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The 18th Daily Trust Annual Dialogue: Where Sardauna was sealed an Orphan and Thrown into the Debris of History

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By Ibraheem A. Waziri

What happened at the Daily Trust 18th Annual Dialogue of the 21st January, 2021 was really interesting. The Southeast remembered the colonial legacy; the structures it left at independence before the 1966 coup that toppled it by some – largely their own – very ambitious and adventurous youthful military officers, with nostalgia.

They think the structure was the best thing that ever happened to them! John Nwodo, the president of the apex sociocultural group of the third largest ethnic collective in Nigeria, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was high on this position.

Throughout the sessions and very articulate so. The solution for a better Nigeria, he constantly reiterated, is only to find a way of dismantling the present structure, write a freshly minted constitution; disregarding the mandate and authority of the present National Assembly as is composed now, after all, according to him, everything about this country since 1966 was built only “on a quicksand”. What trampled the old order and the baggage it came with, in the name of a new and present order, even after nearly six decade now, is still democratically illegitimate. He implied.

Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

For the Southwest through the sharp tongue and the profound insight of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, fire or brimstone, we must return also to pre 1966 regional arrangement where Yoruba ethnic nationality in particular can relatively take its destiny onto its own hand and the other parts of the country too, for their own good and needed comprehensive progress. Ayo is a nonagenarian and a founding father of the apex Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere.

He believes either, restructuring is actually not a constitutional matter and therefore its processes can bypass the present National Assembly as is composed. The foundation of a solid national prospect and prosperity must be built on the over bearing influence of cultural sentiment as the case was with the different regions of Nigeria before 1966. Subversion of that arrangement from the onset was the origin of negative narrative that is associated constantly with Nigeria now.

What is very interesting is the position of Northern Nigeria. It claims now and then –everywhere before and outside the Trust dialogue – to be the worst victim of the events of 1966 with its best of leaders, since Nigeria, literally wiped out. However away from the Southwest’s and Southeast’s positions; and during the dialogue, the Northern position seems to be, the best governing structure that Nigeria should continue on, is this present structure that toppled the legacy of the British colonial masters in the North that was a hybrid between the old Sokoto Caliphate/ Kanem-Bornu and the then colonial thoughts and experience. The North suddenly don’t want anything to do with the past structure that they claim gave them the best in terms of leaders, leadership and fruits of governance through the impeccable and unrivalled wisdom of our darling Sardauna!

The North was shown to prefer, what succeeded the 1966 – the legacy of the coupists – 12 states structure of General Gowon, the 1976 governance command line ratified by General Murtala, which completely did away with the local institutions Sardauna worked with to deliver the much appreciated and remembered good governance. They substituted them with free for all agencies that were newly experimented in the name of Local Governments; the subsequent 19 to 36 states structure that will continue to deliver the fruits of ‘good’ governance, still, further away from the kind of institutions the mighty, selfless, angel like Ahmadu Bello used to deliver the fruits of governance.

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Prof. Attahiru Jega, an accomplished academic and a veteran NEPU ideologue. NEPU, we must not forget, was Anti-Ahmadu Bello’s thoughts and ideals of the institution he worked with to deliver the trumpeted untainted fruits of good leadership. Jega stood tall to present what seemed to be the unanimous position of Northern Nigeria’s apex sociocultural group, Arewa Consultative Forum.

He wants the present structure retained but power devolved down to the states or state governors and this should be accomplished using the same National Assembly that is the ultimate product of the 1966 coup that killed the very best of Northern leadership. The National Assembly that both Southwest and Southeast regard presently as not a product of people’s will and as such not far from being fraudulent.

This raises in the mind of spectators and historical events surveyors of Northern Nigeria like yours sincerely questions like these: are the Northern Nigerians the ultimate beneficiaries of the events of 1966? Did Generals, Murtala, Gowon and TY Danjuma who over saw the counter coup of 1966 really avenged or even wanted to avenge Ahmadu Bello and his killed colleagues or they subsequently helped completely murdered and permanently buried his legacy as is obvious? Is it true as Reverend Matthew Kukah often say that Sardauna’s children only paid and still pay lip service to his legacies in a manner typical of hypocrisy?

