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I Officially Don’t Care Who’s President in 2023

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By Farooq A. Kperogi
Twitter: @farooqkperogi

I am officially emotionally divested from the possible outcome of the 2023 presidential election. Irrespective of who wins it, Nigeria will at best remain the same and at worse degenerate to new lows.

This isn’t petulant, self-indulgent pessimism. My emotional divestment and cynicism emanate from my heightened awareness of the consequences of the unexampled political roguery going on right now.

For one, the stench of the moral rot wafting out of the primary contests in the country is so overpowering I can smell it even here in America! It’s impossible for anything good to come out of this. I’ll come back to this point shortly.

For another, the Independent National Electoral Commission, whose courage I’d praised, has buckled under the pressure of APC to extend the deadline to submit the names of candidates for the general election.

That is unforgivably irresponsible and shows clearly that INEC does not have the moral stamina to conduct a transparent and credible election. The outcome of the election can now be predicted before its actual conduct.

 

The Bigot In Kperogi’s Mirror

In a May 11 article I published on my social media timelines and on my blog titled “Ahmed Lawan and Threat to INEC’s Independence,” I pointed out that INEC was facing the first real crucible of its independence and credibility in 2022 after the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) reportedly requested it to extend its June 3 deadline for political parties to turn in the names of their nominees for the 2023 election.

“Anyone who is paying attention would know that this move was in all likelihood sponsored by the leadership of the APC, which has dragged Ahmad Lawan to run for the APC presidential ticket in anticipation of the emergence of a northerner as PDP’s candidate,” I wrote.

“Well, should INEC buckle under and extend the deadline that ‘IPAC’ has requested,” I said, “that would be the first, firm evidence that INEC is in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a free and fair election in 2023.”

The only major political party that INEC’s 6-day extension of the primary election timetable is designed to benefit is APC. There’s no question about that. PDP has already screened its presidential contestants and is ready to conduct its primary election this weekend.

APC, on the other hand, hasn’t screened its contestants even when it publicly said it would conduct its primary election on Sunday. It keeps shifting the goalposts while the game is on. Buhari curiously left the country and wasn’t scheduled to be back when something as momentous as the presidential primary election of his party was supposed to be conducted.

This at once shows awful irresponsibility, impunity, and an indication that APC knew it could manipulate INEC at the last minute to bend to its wishes.

APC has always wanted PDP to first elect its candidate so that it can determine how it will choose its own. If PDP nominates a northerner, it will nominate one, too. If it nominates a southerner, it will nominate one, too. It just got its wishes on a platter because INEC has shown itself to be a spineless and feckless toady of the party in power.

INEC is evidently in bed with APC and can’t be trusted to conduct a fair, credible, and transparent election.

If rules made months ago can be changed so whimsically to pamper the irresponsibility of a political party, what’s the point of making them? We might as well be conducting primary elections until Election Day in 2023.

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Mahmood Yakubu obviously hasn’t learned anything from his disastrous conduct of the 2019 election. He is determined to replicate it in 2023, and that’s such a shame.

In addition to a barefacedly partisan INEC whose conduct has already signaled where its loyalties lie before Election Day, the conduct of primary elections so far have made it clear that politics is now a brazen transaction. Party delegates openly haggle over and sell their votes to the highest bidders, and the highest bidders get to fly their parties’ flags in the general election.

This is the lowest point in Nigeria’s democracy. We had never seen anything like this. The mercenariness of the electoral process used to a little subtler and a little more “dignified.” Now, there’s no pretense. It’s in your face.

Even Yemi Osinbajo who, along with Muhammadu, pretended to lead an “anti-corruption” regime (and is a pastor, to boot), doles out N250,000 bribes—which he now pays in dollars— to delegates in the open each time he visits states to campaign. And those are mere “ground-wetting” bribes before the main bribes.

Bola Tinubu, who had never pretended to be anything other than an unprincipled, wheeler-dealing political conman, is also bribing delegates silly—in dollars and in the open. He endorsed a disgraceful coronation of his handpicked stooge in the Lagos governorship primary “election” and shut out two other contestants who paid nomination fees.

But he wants a fair contest for his presidential ambition in Abuja and chafes at the kind of “consensus” he imposed in Lagos. I hope he gets the karmic retribution he deserves in Abuja whenever APC holds its primary election.

Other APC presidential frontrunners like Rotimi Amaechi and Ahmad Lawan are also either bribing delegates or hoping for a “consensus” arrangement that will help them circumvent the rigors of an actual electoral contest.

If the hints APC chairman Adamu Abdullahi dropped on May 26 that the field of contest will be open to all contestants, you can expect the ticket to go to the highest bidder.

