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Opinion

ASUU STRIKES: Sack And Re-Apply Model As The Ultimate Solution

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  DR ABUBAKAR ALKALI

alkalizai@yahoo.com

 

It is a fact that the greatest threat to the survival of university education in Nigeria today is not the federal government but the academic staff union of universities (ASUU). Indeed, if ASUU can remain unmoved while innocent students who ordinarily should be on their studies are sitting idly at home for 9 months, then something is wrong with ASUU’s strikes. Shutting down universities every now and then is the greatest threat to university education in Nigeria. Even much more than a threat compared to under-funding which could be improved over time.

 

If ASUU is not ready to make concessions, shift ground and offer a middle approach so that the children of ordinary Nigerians can go back to their studies while ASUU’s demands are being considered by the federal government, then we all should have a rethink about any sympathy for ASUU’s perpetual strikes.

 

If ASUU will resist the IPPIS accounting system which is used to check corruption and multiple payments, then we need to ask ASUU questions about their hitherto claim to be at the forefront of the fight against corruption.

 

Why is ASUU not considering the interest of students who are caught up in the ASUU-FG unending fight? Yes, funding for education in Nigeria is not great in the annual budgets but ASUU strikes is certainly not the best method to achieve it. The legal method is better as it protects students because it leaves the universities open. In tangible terms, in what manner has the 32- year old ASUU strikes improved the university system? If anything, any improvements in the ivory towers could have happened normally without ASUU strikes.

 

Clearly, the ASUU strike which has been lingering for 32 years now and counting, needs some long-lasting solutions not short-term contraptions. There is no problem with strikes if they include a trade-off and compromises taking into account the public good not only the good of the members.

 

The fact of the matter is that ASUU is fighting for better salary and allowances under the camouflage of ‘improved university funding’ FULL STOP

 

If ASUU should suspend its strike today, it is because salary arrears are coming in not because any laboratory has been upgraded. Otherwise, ASUU can continue its strike until contractors are sent in and have completed fixing all laboratories, lecture halls, student hostels etc in Nigerian universities.

 

The federal government is the employer so it should specify the terms and conditions under which it wants it’s employees (ASUU) to work, not the other way round. If you employ someone, you should dictate the tune based on the employee’s terms of contract which he/she has accepted through the acceptance letter they signed.

ASUU: The Misunderstood Vaccines Not The Virus

ASUU is saying that they are on strike to press the government to increase its funding on university education albeit many people no longer believe them.

The majority of Nigerians now think ASUU strikes are about improved salary package, not any university upgrade. This view holds some water when juxtaposed with the fact that ASUU only talks about a generalized slogan of ‘improving the university system’ without specifying any baselines or benchmarks. There is no irreducible minimums in ASUU’s demands for ‘improved university infrastructure’. If ASUU is fighting for increased university funding, where is the increased funding going to? Is it to the laboratories or arrears of salaries? These are posers that need looking at.

 

To find a lasting solution to the lingering ASUU strike, the following measures are recommended:

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  1. The federal government should disengage all university lecturers, give them fresh conditions of service as to how it wants them to work including enrolment on IPPIS and an option to reapply.
  2. Any lecturer who feels IPPIS is not for him has a decision to make.

Serving lecturers should be given priority in the new recruitment exercise.

  1. The federal government should proscribe ASUU. There shouldn’t be trade unionism in the ivory towers as it is inimical to the development of tertiary education in Nigeria. The National Assembly should pass the necessary laws to this effect.
  2. The federal government should enforce the ‘NO WORK, NO PAY’ rule and stop payment of salary of the ASUU members during the period of strikes. No striking lecturer is entitled to any salary while on strike: From 23rd March 2020 when the latest ASUU strike action was embarked on, no striking lecturer should be entitled to any so-called salary arrears. Salary payments for lecturers should start counting when classes resume.
  3. The federal government should discuss the issue of increased funding for universities with the committee of vice-chancellors and the governing councils.
  4. Students Representatives should be involved by the federal government in any discussions on improvement in infrastructure and upgrade of the universities.

