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I Officially Don’t Care Who’s President in 2023

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Presidential Hopeful

 

 

By Farooq A. Kperogi
Twitter: @farooqkperogi

I am officially emotionally divested from the possible outcome of the 2023 presidential election. Irrespective of who wins it, Nigeria will at best remain the same and at worse degenerate to new lows.

This isn’t petulant, self-indulgent pessimism. My emotional divestment and cynicism emanate from my heightened awareness of the consequences of the unexampled political roguery going on right now.

For one, the stench of the moral rot wafting out of the primary contests in the country is so overpowering I can smell it even here in America! It’s impossible for anything good to come out of this. I’ll come back to this point shortly.

For another, the Independent National Electoral Commission, whose courage I’d praised, has buckled under the pressure of APC to extend the deadline to submit the names of candidates for the general election.

That is unforgivably irresponsible and shows clearly that INEC does not have the moral stamina to conduct a transparent and credible election. The outcome of the election can now be predicted before its actual conduct.

 

The Bigot In Kperogi’s Mirror

In a May 11 article I published on my social media timelines and on my blog titled “Ahmed Lawan and Threat to INEC’s Independence,” I pointed out that INEC was facing the first real crucible of its independence and credibility in 2022 after the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) reportedly requested it to extend its June 3 deadline for political parties to turn in the names of their nominees for the 2023 election.

“Anyone who is paying attention would know that this move was in all likelihood sponsored by the leadership of the APC, which has dragged Ahmad Lawan to run for the APC presidential ticket in anticipation of the emergence of a northerner as PDP’s candidate,” I wrote.

“Well, should INEC buckle under and extend the deadline that ‘IPAC’ has requested,” I said, “that would be the first, firm evidence that INEC is in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a free and fair election in 2023.”

The only major political party that INEC’s 6-day extension of the primary election timetable is designed to benefit is APC. There’s no question about that. PDP has already screened its presidential contestants and is ready to conduct its primary election this weekend.

APC, on the other hand, hasn’t screened its contestants even when it publicly said it would conduct its primary election on Sunday. It keeps shifting the goalposts while the game is on. Buhari curiously left the country and wasn’t scheduled to be back when something as momentous as the presidential primary election of his party was supposed to be conducted.

This at once shows awful irresponsibility, impunity, and an indication that APC knew it could manipulate INEC at the last minute to bend to its wishes.

APC has always wanted PDP to first elect its candidate so that it can determine how it will choose its own. If PDP nominates a northerner, it will nominate one, too. If it nominates a southerner, it will nominate one, too. It just got its wishes on a platter because INEC has shown itself to be a spineless and feckless toady of the party in power.

INEC is evidently in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a fair, credible, and transparent election.

If rules made months ago can be changed so whimsically to pamper the irresponsibility of a political party, what’s the point of making them? We might as well be conducting primary elections until Election Day in 2023.

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Mahmood Yakubu obviously hasn’t learned anything from his disastrous conduct of the 2019 election. He is determined to replicate it in 2023, and that’s such a shame.

In addition to a barefacedly partisan INEC whose conduct has already signaled where its loyalties lie before Election Day, the conduct of primary elections so far have made it clear that politics is now a brazen transaction. Party delegates openly haggle over and sell their votes to the highest bidders, and the highest bidders get to fly their parties’ flags in the general election.

This is the lowest point in Nigeria’s democracy. We had never seen anything like this. The mercenariness of the electoral process used to a little subtler and a little more “dignified.” Now, there’s no pretense. It’s in your face.

Even Yemi Osinbajo who, along with Muhammadu, pretended to lead an “anti-corruption” regime (and is a pastor, to boot), doles out N250,000 bribes—which he now pays in dollars— to delegates in the open each time he visits states to campaign. And those are mere “ground-wetting” bribes before the main bribes.

Bola Tinubu, who had never pretended to be anything other than an unprincipled, wheeler-dealing political conman, is also bribing delegates silly—in dollars and in the open. He endorsed a disgraceful coronation of his handpicked stooge in the Lagos governorship primary “election” and shut out two other contestants who paid nomination fees.

But he wants a fair contest for his presidential ambition in Abuja and chafes at the kind of “consensus” he imposed in Lagos. I hope he gets the karmic retribution he deserves in Abuja whenever APC holds its primary election.

