours.

As we act and talk like it is and ‘Us versus Them’, the ‘other side’ can equally do same. If that is the case; whoever wins or loses, a difficult situation emerges where even if it is ‘our side’ that wins in the end, they cannot govern and I bet you our religion cannot help us out then and the nation suffers; we will all suffer. Do we think about this at all?

I really worry. We did the last two Presidential elections on the altar of hate and bigotry and we saw and are still seeing what it brought to us – even more hate, bigotry, division, tears, blood and death. Today it appears we are desperate to build the 2023 election on the altar of religion and of the most caustic and hypocritical brand. If religion be the opium of the masses, then you do not need a prophet or seer to tell you that we would be in for the ‘senior sister of Beatty’; as they say post-2023.

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Before anyone tells me about Muslim-Muslim ticket (I have elaborately and conclusively dealt that), let me quickly say that that issue; having happened and been settled is a non-starter. It is being deliberately played up by some of the same elements who have held many of us mentally hostage for years now with cosmetic religion and religious mercantilism; even if some others involved are ignorant, innocent or sincere but it all boils down to the same thing – mischief.

How So?

Democracy allows for choices; both for the political parties and for the voting masses.

If the All Progressives Congress (APC) for whatever reason; in its foolishness or wisdom settled for a Muslim-Muslim ticket; it is the party’s choice and decision and it is democratic. The party will live with the consequences of its decision and choice; positive or negative at the polls by the collective and aggregate of the decision of the totality of votes of registered Nigerian voters who will vote and there is nothing any one can do about that.

In like manner, the voting masses have their individual democratic choice to make out of all the options available for the Presidential election contest (in the instant case, 16 candidates/parties). They should make it. Again each person will live with the consequences; positive or negative of his or her choice because voting is a personal decision. That is democracy.

So what exactly are all the noise about? If not hypocrisy and sheer mischief. To think that today one’s worthiness and Christian-ness is judged by mere humans by whether or not one supports an independent political party’s Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket is totally absurd, ridiculous, tragic and shameful; to say the least and the body of Christ in Nigeria needs to do a deep meditation and soul searching.

It is very easy to decode that the current extended hullabaloo in certain quarters and by certain people; after the initial natural and sincere expression of emotions, surprise and even disappointments, is clearly mischievous and ill intended. However, those who think the current mischief will give them political mileage or who are misappropriating it as a campaign strategy should have a quick rethink because apart from creating unnecessary disharmony in the nation, their current conduct could actually boomerang on them.

So trying to recruit any individual(s), groups or group of persons into your believes, anger and fight solely based only on religious considerations even in the face of available options does not help the nation in any way because in the end, it should be about the nation. I doubt religion counts anywhere near the top 20 issues that bother Nigeria and Nigerians today and that deserve desperate attention.

Not surprisingly, it is people who have never voted for the APC or would have never vote APC; even if Senator Bola Tinubu picked a Christian Monk from the North as running mate that are making the most noise. What does that say? It is instructive.

Please, I come in peace and I pray that Nigerians can see beyond the noise and mischief by some and do the needful which is:

1) Assess the political parties by their manifestos and antecedents.

2) Assess the individual candidates by their personality, capacity, track record and manifesto.

Then we would be good to go. If majority of us Nigerians objectively so do, we would realize that religion would have no exalted place in that consideration. Sincerely that is where we need to be as a nation and not religious jingoism. Religion, aside being a personal issue between man and God has not helped Nigeria as a nation and Nigerians as a people.

No one can claim to know or to be in custody of the will or plan of God for Nigeria.

It is time for us to prove whether we are true people of God or hypocrites.

It is time to prove whether we are true ambassadors of our respective religions and sincerely patriotic Nigerians.

It is time to be not just hearers of the word but doers of the word.

It is time for us to take our selfish minds and hearts out of our various religious contraptions (apologies to Fela Kuti) and think about Nigeria.

Peace, wisdom and grace be upon all of us. Above all, may the love of God reside in and reign above us all and our dear nation.

#GodBlessNigeria

© Uche Diala

Opinion

Honouring the Elderly, Securing the Future in Jigawa State

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_How the healthcare reforms of Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi are restoring dignity to the aged while protecting the youngest generation._

By Lamara Garba Azare

In every society, the true character of leadership is revealed not in grand speeches or towering structures, but in how it treats those who can no longer compete in the rush of daily survival. In Jigawa State, a quiet but meaningful transformation is unfolding, one that places dignity, compassion, and human wellbeing at the centre of governance.