 

As this article is being prepared, news filtered out that the federal government has pledged N35 billion as a ‘revitalization fund’ to get ASUU back to the classrooms. Well, it is good that the federal government is shifting grounds, unlike ASUU. However, the federal government should remember that ASUU will always come back for more money. Voting N35 billion will only be a temporary respite, it will not solve the problem. It is like cutting the tree from the top and leaving out the roots.

 

By the way, the resumption of classes in the universities should be based on strict compliance with the COVID-19 protocols. No classes should resume until the appropriate arrangements are made such as provisions for physical distancing, surplus hand sanitizers and face masks etc.

 

Based on the current scenario, one will be tempted to ask:

  1. How will ASUU not be on strike when they are paid a FULL salary while cooling off at home and/or using their ‘free time’ to engage in other endeavors?
  2. Is it not EASIER to stay at home and receive ‘free money in ARREARS of salary than to be boxed in the classroom?

 

Initially, ASUU said they are on strike for what they called ‘revitalizing infrastructure’ in Nigerian universities. Little did anyone know that ASUU is actually fighting for ‘stomach infrastructure’ N.O.T university infrastructure. One can easily see the link between ASUU’s demands and stomach infrastructure when the ASUU zonal Coordinator Calabar zone Dr. Aniekan Brown said:

‘ASUU cannot go back to class on empty stomach’

 

Why didn’t he say ‘ASUU cannot go back to the classroom until the laboratories are fixed with the right equipment?

 

This time for ASUU, it is empty stomach N.O.T empty laboratories.

 

Most of the N35 billion released by the federal government to ASUU will go to payment of salary arrears, not any university revitalization.

 

ASUU parades itself in the history of the global labor movement as the only employee that tells its employer the terms of its employment including when and how it should be paid its salary and allowances.

Indeed ASUU deserves a place in the Guinness book of records as the only employee who issues orders to its employer.

 

What a lucky ASUU in a country with a short supply of patriotic and courageous leaders? Which employer will allow its employee to dictate the terms of employment after receiving their offer of employment and signing the acceptance of the offer?

 

ASUU said IPPIS is a fraud. This same system (IPPIS) is used by the federal government in salary payment for ALL its civil servants. Are we saying that the federal civil servants under IPPIS do not know what they are doing?  ASUU has now brought what they called UTAS to replace IPPIS. What is wrong with IPPIS that checks multiple Jobs and repetitive salary payments?

ASUU can continue its endless strike to press for a better salary or even get a Professor to catch up with the jumbo salary of a Nigerian senator. The students will eventually win this fight.

ASUU Berates FG on IPPIS and Emoluments

Is ASUU really fighting for an improved university system or better salary and allowances for its members?

Why is ASUU mulling to call off its strike now after N35 billion has been injected? Has the infrastructure in the universities improved? Is there equipment in the laboratories? Are the lecture halls and student hostels fixed?  OR is there going to be payment of salary arrears for ASUU?

Without a doubt, innocent students will eventually triumph after all the games.

Opinion

The Cap That Stopped a Boy’s Tears: Remembering Sadiq Modibbo

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By Sanusi Bature Dawakin Tofa

Fifteen years have passed since I last held my son, Sadiq Modibbo, in my arms. Even now, the memory of his laughter and the warmth of his tiny hand remains vivid in my mind. There was something remarkable about him, a light that shone through even in moments of fear or pain.

I remember the first time I realized how deeply he loved the simple things that connected him to me.

Whenever he cried, I would gently remove my cap, and just like that, his tears would stop. It was as if the gesture spoke to him in a language only he and I shared—a language of love, trust, and comfort.

Sadiq was often unwell, and our visits to the hospital were frequent. Yet, despite his fragile health, he carried himself with an unusual courage. The doctors, nurses, and other caregivers grew to know him well. They would smile at his little jokes, or nod knowingly when he quieted at the sight of me.

In those hospital rooms, I learned to see him not just as my son, but as a symbol of resilience. Every day, I watched him endure injections, treatments, and long hours of discomfort, yet he faced it all with a quiet strength. Even then, the cap—the small, unassuming piece of cloth—became a tool of love, a reminder that he was never alone.