Where are the true representatives of the institutions Sardauna used to deliver the much celebrated good governance we so much like to hail? Why are they silent? Do they too no longer believe in themselves? Is the North confused or lying to self that it still loves what Danfodio/Elkanemi left to them as modified by the British and Ahmadu Bello and Wazirin Borno, Sir Kashim Ibrahim? Was Rev. Matthew Hassan Kukah truly nostalgic about Sardauna’s Northern Nigeria as in his letter to Ahmadu Bello written six years ago and virally republished by many online Nigerian Newspapers last week (19th January, 2021); when he wrote to him in his grave or being merely tongue-in-cheek, sarcastic, mocking him as the ultimate loser as already proven by the actions of the present Northern elites? After all his grandchild is basking in the lavish comfort afforded by the status quo, grown bigger in prism without the ability to even keep fit to play fives like the Sardauna used to as a sign of determination and strength of will to make useful his times in life, as Kukah reported?

Whatever the case maybe and as observed in the same letter by Kukah, all these years after Ahmadu Bello, the supposed claimants of his true legacy, have failed in the simple task of endowing a single Chair for Sardauna studies in any of the universities in or outside the country. Had there been one, probably the Sardauna legacy would have remained looming large in the air with scholars constantly conducting synthesis over time between his enduring legacies and contemporary exigencies, to keep his ideals relevant at any time, when discussing the future fate of Nigerian nation state. Had there been such, certainly there wouldn’t have been the sad event of last week where a monumental step was taken dialoguing, without any wide idea presented amidst applause making adequate case for neo Sardaunism as the eternal panacea to the troubles facing the 21st century Nigeria; even if side by side the neo NEPU bone prone but flesh barren, articulated presentation of Prof. Jega.

It would have been two positions from the North as it used be always from two different political paradigms, instead of one. But contrary to that as we have seen, the Northerners went to the event to complete the funeral prayer for Sardaunism and declare the Sardauna loudly and forcefully an orphan _non grata._ They failed to remember that Sardauna didn’t do that to Dan Fodio. Had he done so we would have had those miscreants claiming to be his representatives, instead, on our shores long before now that we have them in the Boko Haram claiming to be the best of Danfodio and El-amin Elkanemi. However, if we continue to neglect Sardauna, walk away from the grave ,the 18th Annual Daily Trust Dialogue, dug for him and buried him – without waiting to exhume him, and place him on the right stable of our national life- it wouldn’t be long before we have another militant group coming up on these coasts claiming to represent him best. And it will not be good to Nigeria or Northern Nigeria. History or prominent historical figures are a burden to their succeeding generations. It is either they embrace them, garb them well and use them for good ends or throw them aside as wastes for others to pick, mould in ugly muds and use them effectively against contemporaries!

Opinion

Nigeria’s CNG Transition: Practical Solution or Strategic Illusion?

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By Aminu Mubaraq

The recent increase in petrol prices following the removal of fuel subsidy has changed the way Nigerians think about transportation and energy consumption. In cities like Abuja and Lagos, where transportation costs have become a major concern for many citizens, the search for a cheaper and more sustainable alternative has become necessary. One solution that has gained public attention is Compressed Natural Gas (CNG). Considering Nigeria’s large natural gas reserves, the introduction of CNG appears to be a reasonable step. However, the major question remains whether the initiative is truly solving Nigeria’s energy challenges or whether it is an idea that still requires more preparation before Nigerians can fully benefit from it.

CNG agencies, especially the Presidential CNG Initiative, were created to encourage Nigerians to move away from complete dependence on petrol and diesel. Their responsibilities include promoting awareness, supporting vehicle conversion programmes, developing CNG infrastructure, and training technicians who can handle the conversion and maintenance of CNG-powered vehicles. These activities are important because the success of any energy transition does not depend only on introducing a new system but also on convincing people to trust and adopt it.

From a strategic communication perspective, the way these agencies communicate with the public is one of the most important factors determining the success of the programme. Many Nigerians are interested in cheaper fuel options because of the pressure caused by high transportation costs. However, some people still have concerns about safety, availability, and whether CNG will actually provide long-term benefits. This means that government agencies must go beyond announcements and create continuous communication channels where citizens can ask questions, receive accurate information, and understand the realistic advantages and limitations of CNG.

Another important area of CNG activities is partnership with different stakeholders. Government bodies, private investors, transport unions, and vehicle owners all have roles to play in making the transition successful. Expanding conversion centres and increasing access to refuelling stations require cooperation between these groups. Public awareness campaigns through traditional media, social media platforms, and community engagement can also help Nigerians understand how CNG works and why it is being promoted.

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Despite the potential benefits, the CNG transition still faces several challenges. The number of available refuelling stations remains limited compared to petrol stations, and the cost of
converting vehicles can be expensive for many Nigerians, especially commercial drivers who depend on their vehicles for daily income. There is also a need for more public education because some citizens still have doubts about the safety and reliability of using gas-powered vehicles. These challenges show that introducing CNG is not enough; proper planning and effective communication are required to make the initiative successful.