It’s no better in PDP, whose already rickety structure is collapsing before facing off with APC. There, too, the highest bribe giver to delegates will be the party’s nominee. Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar are in a contest for who can bribe party delegates more liberally than the other.

So, in 2023 we’ll have a cast of elected people who unashamedly bought delegates with millions (in some cases billions) to get to their positions. What could possibly go wrong with that? Why should people who expended enormous resources to bribe their way to power be expected to be anything other than thieves with a legal cover to siphon the national treasury?

More than that, though, the structure that enables and sustains Nigeria’s many dysfunctions won’t change with a change of government. In fact, it might get worse with the crop of shameless bribe givers that will be ushered into power next year.

Our system is incapable of reforming itself structurally. It’s condemned to perpetually sustain and reproduce its dysfunctions. Any politician who tells you he or she will “restructure” Nigeria when he or she becomes president is lying to you.

To truly restructure Nigeria would require creative destruction. That means people who’re comfortably ensconced in the current structure have to agree to destroy it from top to bottom (or, as Buhari says, “botum”) and that won’t happen.

After colonialism, only military regimes have been able to tinker with the structure of Nigeria. Except for 1963 when the Midwest Region was created from the Western Region during Nigeria’s first parliamentary democracy, every other structural change in Nigeria—from state creation to local government creation—happened under military regimes.

Only people who are outside the orbit of the power structure advocate restructuring. The moment they get into the power structure and experience its elite indulgence, impunity, lack of accountability, reward for indolence, and sloth, they become its most vociferous defenders.

It never fails. APC ran for election in 2014 and 2015 on the promise of restructuring Nigeria. They are today the most passionate defenders of the very structure they said was in need of reform. The PDP, which defended the structure the APC said needed to be reformed, now says it will restructure the country when it gets back to power.

It’s all a giant deception. None of the people running for president from the major political parties has any plans to depart from the past. I have given up. It can’t work. Why should I care who becomes president in 2023?

 

Politics

Freedom of Choice in Democracy: Why Kano Must Come First

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By Dr. Mukhtar Bello Maisudan

At the heart of any functioning democracy lies a core principle: freedom of choice. This is not simply a slogan; it is a fundamental democratic value upheld by scholars and practitioners alike. From Robert Dahl’s classical theories of polyarchy to Adam Przeworski’s work on democratic accountability, the ability of citizens—and their elected leaders—to reassess alliances and make independent political choices is central to democratic life. It is through this lens that the anticipated/planned decision by the Governor of Kano State to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) must be understood not as betrayal or disloyalty, but as an exercise of democratic agency in pursuit of service to the people of Kano.
Political theorist Robert Dahl argued that democracy is best understood as a system in which citizens have the continuing opportunity to influence decisions by choosing among alternative leaders and policies. In “Democracy and Its Critics,” Dahl emphasizes that political competition, realignment, and choice are not flaws in a system—they are signs of a healthy, responsive democracy. If democratic governance is to live up to its ideals, it must allow its actors the freedom to rethink, reassess, and reorient. This academic foundation supports the view that a political decision like the governor’s intended move is not a violation of democratic norms, but rather a legitimation of them.

Scholar Adam Przeworski, in his work on democratic accountability, stresses that leaders in a democracy are accountable first to the electorate, and not to permanent political patrons or ideological loyalties. Przeworski writes that democracy “requires leaders to be responsive to the preferences of their constituents over time,” implying that flexibility in political alignment is part of responsiveness, not defiance. In this context, the governor’s anticipated decision to join the APC can be seen as an attempt to align Kano State more effectively with federal structures to secure resources, representation, and political leverage for the state. Such a recalibration is not self-serving in itself; it is consistent with the demands of democratic accountability that prioritize public interest.

Kano State is not a laboratory for personal loyalties. It is a large, diverse, and dynamic state with pressing developmental needs—needs that transcend party labels. Political scientist Larry Diamond argues in “Developing Democracy” that the essence of democratic leadership is the capacity to deliver effective governance and improve citizens’ welfare. By this measure, the legitimacy of political decisions must ultimately be judged by their impact on the lives of citizens. Consider key areas where Kano State’s government has demonstrated focus and progress:
Infrastructure development: Sustained investment in road networks to improve transportation and commerce across urban and rural areas.
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Education reforms: Efforts to improve learning outcomes, enhance school environments, and provide opportunities for Kano’s youth.

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Healthcare delivery: Expanding community health services and strengthening public health institutions.