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Sadiq’s love for Kwankwasiyya was another remarkable part of his personality. It was a fascination that seemed larger than his years, and it sparked countless conversations between us. I would watch him with wonder, seeing how a young boy could find joy and meaning in something so vibrant, even in the midst of illness.

I often imagined what he would be like today if he were still alive. Would he be arguing with me as passionately as ever? Would his laughter fill our home in the way it did when he was a boy? The “what ifs” are endless, but in my heart, I carry the certainty that his spirit lives on in every memory, every smile, every small gesture of love that he shared.

Birthdays were special for Sadiq. He would light up at the smallest celebration, reminding us all of the beauty in simple joys. Even as a child who faced health struggles, he found light in each day. I can still see him running toward me, his eyes shining, his cap slightly askew from excitement.

Mourning him has been a lifelong journey. The world continued around us, but I learned that grief is a quiet companion. It is in the small moments—the empty chair at the table, the quiet hospital rooms, the cap that no longer needs to be removed to stop tears—that his absence is most felt.

Yet, even in sorrow, there is comfort. I tell myself that Sadiq’s courage, his love, and his laughter have left a lasting imprint. The lessons he taught me—about patience, joy, and unconditional love—remain guiding lights in my life. Every time I see a child comforted by a parent, I am reminded of him.

Today, I remember Sadiq not with despair, but with gratitude. The cap that stopped his tears symbolizes so much more than a simple gesture; it is a testament to the bond between father and son, to the small acts of love that shape a life. May Allah grant him eternal peace, and may his memory continue to inspire those who knew him—even for just a moment.

Sanusi Bature Dawakin Tofa is the Director General Media and Spokesperson to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

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Opinion

Restoring the Dignity of the Kano Emirate

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Two Prince of Kano Emirate and Emirs

 

By Muhammad Bello, Dutse, Jigawa State

The lingering power tussle between His Highness Aminu Ado Bayero and His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II over the revered throne of the Emir of Kano has continued to generate intense public debate and concern across Northern Nigeria and the country at large. For an institution that has historically commanded immense respect, influence, and cultural significance, the prolonged dispute has unfortunately diminished the prestige and moral authority associated with the Kano Emirate.

The Emirate of Kano is not just a traditional stool; it represents centuries of history, leadership, and cultural identity. As one of the most respected traditional institutions in Nigeria, the stability of the throne is crucial not only for Kano State but also for the broader traditional governance structure in the North.

In view of this reality, urgent and sincere efforts must be made to resolve the crisis in a manner that restores dignity, unity, and respect to the institution.

As part of the Kano First Agenda of His Excellency Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, there is a timely opportunity to take bold and statesmanlike steps toward resolving the impasse. One practical approach would be for the state government to constitute a high-level reconciliation committee made up of respected traditional rulers, eminent Islamic scholars, religious leaders, and elder statesmen from within Kano State and across the country.

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Such a committee would carry the moral authority and neutrality required to engage all parties involved and recommend a sustainable solution.

In my humble opinion, the committee should consider the following options:

First, both contending Emirs should be encouraged, in the interest of peace and the preservation of the dignity of the Kano Emirate, to voluntarily step aside by tendering their resignations. While this may appear difficult, history has shown that sacrifices made for peace often preserve institutions for future generations.

Second, the Kano State Government should allow the kingmakers to conduct a fresh and transparent nomination process for a new Emir. Transparency and adherence to tradition will help restore public confidence in the institution.

Third, in order to ensure neutrality and avoid further controversy, both current claimants to the throne should not be part of the new selection process.

The objective of these recommendations is not to undermine any individual but to safeguard the long-term stability, unity, and honour of the Kano Emirate. Institutions of such historic importance must be protected from prolonged political and legal battles that could erode their legitimacy.

Ultimately, wisdom, patience, and a spirit of sacrifice are required from all stakeholders. The people of Kano and indeed Nigerians hope to see a peaceful resolution that restores the dignity of the throne and preserves the rich heritage of the Emirate for generations to come.

May Almighty Allah continue to guide our leaders toward decisions that promote peace, justice, and unity.

