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Middle Belt or Bible Belt of Nigeria? By Aminu Ayama

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Let me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures of me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures North-West. If that alone irritates you, simply waka pass, because what follows will be blunt, factual, and completely unapologetic.

First, let us be clear: there is no such thing as a “Middle Belt region” in Nigeria. Not geographically, not politically, not constitutionally. What exists are six geo-political zones, with the North Central being just one of them.

The growing agitation for what I prefer to call the “Bible Belt”—often disguised as “Middle Belt”—is driven largely by neo-Christian maximalists, especially from Plateau State. And Plateau, let us not pretend, has earned an unfortunate reputation as one of the most hostile places for Muslims to live, transit, or thrive. Many documented incidents show entrenched Islamophobic violence, partisan state actions, and security responses that frequently tilt against Muslims whenever there are communal clashes.

But the proponents of this so-called Middle Belt never call it what it truly is: a Christian-only political sanctuary. Even within the North Central, Christians are not the majority. Only Benue and Plateau have overwhelming Christian populations. In Kogi, Niger, Kwara, and Nasarawa, Muslims form the majority—and each of those states is governed by Muslims.

So how does a minority hope to dominate the majority? How can the tail wag the dog?

This agenda is rooted in a deep-seated hostility toward Muslims, weaponised through disinformation, propaganda, and violence. And beyond the politics, the demands are not only unrealistic—they border on the absurd.

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The dream of a cross-regional Christian confederacy stretching across Nigeria would require forcefully merging Christian pockets in the North Central, North East, and North West—communities that share almost no borders—with one another. Over 90% of the Christian minority communities they list are not even geographically contiguous with Plateau or Benue. The only connected Christian-majority areas are Plateau, Benue, and parts of Southern Kaduna.

To create this so-called Bible Belt would require mass displacement of millions of indigenous Muslims living in these territories. It would produce a Bantu-like, Southern Sudan-type enclave in the heart of a predominantly Muslim region.

We know how South Sudan turned out. Years after global Christian activists—and even Hollywood celebrities like George Clooney—pushed the “Christian genocide” narrative to break it away from Sudan, the new country descended almost immediately into ethnic civil war among people who share the same faith. The activists have since moved on. The people remain with the suffering.

This is precisely the kind of tragedy Nigeria risks if it entertains such a divisive fantasy.

Creating a religious enclave in Northern Nigeria is possible only through civil war, mass ethnic cleansing, and forceful land seizure. No legislative process can achieve it; it would require bullets, not ballots.

Even more unrealistic is the attempt to annex Christian-minority areas of Southern Borno, Southern Yobe, Southern Gombe, Southern Adamawa, Southern Bauchi, and parts of Taraba into this imaginary Bible Belt. Except for Taraba, all these states are Muslim-majority and governed by Muslims.

The Bible Belt crusaders have even stretched their ambitions to the far North-West, claiming Christian communities like Zuru in Kebbi and Southern Kaduna, and naming random Christian minority pockets across Katsina, Zamfara, Jigawa, and Kano as part of their utopian region.

Let us be honest: how does this happen without displacing millions of Muslims?
How do you build a Christian-only belt across a region dominated by Muslims without violence?
How do you redraw boundaries across the North without war?

The truth is simple. This agenda mirrors the same formula used in the Middle East—forceful displacement, land acquisition, and demographic engineering. Nothing short of massive foreign-backed militarisation could make it remotely possible.

And even then, like South Sudan, such a creation would become a landlocked, unstable, ethnically fragmented territory—a permanent war zone.

Nigeria must never walk this path.

The so-called Middle Belt agitation is not about geography or justice. It is about identity politics and fear disguised as self-determination. It is a project built on emotion, not logic. On ethnic resentment, not fairness. On religious exceptionalism, not coexistence.

I welcome any factual challenge to the points made here. Let the arguments come—but let them be grounded in truth, not propaganda.

Aminu Ayama
@aaa

Politics

Hon. Murtala Garo: Gov. Abba’s Political Masterstroke

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By Bashir Ahmad Gwarzo

As Governor Abba Kabir navigates his anticipated defection to the APC, and the eminent adamancy of his deputy to remain in NNPP, the substitution of the deputy governor is imminent. However, this is not merely an administrative vacancy to be filled. It is a pivotal strategic decision that will determine whether his political consolidation succeeds or collapses under the weight of competing interests and factional tensions. The question facing the governor is this: who possesses the character, competence, loyalty, and strategic value to serve as his anchor during one of the most turbulent periods of his political career?

Moreover, in the event, Deputy Governor Aminu Abdussalam’s impeachment became eminent, the development will obviously intensify hostility within the Kwankwasiyya faction against Governor Abba.