Urban renewal and sanitation: Upholding the dignity of public spaces and improving living conditions in towns and cities.
Economic empowerment: Programs aimed at supporting small businesses, traders, and vulnerable populations.

These are pragmatic governance actions that speak to a vision of development beyond political rhetoric.

Critics may label the governor’s anticipated decision a “betrayal” of Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. However, such a framing collapses complex political dynamics into oversimplified moral judgments. Political scientists Hana Bäck and Patrick Dumont point out in their research on party systems that politics is inherently dynamic and rooted in strategic considerations, not static allegiances.

Kwankwaso himself is engaged in political navigation and future planning—an entirely legitimate democratic pursuit. If political motivation is acceptable for one leader, it cannot be disallowed for another without creating a double standard that undermines democratic equity.

Democracy thrives in environments of tolerance, dialogue, and mutual respect. Political scientist Benjamin Barber, in “Strong Democracy,” highlights the importance of civic engagement based on deliberation rather than confrontation.

When politics devolves into bitterness, vendettas, and personal attacks, society suffers—not just the political actors involved. It is the people who pay the price. Kano has always been politically vibrant. It must now demonstrate political maturity—showing that disagreements can exist without descending into hostility, and that diverse opinions do not have to fracture communal harmony.

The governor’s anticipated decision—and the public debate surrounding it—presents a test for Kano’s democratic culture. Will we default to partisan outrage, or will we embrace a more reflective understanding of politics as a shared effort to improve human well-being? Democracy is more than a transient contest of power; it is a system of freedom, responsibility, and mutual tolerance. As the Nigerian scholar Claude Ake reminded us, democracy must be rooted in citizens’ everyday lives, not in elite posturing. Kano State must remain above the politics of bitterness and vengeance. Let us focus on inclusive development, respectful disagreement, and collective advancement. Let us celebrate democratic choice and reject divisions that weaken the bonds of community. In the end, history will not remember who switched party cards. It will remember who delivered good governance, served the people earnestly, and strengthened the bonds of unity in diversity. That is the standard Kano deserves—and that is the standard democracy demands.

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Abba Kabir Yusuf and the Politics of Strategic Realignment: Why the APC Option Makes Sense

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By Comrade Najeeb Nasir Ibrahim
Kano Concern Citizens for Good Governance

In politics, leadership is measured not by emotional loyalty to platforms, but by the courage to make strategic decisions that protect stability, relevance, and the collective interest of the people. Recent reports indicating that the Executive Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, may defect from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) should therefore be assessed with political maturity rather than sentiment.

Kano State, Nigeria’s most populous state, occupies a critical position in national politics. Any political decision taken by its governor has implications far beyond party structures—it directly affects governance, development, and Kano’s bargaining power at the federal level.

The Political Reality Behind the Decision

Governor Yusuf emerged under the NNPP, largely supported by the Kwankwasiyya movement. However, evolving political realities—particularly internal divisions within the NNPP and increasing national realignments—have made the status quo difficult to sustain.

The open invitation extended by the APC, reportedly backed by key party stakeholders, reflects recognition of Governor Yusuf’s political weight. More significantly, indications that a large majority of NNPP lawmakers in the Kano State House of Assembly may follow him suggest that this is not an isolated ambition but a calculated collective shift.

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Why the APC Alignment Is a Wise Decision

First, alignment with the ruling party at the federal level enhances access to national resources, infrastructure funding, and policy collaboration. In Nigeria’s political system, federal-state harmony often determines the pace and scale of development. Kano cannot afford isolation at the centre.

Second, internal crises within the NNPP have increasingly become a distraction to governance. Political stability is essential for effective leadership. A move to the APC could consolidate political forces, reduce factional conflicts, and allow the governor to focus squarely on service delivery.

Third, with the 2027 general elections approaching, political foresight is essential. The APC’s nationwide structure, institutional depth, and electoral machinery offer a broader and more sustainable platform than a fragmented opposition party. This positioning strengthens both the governor’s future prospects and Kano’s influence in national decision-making.

Fourth, the move could contribute to building a wider northern political coalition—an important factor in shaping national leadership and policy outcomes in Nigeria.

Responding to the Critics

Critics frame the potential defection as a betrayal of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya movement. While loyalty has its place, governance must always come before political sentiment. Political movements are vehicles for progress, not permanent constraints.

Others raise concerns about ideological inconsistency. However, Nigerian politics has long been shaped by strategic realignments. What ultimately matters is not party branding, but the ability to deliver dividends of democracy to the people.