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Opinion

Restoring the Glory That Was Always There: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the Historical Vision Behind Kano First

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By Saminu Umar Ph.D | Senior Lecturer, Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano

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Kano does not need to be invented. That is a truth so fundamental, so historically self-evident, that it should not need to be stated at all, and yet the circumstances of recent decades have made its restatement not merely appropriate but urgent. There is a tendency, in the discourse of Nigerian development, to treat every governance initiative as a beginning, as though the society being governed had no prior history of achievement, no accumulated wisdom, no tested traditions of institutional excellence on which new efforts might be built. This tendency is not merely intellectually lazy, but it is, in the specific context of Kano, a form of historical injustice, a failure to reckon honestly with the civilizational inheritance that this state carries and that its people have never entirely abandoned, even through the long and painful decades in which their institutions were hollowed out, their values eroded, and their confidence systematically undermined by the combined weight of misgovernance, corruption, and the slow cultural dislocation that follows when a society loses trust in the institutions that are supposed to embody its highest aspirations.
Kano was, long before Nigeria existed as a political entity, one of the most sophisticated and enduring centers of civilization in West Africa. Its greatness was not the greatness of conquest or of externally imposed order. It was the greatness of organic development, of a society that built, over centuries, a coherent and self-sustaining civilization on foundations that were simultaneously material and moral. The trans-Saharan trade networks that made Kano a commercial hub of continental significance were sustained not merely by geography or by the availability of goods, but by a culture of commercial integrity, of trust between trading partners, of contractual reliability, and of the kind of reputational accountability that makes markets function across distances and between strangers. The Islamic scholarship that gave Kano its intellectual authority was not merely a religious tradition. It was a governance philosophy, one that placed knowledge, justice, accountability, and the subordination of personal interest to public duty at the center of what it meant to hold power. The traditional political institutions that maintained Kano’s social order were not instruments of oppression but, at their best, mechanisms of consultation, legitimacy, and the managed resolution of social conflict.
These were not accidental achievements. They were the products of deliberate cultivation, of generations of Kano’s people choosing, consciously and consistently, to organize their collective life around values that made both individual flourishing and communal solidarity possible. That is what a civilization is: not a collection of buildings or a record of territorial expansion, but a living tradition of values, practices, and institutions that enables a human community to achieve, across time, more than any individual generation could accomplish alone. Kano built such a civilization. And the question that every serious governor of Kano must eventually confront, whether they frame it in these terms or not, is whether they are adding to that civilization or subtracting from it.
It is against this civilizational backdrop that the Kano First Initiative under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf must be understood, not as a new idea imported into Kano from outside, not as a political slogan invented to win elections and abandoned when the votes are counted, but as a deliberate act of historical retrieval, an attempt to reach back through the debris of recent decades and recover the foundations on which Kano’s genuine greatness was built. The initiative’s framework document states this explicitly and without embarrassment: Kano’s most persistent challenges are not solely infrastructural or economic in nature. They are fundamentally behavioral, normative, and narrative failures, accumulated over time and reinforced by weak value transmission, fragmented authority, and uncoordinated messaging. This is a diagnosis of remarkable historical honesty, and it is one that only a governor with a genuine understanding of what Kano has been and what it has lost could have authorized.
Governor Yusuf’s historical vision is not nostalgic in the sentimental sense of the word. He is not proposing a return to a romanticized past that never existed in the uncomplicated form that nostalgia requires. He is proposing something simultaneously more modest and more ambitious: the recovery of specific values, specific institutional principles, and specific civic traditions that demonstrably worked, that demonstrably sustained Kano’s coherence and productivity over centuries, and that demonstrably began to break down when they were displaced by the governing logic of extraction, patronage, and the systematic subordination of public interest to private accumulation. Islamic ethical governance, communal responsibility, the dignity of productive labor, respect for legitimate authority, the centrality of knowledge in public life, these are not abstract ideals. They are the operational principles of a civilization that actually functioned, and their recovery is not a romantic aspiration but a practical governance imperative.