The possible impact of CNG adoption in Nigeria is significant. Economically, it can help reduce transportation expenses by providing a cheaper alternative to petrol. This could reduce the financial burden on commercial drivers, businesses, and commuters. Environmentally, CNG produces fewer harmful emissions compared to traditional fuels, making it a cleaner energy option. However, these benefits can only be achieved if the necessary infrastructure is developed and citizens have confidence in the system.

The importance of CNG agencies goes beyond providing another fuel source. The initiative represents an opportunity for Nigeria to take advantage of its natural resources, reduce dependence on imported petroleum products, and improve energy security. It can also create employment opportunities in areas such as vehicle conversion, gas distribution, equipment maintenance, and technical services. For strategic communication professionals, the CNG programme highlights the importance of public relations, transparency, and maintaining a strong relationship between government institutions and citizens.

Although CNG is not a perfect solution to Nigeria’s energy problems, it remains a valuable step towards achieving a more affordable and sustainable energy system. The programme should continue, but improvements are necessary. More investment in infrastructure, better public awareness, and clearer communication strategies will determine whether CNG becomes a practical solution or another government initiative that fails to reach ordinary Nigerians.

In conclusion, the success of Nigeria’s CNG transition depends on more than the availability of natural gas. It depends on effective planning, public trust, and the ability of relevant agencies to communicate their goals clearly. If properly managed, CNG can contribute significantly to reducing energy costs and improving Nigeria’s transportation system. However, without addressing current challenges, the initiative may struggle to achieve the impact it promises.

Aminu Mubaraq Asuku

Department of development and strategic communication
University of Abuja

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Opinion

APC’s “Change”: Delivered, Delayed, or Denied?

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By ELAIGWU SOLOMON
June 25th, 2026.

The All Progressives Congress, popularly called APC, is one of the major political parties in Nigeria. It was formed in 2013 through a merger of several opposition parties that wanted to challenge the then-ruling PDP (People’s Democratic Party). The party was created by the merger of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), part of APGA and the nPDP faction of PDP politicians. The ultimate goal was to unite the opposition into one strong political force. APC became important when they made history in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election when its candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, defeated then-president Goodluck Jonathan.
That was the first time an opposition party peacefully defeated a ruling party in Nigeria’s democratic history.
Today, APC remains the ruling party in Nigeria under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

When the All Progressives Congress (APC) came into power in 2015, millions of Nigerians believed the party would bring major transformation to the country. Campaigning with the slogan “Change,” the APC promised to improve security, fight corruption, revive the economy, and provide better governance. These were their core reforms for the country, and over a decade later, opinions remain divided over whether those promises were fulfilled or not.

One of the strongest promises made by the APC was the fight against insecurity, especially Boko Haram insurgency in the north-eastern part of Nigeria. At the beginning of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the military recorded several victories against Boko Haram, reclaiming territories once controlled by bandits. Some kidnapped Chibok schoolgirls were also rescued during the administration.
However, despite these achievements, insecurity continued to spread across different parts of the country. Kidnapping, banditry, and attacks by armed groups increased in many northern states, while clashes between farmers and herders remained a challenge. Many Nigerians therefore believe the government only achieved partial success in the area of security.

The APC government also promised economic growth, job creation, and poverty reduction. While the administration embarked on several infrastructure projects, including railway modernization, road construction, and bridge development, economic hardship continued to affect millions of Nigerians.
Nigeria experienced economic recessions during the APC administration, while inflation and unemployment rates rose significantly. The value of the naira weakened against foreign currencies, leading to increased prices of goods and services.

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The recent removal of fuel subsidy by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration in May 2023 further increased transportation costs and living expenses across the country. The policy was introduced to stop the drain on government budget and redirect funds to other sectors. In response, the government announced palliatives, CNG buses, and wage adjustments to cushion the effect on citizens. However, many citizens continue to struggle with the rising cost of food, transport, and other essentials. Although government officials insist the policy is necessary for long-term economic stability, the immediate impact shows change delivered in policy boldness, but delayed in relieving citizens.
Economic analysts say that despite visible infrastructural projects, the average Nigerian has not fully experienced the economic “change” promised during the 2015 campaigns.

The fight against corruption was another major pillar of APC’s campaign. During its tenure, anti-graft agencies such as the EFCC intensified investigations into corruption-related cases, while the whistleblower policy led to the recovery of some stolen public funds.
However, critics accused the government of selective justice, claiming that corruption allegations were pursued more aggressively against opposition figures than members of the ruling party. Several corruption scandals involving government officials also weakened public confidence in the anti-corruption campaign.
Political observers argue that although efforts were made to address corruption, the problem remains deeply rooted within the nation’s political system.