In this hostile environment, Abba cannot afford to select a deputy based on regional appeasement or factional compromise. The times demand strength, not capitulation; a leader who brings proven integrity, administrative excellence, and unwavering loyalty. Murtala Sule Garo embodies all of these. His proven loyalty to his political associates, combined with his well-documented generosity and philanthropic commitments, demonstrates a leader of principle and integrity. Garo’s strong family background and standing in society reflect the moral foundation necessary for high public office. In politics, loyalty cannot be manufactured; it must be demonstrated over time. Garo’s track record speaks for itself.

A deputy governor who embodies such qualities provides the governor with a trustworthy confidant during periods of political turbulence, which precisely what Governor Abba currently requires as he navigates the choppy waters of defection and factional realignment.
Some will argue that Kano South senatorial district deserves the deputy governorship.

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Their agitation is understandable, and their concerns are legitimate. But political leadership requires more than regional representation; it demands the balancing of competing interests based on merit and strategic necessity.
What Murtala Sule Garo brings to the administration far outweighs the representational argument. His proven track record in infrastructure development, educational reform, and grassroots mobilization offers tangible governance benefits that cannot be replicated.

Governor Abba can address south senatorial concerns through strategic appointments, board positions, and development projects, as an alternative mechanisms that satisfy regional aspirations without compromising the selection of the most competent deputy. To sacrifice administrative excellence on the altar of regional representation would be to diminish the governor’s capacity to govern effectively and deliver results.
Consider, moreover, Kano North’s political configuration. Both Murtala Sule Garo and Hon. Abba Bichi command significant political influence within the APC from this zone. Relationship between Garo and Deputy Senate President, Barau Jibrin politically might look strange, but this reality does not diminish Garo’s stature or viability. Rather, it demonstrates that Kano North’s political strength transcends any individual relationship or factional tension. By selecting Garo, Governor Abba consolidates the zone’s power and ensures robust representation at the highest levels of state governance. The zone’s influence remains undiminished regardless of inter-personal tensions.

The deputy governorship is not merely a ceremonial position; it is foundational to the governor’s re-election strategy for 2027. This is where Garo’s true strategic value becomes apparent. With his demonstrated capacity to mobilize hundreds of youth organizations across Kano’s 44 local government areas and his proven administrative competence, he is precisely the ally Governor Abba needs for a successful second-term bid.

As Commissioner for Local Governments, Garo spearheaded educational facility renovations across all 44 councils and executed critical infrastructure projects. His prior roles as Special Adviser to the Governor, Kabo Local Government Chairman, and ALGON Chairman demonstrate mastery of both local and state-level governance. This depth of experience is indispensable during political transition. Garo’s network, institutional knowledge, and track record make him an invaluable asset for campaign machinery and governance continuity. Selecting him is not merely an administrative convenience; it is a strategic investment in electoral viability.

The choice before Governor Abba is clear. He can select a deputy based on regional appeasement and watch his administration struggle under the weight of competing interests, factional hostility, and weak governance. Or he can select Murtala Sule Garo, a leader who consolidates grass-root power, brings proven administrative excellence, embodies loyalty and integrity, and positions him for a triumphant second term. This is visionary leadership.

Bashir Gwarzo write from Gwarzo Town

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Emerging Story from Gov. Abba’s Meeting with President Tinubu 

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s speculated defection from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), is reportedly a step away from reality following a decisive meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Presidential Villa today, sources familiar with the discussions have confirmed.

According to insider reports, the governor’s team expressed renewed confidence after the private talks, which appear to have resolved weeks of political uncertainty. A senior APC figure from the North-West told Politics Digest that President Tinubu’s intervention has provided Governor Yusuf with the necessary assurances to proceed with his planned move to the ruling party.

While no official statement has been released, the source indicated that the president addressed a major obstacle in the negotiations—the governor’s eligibility for an automatic APC gubernatorial ticket in the 2027 election.

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“The path is now clearer,” the source stated. “The president has assured Governor Yusuf that his second-term ambition under the APC will be protected, provided he manages the internal political dynamics in Kano with care.”

Despite this progress, the presidency reportedly advised the governor against relying solely on top-level backing. He has been urged to continue consultations with key APC stakeholders in Kano to prevent potential internal friction.

This caution comes amid existing tensions within the state’s APC structure, involving factions loyal to Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and other influential figures with strong interests in Kano’s political future.

The mood within the governor’s camp marks a shift from earlier reports of hesitation from the APC leadership, which had been reluctant to offer written guarantees regarding an automatic ticket.

Governor Yusuf’s recent symbolic gestures—such as presiding over a state executive meeting in Abuja while wearing the red cap associated with the Kwankwasiyya movement—may soon give way to a formal declaration. The meeting with President Tinubu is understood to have been the final step before a public announcement that could reshape the political landscape of the North-West.

