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The Governor Who Chose His People Over His Politics: Abba Yusuf and the Moral Courage Behind Kano First

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6 months ago

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By Saminu Umar Ph.D | Senior Lecturer, Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano surijyarzaki@gmail.com

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There is a particular loneliness that attaches itself to leaders who choose the harder path. It is not the loneliness of isolation, of having no one around them, because such leaders are almost always surrounded by people, by aides and advisers, by supporters and well-wishers, by the constant human traffic of political life. It is a deeper and more demanding loneliness, the loneliness of the person who must make decisions that others will not fully understand until long after the moment has passed, who must absorb criticism that cuts personally while continuing to serve publicly, and who must find, in the space between the weight of expectation and the limits of human capacity, the daily resolve to keep going. It is the loneliness, in short, of genuine leadership. And it is a loneliness that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State has come to know with an intimacy that his most vocal critics, comfortable in the uncomplicated freedom of opposition, will perhaps never fully appreciate.
To understand the moral courage that underlies the Kano First Initiative, one must first understand the political inheritance that Governor Yusuf carried into office. He did not arrive at Government House, Kano, as a political outsider unburdened by prior obligations and free to govern purely on the basis of his own convictions. He arrived as a product of a political movement, as a leader whose rise had been enabled by a coalition of forces, interests, and personalities whose expectations did not always align with the needs of the twenty-two million citizens whose welfare his oath of office placed in his hands. The tension between those expectations and those needs, between the claims of political loyalty and the demands of public service, is one that every Nigerian governor faces to some degree. What distinguishes Governor Yusuf’s story is not that he faced this tension, but what he chose to do when it became impossible to navigate it without choosing a side.
He chose his people. And that choice, made at considerable personal and political cost, is the foundation on which the entire moral architecture of the Kano First philosophy rests.
The financial scandals that emerged in the early period of his administration, the billion-naira deductions imposed on local governments, the Novamed controversy that drained hundreds of millions from the state’s healthcare resources, were not merely governance crises. They were personal trials of a particularly painful kind. Here was a governor, widely regarded even by his critics as genuinely humble, intellectually serious, and personally committed to the welfare of Kano’s people, discovering that the machinery beneath him had been partially rewired to serve interests other than the ones he had been elected to serve. His public acknowledgement that he had not been fully aware of the transactions in question was seized upon by political opponents as evidence of weakness or incompetence. It was, in fact, something considerably rarer in Nigerian public life: an honest man’s honest admission that he had been deceived by those he trusted.
Consider for a moment what that moment must have felt like. A governor who came to office with genuine idealism, with a sincere desire to honor the trust that millions of Kano citizens placed in him, confronted with the reality that the very people positioned closest to the levers of power were using those levers for purposes that betrayed everything he stood for. The temptation in such a moment, particularly for a leader whose political survival depended on maintaining the unity of a broad and sometimes fractious coalition, would have been to minimize, to manage, to find a quiet accommodation that preserved the alliance without confronting the rot. That is, after all, what Nigerian political culture most frequently rewards. Confrontation is costly. Accommodation is comfortable. And the short-term arithmetic of political survival almost always favors the comfortable choice.
Governor Yusuf did not make the comfortable choice. He made the courageous one. The decision to break decisively from the suffocating grip of godfatherism, to place the interests of Kano above the expectations of political patrons, and to govern on the basis of his own convictions and his own accountability to the people who elected him, was not a carefully calculated political maneuver. It was a moral act, born of the recognition that the alternative was a betrayal too profound to live with. And moral acts of that magnitude always carry a price. The price, in his case, was the loss of alliances, the intensification of opposition, and the kind of sustained political hostility that now defines Kano’s pre-election landscape. He paid that price willingly. The people of Kano should understand what that willingness cost him.