Now, infrastructure development is one of the promises that is majorly credited to the APC administration by political analysts. Significant projects such as the Lagos-Ibadan railway completed in 2021, the Second Niger Bridge commissioned in 2022, the Abuja-Kaduna rail line, and major highway constructions were completed and rapidly modernized. These projects improved connectivity and reduced travel time for Nigerians. However, other shortcomings such as maintenance challenges and slow progress on rural roads hindered this success.

Although APC is still in office till today, we journey towards the 2027 elections and there is a big question surrounding the future of APC, which is: Has the promised “change” since 2015 actually materialized?

Over a decade later, APC’s change can best be described as delayed and partial. Security improved against Boko Haram but threats like banditry and kidnapping continued . The fight against corruption began with recoveries and policies, yet selective justice claims weakened trust. Infrastructure grew with rail, bridges, and roads, but economic hardship and rising cost of living hit citizens hard. The promise of change started and some results are visible, but full delivery is still pending as Nigeria moves toward 2027.

By ELAIGWU SOLOMON wrote from University of Abuja

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Opinion

NELFUND: Lifeline or Test of Sustainability?

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By Ibrahim Maryam Queen

For many Nigerian students, securing admission into a tertiary institution is only the beginning of another struggle—finding the money to stay in school. Rising tuition fees, accommodation costs and the increasing cost of living have made higher education difficult to afford for many families. In response to these challenges, the Federal Government introduced the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), a scheme intended to ensure that financial hardship does not prevent qualified students from completing their education.
The response has been remarkable. According to official NELFUND reports, more than one million students have applied for the loan, while hundreds of tertiary institutions have been onboarded onto the platform. These figures reflect not only the popularity of the programme but also the growing financial pressure faced by students across the country.
For one University of Abuja student, who requested anonymity, the loan meant the difference between remaining in school and dropping out.

“My father lost his job and my family could no longer afford my fees. I had already missed lectures, and I feared my education would end. The loan gave me another chance,” she said.

Her story illustrates the reality faced by many students. With household incomes under pressure and youth unemployment still a concern, financing higher education has become increasingly difficult. For many families, student loans provide immediate relief from a burden that might otherwise end a student’s academic journey.

However, the growing number of applications also raises important questions. If demand continues to increase, can the programme remain financially sustainable? While the scheme has attracted widespread interest, Nigeria has millions of students enrolled in tertiary institutions, suggesting that many eligible students may still not have access because of limited awareness, documentation challenges or difficulties with the application process.

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Another concern is repayment. Although the loans are designed to ease financial barriers to education, their long-term success depends on graduates’ ability to secure stable employment. Where unemployment or underemployment persists, repayment may become difficult, potentially affecting the sustainability of the scheme. This suggests that student loans cannot be viewed in isolation from broader economic realities.

Experiences from other countries provide useful lessons. A 2017 study by Nicholas Barr, Bruce Chapman, Lorraine Dearden and Susan Dynarski of the Centre for Global Higher Education, University of Oxford, found that poorly designed repayment systems can place heavy financial burdens on graduates. Examining the United States student loan system, the researchers observed that decades of accumulated debt and repayment challenges underscored the importance of creating fair and sustainable loan policies. While Nigeria’s scheme differs from the American model, the study highlights the need for careful implementation and continuous review.

Transparency and public confidence will also determine whether the programme succeeds. Regular publication of data on applications, disbursements, beneficiaries and repayment performance will help strengthen accountability. At the same time, expanding awareness campaigns, particularly in underserved communities, could ensure that eligible students are not excluded simply because they lack information about the scheme.

NELFUND has already provided hope to many students who might otherwise have abandoned their education. Yet its long-term impact will depend not only on the number of loans disbursed but also on sound management, transparent administration and an economy capable of creating opportunities for graduates. Without these, even the most ambitious education financing programme may struggle to achieve its objectives.

Student loans are more than financial assistance; they are an investment in human capital and national development. Whether NELFUND ultimately becomes a lasting lifeline for Nigerian students or a test of sustainable higher education financing will depend on the choices made today by policymakers, institutions and all stakeholders responsible for its implementation.

Sources
Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), Official Reports.
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Labour Force Survey.
Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024.
Barr, N., Chapman, B., Dearden, L., & Dynarski, S. (2017). Student Loan Design. Centre for Global Higher Education, University of Oxford.
Vanguard Newspaper.
Punch Newspaper.
Interview with an anonymous University of Abuja student (June 2026).

Ibrahim maryam queen
200level student of the department of Development and strategic communication university of Abuja.

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