The intellectual architecture through which this recovery is being pursued bears the clear fingerprints of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, whose contribution to the Kano First Initiative has been, in every meaningful sense, the contribution of a man who understands both what Kano is and what it needs. The framework he has championed integrates three traditions that, taken together, give the initiative both its cultural legitimacy and its analytical credibility: the Islamic ethical governance tradition that historically underpinned Kano’s stability and justice, Kano’s own sociocultural heritage of communal solidarity and institutional accountability, and the modern behavioral change communication science that provides the methodological tools for translating values into measurable social outcomes. This integration is not accidental. It reflects a deep conviction, shared by both the governor and his commissioner, that genuine renewal cannot be achieved by importing foreign solutions but only by excavating and rebuilding on Kano’s own foundations.
The scale of what has been lost must be honestly acknowledged if the scale of what is being attempted is to be properly appreciated. Kano today carries wounds that decades of misgovernance have inflicted on its social fabric with a thoroughness that cannot be undone quickly or easily. Youth disaffection has reached levels that express themselves in drug abuse, street violence, and the nihilistic political thuggery that represents, at its core, the rage of young people who were promised a future and received instead a void. Institutional trust, once the bedrock of Kano’s civic life, has been so systematically eroded that the default posture of many citizens toward their government is not engagement but cynicism, not participation but withdrawal. The digital media ecosystem, which should be a tool of civic enlightenment, has in too many instances become a vehicle for the amplification of the very misinformation, polarization, and moral dislocation that the Kano First Initiative is designed to address. These are not small problems, and they will not yield to small solutions.
What gives the Kano First Initiative its historical seriousness is precisely that it does not pretend otherwise. The four-phase implementation framework, stretching from 2026 through 2030, is built on the recognition that the restoration of a civilization’s normative foundations is a generational project, not a political campaign. Phase One builds the empirical foundation, the baseline surveys, perception mapping, and narrative architecture that genuine social intervention requires. Phase Two deploys coordinated, multi-channel behavioral activation across youth networks, religious institutions, traditional authorities, and community organizations. Phase Three scales what works and deepens digital engagement. Phase Four embeds the initiative permanently into Kano’s governance architecture through a dedicated directorate and the annual Kano Values Index. This is not the timeline of an administration managing its image. It is the timeline of a government that has looked honestly at the depth of the challenge and committed itself to the depth of response that the challenge demands.
There is an emotional dimension to this story that deserves to be named directly, because it is one that the purely analytical framing of policy discourse tends to obscure. Kano’s people love their state with an intensity and a pride that is, even in a country of fierce regional loyalties, remarkable. They carry within them the memory of a greatness that their grandparents knew and that they themselves have glimpsed, in fragments and in moments, even through the long decades of disappointment. When Governor Yusuf speaks of restoring Kano’s glory, he is not merely making a political argument. He is speaking to something that lives in the hearts of ordinary Kano citizens, something that has survived misgovernance, political manipulation, and cultural erosion with a resilience that is itself a testament to the depth of Kano’s civilizational roots. That emotional resonance is not a weakness in the Kano First philosophy. It is one of its greatest strategic assets, because renewal that connects with people’s deepest sense of identity and pride generates the kind of civic energy that no top-down programme can manufacture.
The work of restoring that glory belongs, ultimately, not to government alone but to every institution, every community leader, every journalist, every religious scholar, every teacher, every trader, and every young person in Kano who chooses, in their daily conduct, to live by the values that made this civilization great. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has provided the vision, the institutional framework, and the personal example of a leader who is willing to pay the political costs that genuine commitment to the public good always exacts. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya has provided the intellectual architecture and the communication infrastructure through which that vision can be translated into civic reality. The rest, as it must always be when a society is serious about its own renewal, belongs to the people.
Kano’s glory was never lost. It was covered over, layer by layer, by the accumulated debris of decades of bad governance, institutional betrayal, and the slow erosion of the values that once made it shine. The Kano First Initiative is not building something new on empty ground. It is clearing the ground of debris so that what was always there can breathe again, grow again, and reclaim the space in Nigeria’s national life and in West Africa’s historical memory that Kano has always, by right of civilization, deserved to occupy. That is the historical vision behind Kano First. And it is a vision worth every effort, every sacrifice, and every ounce of collective will that Kano’s people can bring to its realization.

 

Saminu Umar Ph.D is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano. surijyarzaki@gmail.com

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