It is within this context of demonstrated moral courage that the Kano First Initiative must be understood, not as a political programme designed by a communications department, but as the governing expression of a personal conviction that has been tested under genuine pressure and has held. When Governor Yusuf says that Kano must come first, that the interests of its citizens must take precedence over every political calculation and every personal consideration, he is not reciting a slogan. He is articulating, in the language of policy, the same principle that guided his most difficult personal decisions. The Kano First philosophy and the Kano First governor are not separate things. They are the same thing, the same commitment, expressed in two different registers, one personal and one institutional.
The Kano First Initiative, developed with remarkable intellectual seriousness under the stewardship of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, gives this personal commitment its institutional architecture. The comprehensive policy framework for social and institutional reorientation that the ministry has produced is not merely a communication strategy or a governance programme in the conventional sense. It is an attempt to translate a governor’s moral convictions into a durable, evidence-based, culturally grounded framework for societal renewal, one that addresses not just the material needs of Kano’s citizens but the deeper normative and behavioral foundations on which sustainable development depends. It is, in the most meaningful sense, a document that reflects the character of the man whose administration produced it.
What strikes the honest observer about Governor Yusuf, and what his critics most consistently fail to account for in their assessments, is the combination of intellectual humility and moral steadfastness that defines his leadership style. He does not govern with the theatrical confidence of the politician who has never doubted himself. He governs with the quieter and more durable resolve of the person who has examined his own convictions carefully, found them worth defending, and committed himself to defending them regardless of the political weather. That quality is not weakness. In the context of Nigerian governance, where the pressures to compromise, to accommodate, and to prioritize political survival above all else are relentless and overwhelming, it is an exceptional strength.
His supporters understand this, and their loyalty is of a kind that is not easily manufactured by political machinery. It is the loyalty of people who have watched a leader face genuine difficulty and choose principle over convenience, who have seen him absorb attacks without losing his dignity or abandoning his purpose, and who believe, on the basis of observable evidence rather than mere political faith, that the man at the head of Kano’s government is genuinely trying to do right by the people he serves. That belief is a political asset of incalculable value, and it is one that no amount of opposition noise or digital hostility can easily erode, because it is rooted not in perception management but in the accumulated testimony of lived experience.
To the people of Kano who are watching the intensifying political contest that the approach of 2027 has already set in motion, this writer offers a simple appeal: look past the noise. Look past the slogans and the counter-slogans, the social media battles and the political calculations, the claims and the counter-claims that will multiply in volume and intensity as the election approaches. Look at the man. Look at the decisions he has made when making the right decision was costly. Look at the initiative his administration has championed, not in its press releases and communication campaigns, but in its intellectual substance and its institutional seriousness. Ask yourself whether Kano has recently had a governor who brought this combination of personal integrity, moral courage, and genuine policy seriousness to the task of governing a state whose people have waited too long for a leader worthy of their loyalty.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is not a perfect man, and he has never claimed to be. He governs in conditions of extraordinary difficulty, navigating resource constraints, political pressures, institutional weaknesses, and social challenges that would test the most experienced and best-resourced administration in the world. He has made mistakes, as every leader does, and he will make more. But what he has also done, and what the Kano First Initiative represents most fundamentally, is to make the choice that defines a leader’s legacy more than any project or programme ever can: the choice, when it truly mattered, to put his people before his politics. Kano has not always been fortunate enough to be able to say that about its governors. At this moment in its history, it can. And that, in the judgment of this writer, is worth far more than the political noise that currently surrounds it.
Saminu Umar Ph.D is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano. surijyarzaki@gmail.com