Other APC presidential frontrunners like Rotimi Amaechi and Ahmad Lawan are also either bribing delegates or hoping for a “consensus” arrangement that will help them circumvent the rigors of an actual electoral contest.

If the hints APC chairman Adamu Abdullahi dropped on May 26 that the field of contest will be open to all contestants, you can expect the ticket to go to the highest bidder.

It’s no better in PDP, whose already rickety structure is collapsing before facing off with APC. There, too, the highest bribe giver to delegates will be the party’s nominee. Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar are in a contest for who can bribe party delegates more liberally than the other.

So, in 2023 we’ll have a cast of elected people who unashamedly bought delegates with millions (in some cases billions) to get to their positions. What could possibly go wrong with that? Why should people who expended enormous resources to bribe their way to power be expected to be anything other than thieves with a legal cover to siphon the national treasury?

More than that, though, the structure that enables and sustains Nigeria’s many dysfunctions won’t change with a change of government. In fact, it might get worse with the crop of shameless bribe givers that will be ushered into power next year.

Our system is incapable of reforming itself structurally. It’s condemned to perpetually sustain and reproduce its dysfunctions. Any politician who tells you he or she will “restructure” Nigeria when he or she becomes president is lying to you.

To truly restructure Nigeria would require creative destruction. That means people who’re comfortably ensconced in the current structure have to agree to destroy it from top to bottom (or, as Buhari says, “botum”) and that won’t happen.

After colonialism, only military regimes have been able to tinker with the structure of Nigeria. Except for 1963 when the Midwest Region was created from the Western Region during Nigeria’s first parliamentary democracy, every other structural change in Nigeria—from state creation to local government creation—happened under military regimes.

Only people who are outside the orbit of the power structure advocate restructuring. The moment they get into the power structure and experience its elite indulgence, impunity, lack of accountability, reward for indolence, and sloth, they become its most vociferous defenders.

It never fails. APC ran for election in 2014 and 2015 on the promise of restructuring Nigeria. They are today the most passionate defenders of the very structure they said was in need of reform. The PDP, which defended the structure the APC said needed to be reformed, now says it will restructure the country when it gets back to power.

It’s all a giant deception. None of the people running for president from the major political parties has any plans to depart from the past. I have given up. It can’t work. Why should I care who becomes president in 2023?

 

Politics

Hon. Murtala Garo: Gov. Abba’s Political Masterstroke

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By Bashir Ahmad Gwarzo

As Governor Abba Kabir navigates his anticipated defection to the APC, and the eminent adamancy of his deputy to remain in NNPP, the substitution of the deputy governor is imminent. However, this is not merely an administrative vacancy to be filled. It is a pivotal strategic decision that will determine whether his political consolidation succeeds or collapses under the weight of competing interests and factional tensions. The question facing the governor is this: who possesses the character, competence, loyalty, and strategic value to serve as his anchor during one of the most turbulent periods of his political career?

Moreover, in the event, Deputy Governor Aminu Abdussalam’s impeachment became eminent, the development will obviously intensify hostility within the Kwankwasiyya faction against Governor Abba.

In this hostile environment, Abba cannot afford to select a deputy based on regional appeasement or factional compromise. The times demand strength, not capitulation; a leader who brings proven integrity, administrative excellence, and unwavering loyalty. Murtala Sule Garo embodies all of these. His proven loyalty to his political associates, combined with his well-documented generosity and philanthropic commitments, demonstrates a leader of principle and integrity. Garo’s strong family background and standing in society reflect the moral foundation necessary for high public office. In politics, loyalty cannot be manufactured; it must be demonstrated over time. Garo’s track record speaks for itself.

A deputy governor who embodies such qualities provides the governor with a trustworthy confidant during periods of political turbulence, which precisely what Governor Abba currently requires as he navigates the choppy waters of defection and factional realignment.
Some will argue that Kano South senatorial district deserves the deputy governorship.

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Their agitation is understandable, and their concerns are legitimate. But political leadership requires more than regional representation; it demands the balancing of competing interests based on merit and strategic necessity.
What Murtala Sule Garo brings to the administration far outweighs the representational argument. His proven track record in infrastructure development, educational reform, and grassroots mobilization offers tangible governance benefits that cannot be replicated.