Through the J Basic Healthcare Services for Vulnerable Citizens, the administration of Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi has woven a protective safety net around those who often struggle in silence. At the heart of the programme are elderly citizens aged sixty five years and above, men and women whose lives of labour and sacrifice helped build the very communities they now inhabit.

For many elderly citizens, the passage of time often brings not only wisdom but also frailty. The body grows tired, the bones lose their strength, and the cost of maintaining good health begins to rise beyond what many can afford. Years spent cultivating farms, trading in markets, and serving society sometimes end with fragile health and limited financial resources. Yet these are the same men and women who nurtured families, preserved traditions, and sustained the social fabric of their communities.

By guaranteeing free access to healthcare for them, Jigawa State is restoring dignity to ageing. It sends a powerful message that the twilight years of life should not be overshadowed by fear of hospital bills or untreated illness. Instead, they should live with the comforting knowledge that society remembers their contributions and values their presence.

The scale of the initiative reflects both ambition and fairness. A total of 143500 beneficiaries have been enrolled across the state, drawn from all 287 political wards. Each ward accommodates 500 individuals within the programme, ensuring that the benefits reach every corner of the state. Among these beneficiaries are elderly citizens who now have guaranteed access to treatment in primary and secondary healthcare facilities without the burden of financial strain.

This policy goes far beyond the provision of medical services. It represents a redefinition of the relationship between government and the governed. A society that cares for its elderly is one that understands continuity. Elders are not merely older citizens; they are custodians of memory, guardians of tradition, and living bridges between the past and the future. Protecting their wellbeing strengthens the moral foundation upon which communities stand.

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Governor Umar Namadi has consistently emphasized that the programme is not an act of charity but a duty of leadership. When elderly citizens receive the healthcare they deserve, families become more stable and communities become stronger. Healthy grandparents remain sources of wisdom and emotional support within households, guiding younger generations with the lessons of experience.

The programme also extends its protective embrace to another vulnerable group, children under the age of five. This thoughtful balance between caring for the oldest and protecting the youngest reflects a deep understanding of social development. Early childhood is a delicate stage of life when illness can shape the course of a child’s future. Access to free healthcare during these formative years can mean the difference between fragile beginnings and healthy growth.

By safeguarding children at the dawn of life while protecting the elderly in their later years, Jigawa State is nurturing the full circle of human existence. It is a reminder that development is not merely about roads and buildings but about the health and wellbeing of people across generations.

The J Basic Healthcare programme was carefully designed to ensure transparency and inclusiveness. Community leaders, civil society organisations, and healthcare workers played key roles in identifying beneficiaries. This grassroots approach not only ensures fairness but also strengthens public confidence in the programme’s implementation.

Beyond this initiative, the state government continues to invest in broader health sector reforms. Primary healthcare centres are being revitalised across communities, new general hospitals are under construction, and specialised services such as free dialysis treatment for renal patients are being provided. Together, these efforts form a comprehensive strategy aimed at improving public health and expanding access to quality medical services.

At a time when rising healthcare costs continue to push many families into poverty, the Jigawa initiative offers a refreshing example of what compassionate governance can achieve. It demonstrates that public policy, when guided by empathy and foresight, can shield vulnerable citizens from hardship while strengthening social stability.

The true impact of the programme will not only appear in official statistics. It will be seen in the elderly farmer who can now manage his blood pressure without worrying about medical bills. It will be felt by the grandmother who visits a clinic without depending entirely on her children for financial assistance. It will be reflected in the laughter of a child whose illness is treated early enough to ensure a healthy future.

These quiet transformations are the building blocks of a healthier society. When the elderly are cared for and children are protected, communities become more resilient and families become more secure. Healthy citizens contribute more productively to society, and productive societies build stronger economies.

Governor Umar Namadi’s approach therefore carries a deeper philosophical meaning. It reminds us that genuine progress is not measured solely by economic statistics or physical infrastructure but by the quality of life enjoyed by ordinary citizens. It shows that leadership guided by compassion can shape policies that preserve dignity while creating opportunity.

In the final analysis, the strength of a society is not measured by the wealth it accumulates but by the care it extends to those who once carried its burdens and those who will inherit its future. By protecting the elderly and nurturing young children, Jigawa State is quietly planting the seeds of a healthier and more humane tomorrow.

Under the watch of a caring leader like Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi, governance takes on a deeper meaning. It becomes not merely the exercise of authority but the practice of service. And when leadership chooses compassion over indifference, it leaves behind something far greater than policy. It leaves behind hope, dignity, and a legacy that generations will remember.

Lamara Garba Azare, a veteran journalist, writes from Kano.