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Opinion

Re: “Kano Spends #26.5BN On Govt House,Governors Office, Travels In Six Months

Published

3 days ago

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August 27, 2026

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Setting the Records Straight from the Published Budget Performance Report

By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA

As a citizen of Kano State with an abiding interest in good governance, transparency and responsible public discourse, I consider it necessary to independently examine the figures currently circulating under the headline: “Kano Spends ₦26.5bn on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months.”

Public expenditure must be subjected to scrutiny. The media has an indispensable responsibility to hold governments and public institutions accountable. However, such scrutiny achieves its purpose only when figures extracted from official financial documents are presented within their correct accounting and administrative context.

I have therefore examined the Kano State Second Quarter 2026 Budget Performance Report, the publicly available document from which the figures in the report appear to have been derived. My review reveals a number of important facts which members of the public deserve to know.

I. THE ₦25.869 BILLION IS NOT THE GOVERNOR’S PERSONAL EXPENDITURE

The official Budget Performance Report indeed contains an expenditure figure of approximately ₦25.869 billion under the broader Government House administrative classification.

However, this classification is not synonymous with the personal expenditure of the Governor, nor does the amount represent expenditure exclusively incurred by the Governor’s immediate office.

Rather, it is an umbrella administrative classification encompassing several offices, directorates, agencies and governmental functions.

It would therefore be misleading to interpret or present the entire ₦25.869 billion as money spent personally by the Governor or exclusively by his immediate office.

II. GOVERNMENT HOUSE PROPER RECORDED APPROXIMATELY ₦3.288 BILLION

A closer examination of the same official document shows that Government House proper, under administrative code 011100100100, recorded cumulative expenditure of approximately ₦3.288 billion as at June 2026.

This was against an approved annual provision of approximately ₦39.514 billion, meaning that only about 8.3 per cent of the annual provision had been utilised at the end of the first six months.

This distinction is fundamental.

The difference between the ₦3.288 billion expenditure attributable to Government House proper and the ₦25.869 billion aggregate expenditure under the wider administrative classification should not be overlooked in any objective analysis.

III. THE ₦25.869 BILLION COVERS SEVERAL ESTABLISHMENTS

The broader ₦25.869 billion figure incorporates expenditure attributable to several establishments and governmental functions administratively grouped under Government House.

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These include, among others, the Deputy Governor’s Office, Protocol Directorate, Media and Publicity establishments and other offices and agencies.

For example, the official report indicates that approximately ₦4.471 billion recorded under the Deputy Governor’s Office was capital expenditure. The Protocol Directorate also accounts for a substantial component of expenditure contained within the broader administrative classification.

These are distinct governmental expenditures and should not be portrayed as the Governor’s personal expenditure.

IV. THE ₦626.95 MILLION DESCRIBED AS “TRAVEL”

The additional figure of approximately ₦626,947,782.13 deserves particular attention.

The amount does appear in the official Q2 2026 Budget Performance Report. However, examination of the underlying document shows that the figure appears under the Primary Healthcare expenditure reporting section, specifically against Local Travel and Transport: Training.

This raises a legitimate question as to the basis for adding the ₦626.95 million to the broader Government House administrative expenditure to arrive at the headline figure of approximately ₦26.5 billion.

If the expenditure is classified in the official document under Primary Healthcare and relates to local travel and transport for training, it should not be presented in a manner capable of creating the impression that the amount represents the Governor’s travel expenditure.

V. THE COMPARABLE EXPENDITURE ACTUALLY DECLINED

There is another important fact which deserves equal prominence.

The broader Government House administrative expenditure reportedly stood at approximately ₦28.84 billion during the first six months of 2025, compared with approximately ₦25.87 billion during the corresponding period of 2026.

This represents a reduction of approximately ₦2.97 billion, or about 10.3 per cent.

The year-on-year comparison therefore indicates a decline rather than an escalation in expenditure under the broader administrative classification.

MY FINDING

Having examined the underlying figures, my considered view is that the headline “Kano Spends ₦26.5 Billion on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months” requires substantial clarification and context.

The ₦25.869 billion figure is contained in the official Budget Performance Report, but it represents expenditure under a broader administrative classification encompassing several offices, agencies, directorates and governmental functions. Government House proper recorded approximately ₦3.288 billion.

Similarly, the additional ₦626.95 million presented as travel expenditure appears in the official document under a Primary Healthcare expenditure section relating to Local Travel and Transport: Training. It should therefore not, without further evidence, be interpreted as the Governor’s travel expenditure.

Furthermore, the comparable broader administrative expenditure declined from approximately ₦28.84 billion in the first half of 2025 to ₦25.87 billion in the first half of 2026, representing a reduction of about 10.3 per cent.