Governor Abba can address south senatorial concerns through strategic appointments, board positions, and development projects, as an alternative mechanisms that satisfy regional aspirations without compromising the selection of the most competent deputy. To sacrifice administrative excellence on the altar of regional representation would be to diminish the governor’s capacity to govern effectively and deliver results.
Consider, moreover, Kano North’s political configuration. Both Murtala Sule Garo and Hon. Abba Bichi command significant political influence within the APC from this zone. Relationship between Garo and Deputy Senate President, Barau Jibrin politically might look strange, but this reality does not diminish Garo’s stature or viability. Rather, it demonstrates that Kano North’s political strength transcends any individual relationship or factional tension. By selecting Garo, Governor Abba consolidates the zone’s power and ensures robust representation at the highest levels of state governance. The zone’s influence remains undiminished regardless of inter-personal tensions.

The deputy governorship is not merely a ceremonial position; it is foundational to the governor’s re-election strategy for 2027. This is where Garo’s true strategic value becomes apparent. With his demonstrated capacity to mobilize hundreds of youth organizations across Kano’s 44 local government areas and his proven administrative competence, he is precisely the ally Governor Abba needs for a successful second-term bid.

As Commissioner for Local Governments, Garo spearheaded educational facility renovations across all 44 councils and executed critical infrastructure projects. His prior roles as Special Adviser to the Governor, Kabo Local Government Chairman, and ALGON Chairman demonstrate mastery of both local and state-level governance. This depth of experience is indispensable during political transition. Garo’s network, institutional knowledge, and track record make him an invaluable asset for campaign machinery and governance continuity. Selecting him is not merely an administrative convenience; it is a strategic investment in electoral viability.

The choice before Governor Abba is clear. He can select a deputy based on regional appeasement and watch his administration struggle under the weight of competing interests, factional hostility, and weak governance. Or he can select Murtala Sule Garo, a leader who consolidates grass-root power, brings proven administrative excellence, embodies loyalty and integrity, and positions him for a triumphant second term. This is visionary leadership.

Bashir Gwarzo write from Gwarzo Town

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Emerging Story from Gov. Abba’s Meeting with President Tinubu 

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s speculated defection from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), is reportedly a step away from reality following a decisive meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Presidential Villa today, sources familiar with the discussions have confirmed.

According to insider reports, the governor’s team expressed renewed confidence after the private talks, which appear to have resolved weeks of political uncertainty. A senior APC figure from the North-West told Politics Digest that President Tinubu’s intervention has provided Governor Yusuf with the necessary assurances to proceed with his planned move to the ruling party.

While no official statement has been released, the source indicated that the president addressed a major obstacle in the negotiations—the governor’s eligibility for an automatic APC gubernatorial ticket in the 2027 election.

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“The path is now clearer,” the source stated. “The president has assured Governor Yusuf that his second-term ambition under the APC will be protected, provided he manages the internal political dynamics in Kano with care.”

Despite this progress, the presidency reportedly advised the governor against relying solely on top-level backing. He has been urged to continue consultations with key APC stakeholders in Kano to prevent potential internal friction.

This caution comes amid existing tensions within the state’s APC structure, involving factions loyal to Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and other influential figures with strong interests in Kano’s political future.

The mood within the governor’s camp marks a shift from earlier reports of hesitation from the APC leadership, which had been reluctant to offer written guarantees regarding an automatic ticket.

Governor Yusuf’s recent symbolic gestures—such as presiding over a state executive meeting in Abuja while wearing the red cap associated with the Kwankwasiyya movement—may soon give way to a formal declaration. The meeting with President Tinubu is understood to have been the final step before a public announcement that could reshape the political landscape of the North-West.

A significant unresolved factor remains the governor’s relationship with his political mentor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. As Governor Yusuf moves closer to the APC, Kwankwaso is reportedly exploring alternative political alignments.