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Comrade Ibrahim Waiya, Limamin Kano First: The Man Who Turned a Governor’s Vision Into a Governing Philosophy

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By Sufyan Lawal Kano

The true measure of leadership has never been the grandeur of its proclamations. It has always been the discipline of its follow-through, the unglamorous, daily, often invisible work of converting a compelling vision into institutional reality, of ensuring that the ideas articulated in policy documents and public speeches actually reach the citizens whose lives they are intended to transform. In Kano State today, that work is being done with a consistency and seriousness that deserves far wider recognition than it has so far received. And at the center of that effort, serving as both the strategic intelligence and the public conscience of the Kano First Agenda, stands the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, whose unofficial but deeply earned title, Limamin Kano First, speaks volumes about the nature and significance of his contribution.
The Kano First Initiative, conceived under the leadership of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf as a governing philosophy that places the welfare, dignity, and progress of Kano’s citizens at the irreducible center of every policy decision, represents something genuinely distinctive in the landscape of Nigerian state governance. It is not merely a development agenda in the conventional sense, a list of projects to be completed and targets to be met. It is, at its most ambitious, an attempt to redefine the relationship between government and citizens, to move from a model of governance as service delivery toward a model of governance as shared civic enterprise, one in which citizens are not passive beneficiaries of government attention but active co-owners of the state’s development trajectory. That is a profound ambition, and it requires, to become real, something that infrastructure projects and budget allocations alone cannot provide: a coherent, credible, and consistently communicated philosophy that citizens can understand, trust, and embrace as their own.
It is precisely here that Comrade Waiya’s contribution becomes indispensable. From the moment he assumed office, he brought to the Ministry of Information a clarity of purpose that distinguished his approach from the reactive, image-management orientation that has historically characterized government communication in this country. His mission, as he has articulated it through his public engagements, his institutional reforms, and his personal conduct, has been to build a communication architecture that serves not the government’s convenience but the citizens’ understanding. That is a subtle but enormously consequential distinction, and it is one that has shaped every significant decision he has made since taking office.
Among his earliest and most consequential institutional actions was a systematic engagement with the state’s major government media organizations, including ARTV, Radio Kano, Triumph Publishing Company, and the Kano State Printing Press. These engagements were not ceremonial visits. They were strategic assessments, aimed at understanding the capacity, the constraints, and the potential of the institutions through which government communicates with its citizens, and at beginning the process of revitalizing that machinery so that it could serve its proper democratic function: to inform, to educate, and to create the conditions for genuine public understanding of government policy. A government whose communication infrastructure is weak or dysfunctional cannot build the public trust that effective governance requires, regardless of the quality of its policies. Waiya understood this, and he acted on it.
Equally significant was his investment in human capacity at the grassroots level. The decision to organize training programs for information officers from all forty-four local government areas of Kano State reflected an understanding that strategic communication cannot be confined to the state capital or to the national media. It must penetrate to the ward level, to the market and the mosque and the community meeting, to the spaces where the overwhelming majority of Kano’s citizens actually encounter government and form their judgments about its intentions and its performance. By building a stronger grassroots communication network, Waiya created the infrastructure for the kind of citizen-level engagement that the Kano First philosophy demands but that no amount of press releases or social media content can substitute for.