Implications for Kano Politics

This moment represents a turning point in Kano’s political history. It signals a possible fragmentation of the Kwankwasiyya structure, a redefinition of long-standing political alliances, and a reshaping of opposition strength within the state. More importantly, it underscores early preparations for the decisive 2027 elections.

Conclusion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported move toward the APC should be seen as a strategic and forward-looking political decision, driven by the need for stability, development, and relevance in national politics. While the decision carries political risks, leadership often demands difficult choices.

History will ultimately judge this decision by its outcomes. If Kano secures greater development, stronger federal collaboration, and political stability, then this move will stand as a wise and timely decision made in the best interest of the people.

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Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s Defection:A Strategic Path To Peace,Development And Stability

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By Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate & Public Policy Analyst
31st December,2025

Politics, when stripped of emotions and partisan sentiments, is ultimately about results. The reported decision of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to align Kano State with the ruling party at the centre should therefore be examined from the standpoint of peace, development, security, and long-term stability, not mere party loyalty. When viewed objectively, this move holds strong potential to reposition Kano for inclusive growth and internal harmony.

KANO AND THE COST OF POLITICAL ISOLATION
Historically, Kano State has often found itself operating on a political wavelength different from that of the Federal Government. Across different eras PRP/NPN, ANPP/PDP, PDP/APC, NNPP/APC this misalignment has repeatedly come with consequences. Despite Kano’s enormous population, commercial dominance, and strategic importance in Northern Nigeria, the state has frequently complained of inadequate federal presence in key appointments, budgetary considerations, and flagship national projects.
Political isolation, whether real or perceived, has a cost. It limits access, weakens bargaining power, and fuels a sense of exclusion. Over time, this environment also breeds internal political tension, deepens factional rivalries, and distracts leadership from governance to constant political firefighting.

DEFECTION AS A TOOL FOR PEACE AND STABILITY
One often overlooked advantage of aligning with the ruling party is the reduction of political hostility between the state and the centre. When a governor enjoys smoother access to federal institutions and decision-makers, it lowers the temperature of confrontation and creates room for cooperation.

For Kano, this has direct implications for internal peace and security. Federal-state synergy improves intelligence sharing, strengthens coordination between security agencies, and enhances federal responsiveness to security challenges. In a state as politically vibrant and densely populated as Kano, stability is not optional it is foundational.

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Furthermore, internal political crises thrive where there is uncertainty and fragmentation. A clearer political direction and stronger centre-state relationship can reduce elite conflict, calm rival power blocs, and allow the government to focus on governance rather than survival.

DEVELOPMENT FLOWS WHERE ACCESS EXISTS
Development does not occur in a vacuum. While competence and vision matter, access and influence often determine which states attract federal projects, pilot programmes, and strategic investments. Aligning with the ruling party gives Kano a louder voice at the national table a platform to push for
Improved federal road and rail infrastructure
Expanded security and social intervention programmes
Increased representation in federal boards and agencies
Stronger consideration in national budgetary planning
Kano’s population size alone justifies greater federal attention. Its markets, agricultural value chains, and human capital make it a natural hub for industrial expansion. Political alignment enhances the state’s ability to convert these advantages into tangible outcomes.

SECURITY, INVESTMENT, AND SOCIAL CALM
Investors, both local and international, are drawn to environments of predictability and political stability. A Kano that enjoys harmonious relations with the Federal Government sends a strong signal of confidence. Improved security cooperation, reduced political friction, and steady policy direction all combine to create a more attractive investment climate, which in turn generates jobs and reduces social tension.
Relative peace is not merely the absence of conflict, it is the presence of opportunity.

When people see development projects, employment prospects, and functional governance, political agitation naturally declines.

KANO INTEREST FIRST THE REAL TEST
While the defection itself is strategic, its success will be measured by how well it is used. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf must ensure that this political repositioning is not reduced to symbolism. Kano’s interest must come first always.
This means, Aggressively negotiating federal presence in Kano
Demanding recognition proportionate to Kano’s contribution to national life Prioritising security, youth employment, and infrastructure
Using access to power to unify, not polarise, the state

CONCLUSION: PRAGMATISM OVER SENTIMENT
In politics, stubborn isolation rarely produces progress. Strategic alignment, when done with clarity of purpose, can unlock peace, development, and stability. Governor Yusuf’s move should therefore be seen as a pragmatic response to Kano’s historical experience, not a betrayal of ideals.
If this opportunity is used wisely, Kano stands to gain relative peace, improved security coordination, stronger development outcomes, and a more stable political environment. The real task now is delivery.

History will not judge the governor by the party he joined, but by what Kano gained because of the decision.

Sarki write from Kano
Can be reached via responsivecitizensinitiative@gmail.com

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