Connect with us

Opinion

Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

Published

on

Ibrahim A Waziri

 

 

Ibraheem A. Waziri

 

Sometimes on July 16, 2020, friends and well-wishers residents of Arewa Facebook Community (AFC) gathered around my wall, to mourn with me on a thread of tribute I wrote over the loss of my elder cousin, Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem. Part of the aspect of the tribute that attracted the attention of many was the reference to the deceased articulated Fatwa [legal position] that mirrors the recent Fatwa issued by Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar about divorce discharged in fictional drama. Dr. Bashir’s has caught the attention of many a pundit residents of AFC, since 9th January 2021, when a Hausa online newspaper reechoed his Fatwas obtained from an already extant video clip!

 

Then in my July 2020 piece, I wrote of Shaykh Umaru Balarabe, that part of his Fatwas while alive was: “Marriages pronounced in fictional drama (wasan kwaikwayo) are not valid because of lack therein, of complete conditions of marriages, according to the jurisprudential canons in use in this part of the world. But divorces in them are valid.  Meaning if one is not legally married to the person they impliedly divorce in their fictional dramas then the divorcing words will automatically apply to their own spouses in real life. When asked why he used to answer that all the canons conclude that there is no joke in the affairs of divorce. Once it is uttered it has to fall real on something and that should be the real spouse at home – of the actor if he is married – outside the purported drama.”

 

I have had cause to reflect about this position for years. Shaykh Umar Balarabe used to quote from Mukhtasaral Khalil, the clause, “wa jadduhu wa hazluhu sawaun”, meaning in the affairs of divorce seriousness or seriousness (joke) doesn’t matter and stop there asking any disputant to show any nass(text) from Qur’an, Hadith or any of the Maliki/Ashariy canons in use here is West Africa nay Hausaland, Northern Nigeria, that explicitly contradict his assertion.

 

Here we are today where Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar is repeating the arguments of late Shaykh Umaru Balarabe – whom I used to think was a loner in this – point by point, Qur’an and Hadith. The only difference is the slight leeway Shaykh Bashir is able to provide where Shaykh Umaru Balarabe would not. Shaykh Umar maintained that even when a man in a movie point at another actress projected to be his wife and pronounced divorce upon her and owing to the fact that he is not legally married to her, then the divorce falls on his legal real wife if he is married. His argument used to be that,  an adult person under any circumstances must not refer to himself as divorcing his wife, if he is not intending so since there is no room for jest in matters of divorce in Sharia and no matter the situation. So if one should ever mention divorcing his wife then the words will fall on his actual real wife.

Encomiums On Talban Zazzau Abdulkadir Iya Pate and Iyan Zazzau Bashari Aminu

Whereas Shaykh Bashir gives space for accommodation in terms of wordings and exact pointers and specifiers; he believes where an adult person refers to self, divorcing wife and without using appropriate specifiers in a movie scene only then the wordings will extensively apply to his real family outside the drama. He then cited Ibn Qasim with his Maliki largely regarded fringe Fatwa which differs from him and suggests that a context even without appropriate specifiers may not lead to unwarranted implications on a real marriage.

 

SOME THOUGHTS

Advert

 

Islam attaches so much premium to words spoken. In fact, one becomes a Muslim or non-Muslim, that is, belonging or not, to the universal brotherhood, instantly, and without causing any to doubt them by what they say in a brief period as in a second. Thus in all Muslim cultures, from the smallest unit of a society, which is family, have their foundations in the clarity and efficacy or otherwise of words spoken. It is the exactitude of words told that seal marriage contracts. Words to or from parents recklessly – as is believed – can open gates to multiple forms of spiritual and physical adversities and narrow the quantum of prosperity index for a child in their entire life. In the same vein, words spoken can ruin family or marital relationship, within a blink of an eye. This tends to foist a distinct form of awareness and unique character in any Muslim society when pursuing socio-cultural discourses and at any time. Muslims everywhere seem to concentrate too much on what and how things are said or not!

 

It is with this kind of mind-frame that the Muslim societies received cinema and cinematography, additional forms of operationalizing productive social dialogue, whose development to current form and practice was largely achieved, within late 19th century to the present, and by a civilization that does not place the same premium on words uttered as a Muslim civilization. In the West, a parent can say anything no matter how nasty to a child or vice versa without posing or attracting to themselves any supposed type of spiritual danger or provoking a general feeling of group-wide cultural impropriety.

Similarly, institutions of marriage are not endangered by careless whispers in an instant. Thus a film in the West does not pay attention to any perceived spiritual bearing the words of an actor can have on themselves, in their real life, no matter how they are spoken in as much as it is within the logical structure or particular thread of an outlined fiction.

 

This, of course, will pose a challenge to the Muslim societies who on one hand are beginning to come to terms with the utility and relevance of film making as an effective instrument of social engineering, cultural dialogue, and conscientization; and on the other,  if not handled or managed carefully, could breed unpleasant social mutations in society,  lead to non-conscious alteration of moral categories in favor of what the societies in their current form may consider detestable social and personal conceptions, thereby diluting the whole essence of Muslim societies and civilization. It is this similar concern as is clear from the two separate video clips by Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, which informs his much-discussed Fatwa.

 

Therefore the implications drawn from these could be that movie directors, producers, and actors in Kannywood, must be extra careful in how they frame up and participate or present scenes and couch dialogues involving the Divine lest they shoot themselves out of the favor of their most precious Islam. While any other form of the depiction of other aspects of our social life might easily be accommodated attributing them to sole intention to dramatize, others relating to marriage and family life should be threaded with an extra layer of caution due to the reasons from the Qur’an, Hadith and the entire body of Maliki/Ashariy jurisprudence that is operational here as an ethical framework and a source of values for centuries as late Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem would mention.

 

This is not an exercise that seeks to nullify and invalidate the profession and practice of film making is this milieu as Hajiya Hamida Koguna , would want to say; but an effort to further pristinely purify the practice for it to serve our society upon its ordained chosen paradigm of social engagement. To some of us, it is better to borrow the modern social technology of entertainment and bend it to suit what is a local requirement of engagement, than to borrow it as it is, and then make our own ordained social order bend to its foreign requirements by sourcing for Fatwas out of our inherited ethical framework to achieve that.

 

Kannywood industry has been doing fairly well over the years. The government of Kano State, its host, has done better over the years by inaugurating a censorship board that oversees its activities and ensures compatibility of its output to the supreme but unwritten cultural constitution of these societies and the legal constitution of the land. To this end we have seen how a whole drama series spanning years could be run, keeping the interest of its national international audience nonstop, without men and women making body contact in ways that violate our sacred tradition in social engagement. Therefore couching film dialogues in divorce scenes that will not violate our traditional codes can never be harmful in any way and cannot affect the quality of an actor, director, or producer or affect their marketability and prosperity indices going upward in their profession. We also don’t necessarily need the extended hand of a Maliki fringe Fatwa, like that of Ibnal Qasim to execute this function satisfactorily.

 

Allah Ya jikan Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem da sauran magabata; Allah Ya tsare, Ya albarkaci Shaykh Bashir Aliyu Umaru damu baki daya!

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

Published

on

 

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

Advert

Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

Continue Reading

Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

Published

on

 

By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

Advert

This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

Published

on

Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

Advert

Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

Continue Reading

Trending