His engagement with the media profession itself has been another dimension of his work that deserves particular recognition. Recognizing that the quality of public discourse in Kano is inseparable from the quality of its journalism, Waiya has invested consistently in building relationships with journalists, broadcasters, and communication professionals, not to manage their coverage or to cultivate favorable reporting, but to foster the kind of professional standards and development-oriented journalism that a society serious about its own progress requires. His consistent message to media practitioners, that responsible, accurate, and constructive reporting is not merely a professional obligation but a civic contribution, reflects a sophisticated understanding of the media’s role in either deepening or undermining public trust in institutions.
Perhaps the most important philosophical contribution Waiya has made to the Kano First discourse, however, is his insistence that popularizing the agenda is not a political act but a civic duty. This reframing is, in the context of Nigerian political culture, genuinely radical. In a political environment where almost every public initiative is immediately read through a partisan lens, where support for a government programme is routinely interpreted as political allegiance and skepticism as opposition, the assertion that the Kano First Agenda belongs not to the political party or to the Yusuf administration but to the people of Kano is a claim that cuts across the grain of established political behavior. It is also, if it can be made to stick, extraordinarily powerful, because a civic philosophy that transcends partisan boundaries is one that can survive electoral cycles and accumulate the kind of broad, durable public support that transforms individual administrations’ programmes into lasting institutional culture.
The evidence that this reframing is beginning to take hold is visible, if not yet definitive. Citizens across the state are demonstrably more informed about the administration’s policies and the philosophy that underpins them. Public conversations about development are increasingly framed in the language of collective responsibility and civic ownership rather than purely in terms of government performance and political judgment. Community leaders, professional associations, civil society organizations, and youth groups are engaging with the Kano First framework in ways that suggest a growing recognition that the initiative speaks to something real in the shared aspirations of Kano’s people, something that predates the current administration and will, if properly nurtured, outlast it.
None of this diminishes the central role of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, whose personal commitment to the Kano First philosophy provides the political authority and executive backing without which no communication strategy, however brilliant, can translate vision into action. The governor’s record of progress across infrastructure development, education, healthcare, youth empowerment, and social welfare initiatives is the material foundation on which the Kano First narrative is built. Without that foundation, the most skillful communication would eventually ring hollow. With it, skillful communication becomes the bridge between government achievement and public understanding, between what is being done and what citizens know and believe about what is being done. That bridge is what Waiya has been building, patiently, consistently, and with considerable skill, since the first day he took office.
What observers of his ministry most frequently note is not any single achievement but a quality of presence and commitment that is, in Nigerian public life, genuinely unusual. Waiya engages, consistently and seriously, with the full range of stakeholders whose participation the Kano First philosophy requires: journalists and community leaders, professional bodies and civil society organizations, youth groups and traditional institutions, media practitioners and policy analysts. He does not manage these relationships from a distance or through intermediaries. He shows up, he listens, he explains, and he follows through. That combination of intellectual seriousness and personal accessibility is, in the world of governance communication, a rare and valuable combination, and it is one that has earned him a reputation that no amount of political positioning could manufacture.
As Kano State continues to navigate the complex terrain of development, democratic consolidation, and social renewal, the work of the Limamin Kano First remains as urgent as it has ever been. The Kano First Initiative is still in its formative stages. Its ultimate success will depend on the quality of its implementation, the consistency of its leadership, and above all, the willingness of Kano’s citizens to claim it as their own rather than leaving it to government alone. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya has done the foundational work of making that claim possible. He has given the governor’s vision an intellectual architecture, a communication infrastructure, and a civic philosophy robust enough to withstand the pressures of a complex political environment. The rest, as it must always be in a genuine democracy, belongs to the people.
Sufyan Lawal Kano is a public affairs writer and civic commentator based in Kano State.
Contact: sefjamil3@gmail.com