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Freedom of Choice in Democracy: Why Kano Must Come First

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By Dr. Mukhtar Bello Maisudan

At the heart of any functioning democracy lies a core principle: freedom of choice. This is not simply a slogan; it is a fundamental democratic value upheld by scholars and practitioners alike. From Robert Dahl’s classical theories of polyarchy to Adam Przeworski’s work on democratic accountability, the ability of citizens—and their elected leaders—to reassess alliances and make independent political choices is central to democratic life. It is through this lens that the anticipated/planned decision by the Governor of Kano State to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) must be understood not as betrayal or disloyalty, but as an exercise of democratic agency in pursuit of service to the people of Kano.
Political theorist Robert Dahl argued that democracy is best understood as a system in which citizens have the continuing opportunity to influence decisions by choosing among alternative leaders and policies. In “Democracy and Its Critics,” Dahl emphasizes that political competition, realignment, and choice are not flaws in a system—they are signs of a healthy, responsive democracy. If democratic governance is to live up to its ideals, it must allow its actors the freedom to rethink, reassess, and reorient. This academic foundation supports the view that a political decision like the governor’s intended move is not a violation of democratic norms, but rather a legitimation of them.

Scholar Adam Przeworski, in his work on democratic accountability, stresses that leaders in a democracy are accountable first to the electorate, and not to permanent political patrons or ideological loyalties. Przeworski writes that democracy “requires leaders to be responsive to the preferences of their constituents over time,” implying that flexibility in political alignment is part of responsiveness, not defiance. In this context, the governor’s anticipated decision to join the APC can be seen as an attempt to align Kano State more effectively with federal structures to secure resources, representation, and political leverage for the state. Such a recalibration is not self-serving in itself; it is consistent with the demands of democratic accountability that prioritize public interest.

Kano State is not a laboratory for personal loyalties. It is a large, diverse, and dynamic state with pressing developmental needs—needs that transcend party labels. Political scientist Larry Diamond argues in “Developing Democracy” that the essence of democratic leadership is the capacity to deliver effective governance and improve citizens’ welfare. By this measure, the legitimacy of political decisions must ultimately be judged by their impact on the lives of citizens. Consider key areas where Kano State’s government has demonstrated focus and progress:
Infrastructure development: Sustained investment in road networks to improve transportation and commerce across urban and rural areas.
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Education reforms: Efforts to improve learning outcomes, enhance school environments, and provide opportunities for Kano’s youth.

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Healthcare delivery: Expanding community health services and strengthening public health institutions.

Urban renewal and sanitation: Upholding the dignity of public spaces and improving living conditions in towns and cities.
Economic empowerment: Programs aimed at supporting small businesses, traders, and vulnerable populations.

These are pragmatic governance actions that speak to a vision of development beyond political rhetoric.

Critics may label the governor’s anticipated decision a “betrayal” of Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. However, such a framing collapses complex political dynamics into oversimplified moral judgments. Political scientists Hana Bäck and Patrick Dumont point out in their research on party systems that politics is inherently dynamic and rooted in strategic considerations, not static allegiances.

Kwankwaso himself is engaged in political navigation and future planning—an entirely legitimate democratic pursuit. If political motivation is acceptable for one leader, it cannot be disallowed for another without creating a double standard that undermines democratic equity.

Democracy thrives in environments of tolerance, dialogue, and mutual respect. Political scientist Benjamin Barber, in “Strong Democracy,” highlights the importance of civic engagement based on deliberation rather than confrontation.

When politics devolves into bitterness, vendettas, and personal attacks, society suffers—not just the political actors involved. It is the people who pay the price. Kano has always been politically vibrant. It must now demonstrate political maturity—showing that disagreements can exist without descending into hostility, and that diverse opinions do not have to fracture communal harmony.

The governor’s anticipated decision—and the public debate surrounding it—presents a test for Kano’s democratic culture. Will we default to partisan outrage, or will we embrace a more reflective understanding of politics as a shared effort to improve human well-being? Democracy is more than a transient contest of power; it is a system of freedom, responsibility, and mutual tolerance. As the Nigerian scholar Claude Ake reminded us, democracy must be rooted in citizens’ everyday lives, not in elite posturing. Kano State must remain above the politics of bitterness and vengeance. Let us focus on inclusive development, respectful disagreement, and collective advancement. Let us celebrate democratic choice and reject divisions that weaken the bonds of community. In the end, history will not remember who switched party cards. It will remember who delivered good governance, served the people earnestly, and strengthened the bonds of unity in diversity. That is the standard Kano deserves—and that is the standard democracy demands.

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