A significant unresolved factor remains the governor’s relationship with his political mentor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. As Governor Yusuf moves closer to the APC, Kwankwaso is reportedly exploring alternative political alignments.

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Freedom of Choice in Democracy: Why Kano Must Come First

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By Dr. Mukhtar Bello Maisudan

At the heart of any functioning democracy lies a core principle: freedom of choice. This is not simply a slogan; it is a fundamental democratic value upheld by scholars and practitioners alike. From Robert Dahl’s classical theories of polyarchy to Adam Przeworski’s work on democratic accountability, the ability of citizens—and their elected leaders—to reassess alliances and make independent political choices is central to democratic life. It is through this lens that the anticipated/planned decision by the Governor of Kano State to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) must be understood not as betrayal or disloyalty, but as an exercise of democratic agency in pursuit of service to the people of Kano.
Political theorist Robert Dahl argued that democracy is best understood as a system in which citizens have the continuing opportunity to influence decisions by choosing among alternative leaders and policies. In “Democracy and Its Critics,” Dahl emphasizes that political competition, realignment, and choice are not flaws in a system—they are signs of a healthy, responsive democracy. If democratic governance is to live up to its ideals, it must allow its actors the freedom to rethink, reassess, and reorient. This academic foundation supports the view that a political decision like the governor’s intended move is not a violation of democratic norms, but rather a legitimation of them.

Scholar Adam Przeworski, in his work on democratic accountability, stresses that leaders in a democracy are accountable first to the electorate, and not to permanent political patrons or ideological loyalties. Przeworski writes that democracy “requires leaders to be responsive to the preferences of their constituents over time,” implying that flexibility in political alignment is part of responsiveness, not defiance. In this context, the governor’s anticipated decision to join the APC can be seen as an attempt to align Kano State more effectively with federal structures to secure resources, representation, and political leverage for the state. Such a recalibration is not self-serving in itself; it is consistent with the demands of democratic accountability that prioritize public interest.

Kano State is not a laboratory for personal loyalties. It is a large, diverse, and dynamic state with pressing developmental needs—needs that transcend party labels. Political scientist Larry Diamond argues in “Developing Democracy” that the essence of democratic leadership is the capacity to deliver effective governance and improve citizens’ welfare. By this measure, the legitimacy of political decisions must ultimately be judged by their impact on the lives of citizens. Consider key areas where Kano State’s government has demonstrated focus and progress:
Infrastructure development: Sustained investment in road networks to improve transportation and commerce across urban and rural areas.
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Education reforms: Efforts to improve learning outcomes, enhance school environments, and provide opportunities for Kano’s youth.

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Healthcare delivery: Expanding community health services and strengthening public health institutions.

Urban renewal and sanitation: Upholding the dignity of public spaces and improving living conditions in towns and cities.
Economic empowerment: Programs aimed at supporting small businesses, traders, and vulnerable populations.

These are pragmatic governance actions that speak to a vision of development beyond political rhetoric.

Critics may label the governor’s anticipated decision a “betrayal” of Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. However, such a framing collapses complex political dynamics into oversimplified moral judgments. Political scientists Hana Bäck and Patrick Dumont point out in their research on party systems that politics is inherently dynamic and rooted in strategic considerations, not static allegiances.

Kwankwaso himself is engaged in political navigation and future planning—an entirely legitimate democratic pursuit. If political motivation is acceptable for one leader, it cannot be disallowed for another without creating a double standard that undermines democratic equity.

Democracy thrives in environments of tolerance, dialogue, and mutual respect. Political scientist Benjamin Barber, in “Strong Democracy,” highlights the importance of civic engagement based on deliberation rather than confrontation.

When politics devolves into bitterness, vendettas, and personal attacks, society suffers—not just the political actors involved. It is the people who pay the price. Kano has always been politically vibrant. It must now demonstrate political maturity—showing that disagreements can exist without descending into hostility, and that diverse opinions do not have to fracture communal harmony.

The governor’s anticipated decision—and the public debate surrounding it—presents a test for Kano’s democratic culture. Will we default to partisan outrage, or will we embrace a more reflective understanding of politics as a shared effort to improve human well-being? Democracy is more than a transient contest of power; it is a system of freedom, responsibility, and mutual tolerance. As the Nigerian scholar Claude Ake reminded us, democracy must be rooted in citizens’ everyday lives, not in elite posturing. Kano State must remain above the politics of bitterness and vengeance. Let us focus on inclusive development, respectful disagreement, and collective advancement. Let us celebrate democratic choice and reject divisions that weaken the bonds of community. In the end, history will not remember who switched party cards. It will remember who delivered good governance, served the people earnestly, and strengthened the bonds of unity in diversity. That is the standard Kano deserves—and that is the standard democracy demands.

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