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Opinion

When Kano Chose Peace: A Lesson in the Spirit of the Kano First Agenda

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By Nworisa Michael | Coordinator, Inter-tribe Community Support Forum

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There are moments in the life of a community that arrive without announcement and depart without ceremony, but whose significance, properly understood, reveals more about the character of a society than any formal declaration or policy document ever could. These are the moments of quiet testing, when the distance between a society’s stated values and its actual reflexes is measured not in speeches or manifestos, but in the ordinary decisions of ordinary people confronted with fear, uncertainty, and the ancient human temptation to react before they think. Kano State experienced one such moment recently, and what it chose in that moment deserves more than the brief attention it has so far received. It deserves reflection, because it contains within it a lesson about what the Kano First Agenda actually means when it moves from the realm of policy language into the lived reality of a city under pressure.
The episode began, as so many contemporary crises do, with a video. Disturbing in its content and rapid in its spread across social media platforms, the footage stirred genuine anxiety within parts of Kano’s diverse and densely connected community. In a city as historically layered and socially complex as Kano, a meeting point of cultures, faiths, ethnicities, and economic interests that has sustained its coherence across centuries through a combination of institutional wisdom and civic restraint, such moments carry a particular weight. The same social architecture that makes Kano’s diversity its greatest strength also makes it vulnerable, under conditions of rumor and fear, to the kind of communal misreading that can transform isolated incidents into collective confrontations. Anyone who knows Kano’s history understands that the distance between anxiety and escalation can, in the wrong circumstances, be disturbingly short.
That escalation did not happen. And the reasons it did not happen are worth examining carefully, because they speak directly to the question of whether the values embedded in the Kano First philosophy are merely aspirational language or whether they have begun to take genuine root in the state’s institutional culture and civic consciousness.
The first line of response was institutional, and it was swift. The Kano State Police Command moved with a speed and decisiveness that communicated, without ambiguity, that the matter was being taken seriously and that the state’s security architecture was functioning as it should. The confirmation that the individual responsible for the video had been identified and arrested removed the dangerous vacuum of uncertainty that rumors require in order to grow into something more destructive. The visible presence of security personnel in the affected community provided the physical reassurance that anxious residents needed. Officers including CSP Abdullahi Haruna Kiyawa, and the team from the State Intelligence Department led by ACP Abdul Umar, demonstrated the kind of professional responsiveness that builds public confidence in institutions, the kind of confidence that is, in the framework of the Kano First Initiative, not a luxury but a governance necessity.
But the architects of the Kano First philosophy have always understood something that purely security-focused governance tends to overlook: that institutional competence, however impressive, is not sufficient to calm communities whose fears are not merely physical but emotional and psychological. People do not only need to know that a situation is being managed. They need to hear that assurance from voices they have learned, over time, to trust. That deeper reassurance came through the respected leadership of Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil, Chairman of the Council of Ulama, whose message, even when conveyed through his aide, carried the moral authority that formal institutional communication alone cannot always provide. The intervention of religious leadership in this moment was not a substitute for institutional action. It was its necessary complement, a reminder that the governance of complex, faith-rooted societies requires the active partnership of moral authority alongside the exercise of political and security power.
Running through both dimensions of this response, the institutional and the moral, was the consistent and purposeful communication of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, whose role as the strategic voice of the Kano First Agenda has never been more clearly demonstrated than in moments precisely like this one. Waiya’s communication philosophy, shaped by years of civic activism and deepened by his stewardship of the state’s information architecture, rests on a conviction that is simple in its articulation but demanding in its practice: that the first responsibility of government communication in times of uncertainty is not to manage optics but to protect civic harmony, not to project an image of control but to actually help citizens navigate fear with accurate information, calm authority, and a consistent reminder of the values that hold a diverse community together. In this episode, that philosophy was visibly at work.
What this moment ultimately revealed, however, goes beyond the performance of any particular institution or individual. Its deepest lesson is about the people of Kano themselves. The decision not to escalate, the instinct to reach out to authorities rather than to act on rumor, the collective preference for engagement over confrontation, these were not the choices of a passive population waiting for government to solve its problems. They were the active choices of a community that has internalized, at some level, the understanding that peace is not a gift that governments bestow upon citizens. It is a responsibility that citizens exercise on behalf of one another, every time they choose restraint over reaction, verification over rumor, and dialogue over division.
This is precisely the civic consciousness that the Kano First Initiative was designed to cultivate. The framework’s emphasis on communal responsibility, on the role of citizens as active stakeholders in the state’s stability and development rather than passive recipients of government services, found its clearest expression not in any policy document or communication campaign but in the quiet, dignified choices of Kano’s residents in a moment when different choices were entirely available to them. In that sense, what happened in Kano recently was not merely an incident successfully managed. It was the Kano First philosophy made visible, a demonstration that the values the initiative champions are not foreign impositions or political aspirations but genuine reflections of something already present in the character of this city and its people.
Under the leadership of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, whose administration has consistently placed the peace, unity, and stability of Kano at the center of its governance philosophy, the expectation is not that crises will never arise. The expectation is that when they do, Kano’s institutions, leaders, and citizens will respond in ways that reflect the state’s highest values rather than its lowest fears. Recent events suggest that this expectation is not merely rhetorical. It is, slowly but meaningfully, becoming real.
There is, nonetheless, a caution that honest reflection requires. A single well-managed incident does not constitute a transformation. The civic maturity that Kano demonstrated in this episode needs to be nurtured, reinforced, and institutionally supported if it is to become a reliable feature of the state’s social fabric rather than an admirable exception. The media has a critical role to play in this process, by reporting responsibly, amplifying examples of civic wisdom, and refusing to become a vehicle for the kind of sensationalism that turns anxiety into panic. Civil society organizations, community leaders, traditional institutions, and professional associations must continue to invest in the relationships and communication channels that enable rapid, trusted responses to emerging tensions. And government must continue to demonstrate, through consistent action, that its commitment to Kano First is not contingent on political convenience.
Kano has always been more than a city. It is a civilization with a memory, a people with a tradition of navigating complexity with wisdom, and a community whose greatest strength has never been its uniformity but its remarkable, historically tested capacity for coexistence. When the next moment of testing arrives, and in a society as dynamic and diverse as Kano, it will, the question will be the same one that was asked and answered recently: will Kano choose peace? If the spirit of the Kano First Agenda continues to take root in the institutions and the hearts of its people, the answer, this writer believes, will continue to be yes.

Nworisa Michael is the Coordinator of the Inter-tribe Community Support Forum.
Contact: nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

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