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The 18th Daily Trust Annual Dialogue: Where Sardauna was sealed an Orphan and Thrown into the Debris of History

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By Ibraheem A. Waziri

What happened at the Daily Trust 18th Annual Dialogue of the 21st January, 2021 was really interesting. The Southeast remembered the colonial legacy; the structures it left at independence before the 1966 coup that toppled it by some – largely their own – very ambitious and adventurous youthful military officers, with nostalgia.

They think the structure was the best thing that ever happened to them! John Nwodo, the president of the apex sociocultural group of the third largest ethnic collective in Nigeria, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was high on this position.

Throughout the sessions and very articulate so. The solution for a better Nigeria, he constantly reiterated, is only to find a way of dismantling the present structure, write a freshly minted constitution; disregarding the mandate and authority of the present National Assembly as is composed now, after all, according to him, everything about this country since 1966 was built only “on a quicksand”. What trampled the old order and the baggage it came with, in the name of a new and present order, even after nearly six decade now, is still democratically illegitimate. He implied.

Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

For the Southwest through the sharp tongue and the profound insight of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, fire or brimstone, we must return also to pre 1966 regional arrangement where Yoruba ethnic nationality in particular can relatively take its destiny onto its own hand and the other parts of the country too, for their own good and needed comprehensive progress. Ayo is a nonagenarian and a founding father of the apex Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere.

He believes either, restructuring is actually not a constitutional matter and therefore its processes can bypass the present National Assembly as is composed. The foundation of a solid national prospect and prosperity must be built on the over bearing influence of cultural sentiment as the case was with the different regions of Nigeria before 1966. Subversion of that arrangement from the onset was the origin of negative narrative that is associated constantly with Nigeria now.

What is very interesting is the position of Northern Nigeria. It claims now and then –everywhere before and outside the Trust dialogue – to be the worst victim of the events of 1966 with its best of leaders, since Nigeria, literally wiped out. However away from the Southwest’s and Southeast’s positions; and during the dialogue, the Northern position seems to be, the best governing structure that Nigeria should continue on, is this present structure that toppled the legacy of the British colonial masters in the North that was a hybrid between the old Sokoto Caliphate/ Kanem-Bornu and the then colonial thoughts and experience. The North suddenly don’t want anything to do with the past structure that they claim gave them the best in terms of leaders, leadership and fruits of governance through the impeccable and unrivalled wisdom of our darling Sardauna!

The North was shown to prefer, what succeeded the 1966 – the legacy of the coupists – 12 states structure of General Gowon, the 1976 governance command line ratified by General Murtala, which completely did away with the local institutions Sardauna worked with to deliver the much appreciated and remembered good governance. They substituted them with free for all agencies that were newly experimented in the name of Local Governments; the subsequent 19 to 36 states structure that will continue to deliver the fruits of ‘good’ governance, still, further away from the kind of institutions the mighty, selfless, angel like Ahmadu Bello used to deliver the fruits of governance.

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Prof. Attahiru Jega, an accomplished academic and a veteran NEPU ideologue. NEPU, we must not forget, was Anti-Ahmadu Bello’s thoughts and ideals of the institution he worked with to deliver the trumpeted untainted fruits of good leadership. Jega stood tall to present what seemed to be the unanimous position of Northern Nigeria’s apex sociocultural group, Arewa Consultative Forum.

He wants the present structure retained but power devolved down to the states or state governors and this should be accomplished using the same National Assembly that is the ultimate product of the 1966 coup that killed the very best of Northern leadership. The National Assembly that both Southwest and Southeast regard presently as not a product of people’s will and as such not far from being fraudulent.

This raises in the mind of spectators and historical events surveyors of Northern Nigeria like yours sincerely questions like these: are the Northern Nigerians the ultimate beneficiaries of the events of 1966? Did Generals, Murtala, Gowon and TY Danjuma who over saw the counter coup of 1966 really avenged or even wanted to avenge Ahmadu Bello and his killed colleagues or they subsequently helped completely murdered and permanently buried his legacy as is obvious? Is it true as Reverend Matthew Kukah often say that Sardauna’s children only paid and still pay lip service to his legacies in a manner typical of hypocrisy?

Where are the true representatives of the institutions Sardauna used to deliver the much celebrated good governance we so much like to hail? Why are they silent? Do they too no longer believe in themselves? Is the North confused or lying to self that it still loves what Danfodio/Elkanemi left to them as modified by the British and Ahmadu Bello and Wazirin Borno, Sir Kashim Ibrahim? Was Rev. Matthew Hassan Kukah truly nostalgic about Sardauna’s Northern Nigeria as in his letter to Ahmadu Bello written six years ago and virally republished by many online Nigerian Newspapers last week (19th January, 2021); when he wrote to him in his grave or being merely tongue-in-cheek, sarcastic, mocking him as the ultimate loser as already proven by the actions of the present Northern elites? After all his grandchild is basking in the lavish comfort afforded by the status quo, grown bigger in prism without the ability to even keep fit to play fives like the Sardauna used to as a sign of determination and strength of will to make useful his times in life, as Kukah reported?

Whatever the case maybe and as observed in the same letter by Kukah, all these years after Ahmadu Bello, the supposed claimants of his true legacy, have failed in the simple task of endowing a single Chair for Sardauna studies in any of the universities in or outside the country. Had there been one, probably the Sardauna legacy would have remained looming large in the air with scholars constantly conducting synthesis over time between his enduring legacies and contemporary exigencies, to keep his ideals relevant at any time, when discussing the future fate of Nigerian nation state. Had there been such, certainly there wouldn’t have been the sad event of last week where a monumental step was taken dialoguing, without any wide idea presented amidst applause making adequate case for neo Sardaunism as the eternal panacea to the troubles facing the 21st century Nigeria; even if side by side the neo NEPU bone prone but flesh barren, articulated presentation of Prof. Jega.

It would have been two positions from the North as it used be always from two different political paradigms, instead of one. But contrary to that as we have seen, the Northerners went to the event to complete the funeral prayer for Sardaunism and declare the Sardauna loudly and forcefully an orphan _non grata._ They failed to remember that Sardauna didn’t do that to Dan Fodio. Had he done so we would have had those miscreants claiming to be his representatives, instead, on our shores long before now that we have them in the Boko Haram claiming to be the best of Danfodio and El-amin Elkanemi. However, if we continue to neglect Sardauna, walk away from the grave ,the 18th Annual Daily Trust Dialogue, dug for him and buried him – without waiting to exhume him, and place him on the right stable of our national life- it wouldn’t be long before we have another militant group coming up on these coasts claiming to represent him best. And it will not be good to Nigeria or Northern Nigeria. History or prominent historical figures are a burden to their succeeding generations. It is either they embrace them, garb them well and use them for good ends or throw them aside as wastes for others to pick, mould in ugly muds and use them effectively against contemporaries!

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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