Accountability is not served by shielding government from scrutiny. Neither is it served by presenting legitimate public expenditure figures without their necessary administrative and accounting context.

As citizens, we must continue to demand prudence, transparency and accountability from those entrusted with public resources. In the same spirit, public discourse—particularly on matters involving billions of naira of taxpayers’ money—must be anchored on accuracy, context and fairness.

The records are public. The figures can be verified. Let the facts speak for themselves.

Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
Concerned Kano Citizen

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Opinion

Olodo Uprising:The Debate Over Fame, Knowledge And Nigeria’s Digital Future-Peter Peace

Published

4 days ago

on

August 26, 2026

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By Peter Peace Eshiofune

 

In today’s Nigeria, a viral video can attract thousands of views within hours, while educational content may struggle to receive the same attention. This changing relationship between knowledge, entertainment and online fame came under scrutiny following comments by Nigerian rapper Oludemilade Martin Alejo, popularly known as YCee, during an appearance on the Afropolitan Podcast in June 2026.

YCee described what he called the “Olódò Uprising,” expressing concern about what he saw as the growing celebration of ignorance and the increasing value placed on internet fame and virality. He referred to what he called “Peller culture,” using popular content creator Peller as an example of a broader digital trend rather than as the sole subject of his criticism. His comments generated responses from Peller and others on social media.

The Yoruba expression “olódò” is commonly used as a derogatory term for someone perceived as unintelligent or academically weak. In YCee’s context, however, the expression was used to describe a perceived social trend in which content that attracts attention, regardless of its intellectual value, can receive greater recognition than knowledge, academic achievement or meaningful contributions.

The controversy became more complicated when content creator Jarvis responded to YCee. She pointed to her university education and argued that content creation should not automatically be interpreted as a rejection of education or evidence of ignorance. She also highlighted the difficulty many young Nigerians face in finding employment, presenting digital content creation as another way young people can earn a living.

Her argument raises an important question: Is the popularity of online entertainment evidence of declining intellectual values, or is it also a response to the economic realities facing young Nigerians?

The question cannot be separated completely from the country’s employment situation. According to the National Bureau of Statistics’ Labour Force Survey, the unemployment rate among Nigerians aged 15–24 stood at 6.5 per cent in the second quarter of 2024. While unemployment statistics alone cannot explain why individuals become content creators, they provide context for understanding why young people may explore alternative forms of work.

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This economic reality helps explain why, for many young Nigerians, social media is no longer simply a platform for entertainment. It has become a space for entrepreneurship, self-expression, networking and communication. With Nigeria’s rapidly expanding digital environment, the opportunity to reach large audiences has also created new possibilities for creators and digital businesses. DataReportal estimated that Nigeria had 47.8 million active social-media user identities in October 2025, showing the size of the audience available to creators and digital businesses.

At the same time, YCee’s concern cannot simply be dismissed. Social media platforms are built around attention and engagement. Views, likes, shares and followers can increase a creator’s visibility and, in some cases, create economic opportunities. This can encourage creators to produce content capable of attracting strong reactions.

The audience is also part of this system. Creators may produce the content, but audiences influence what becomes popular through what they watch, share, comment on and promote. The “Olódò Uprising” debate therefore goes beyond individual personalities. It raises questions about the values that millions of digital users collectively reward.

This distinction is important because entertainment and intelligence are not opposites. A comedian, musician, streamer or content creator can be intelligent and highly educated, just as a person with formal education can produce misleading or poorly informed content. The more important question is what society chooses to reward with attention and influence.

This is where media literacy becomes important. Young people need the ability to question what they see online, distinguish entertainment from misinformation and understand why certain content becomes more visible than others. Educators and communicators also face the challenge of promoting knowledge without treating entertainment as the enemy or appearing disconnected from the realities of young people’s digital lives.

The debate also shows that responsibility does not rest entirely with content creators. Audiences, platforms and communicators all contribute to the digital environment. What receives attention today can influence what creators produce tomorrow, creating a cycle in which popularity can determine the kind of content that is repeatedly seen.

Perhaps this is why the “Olódò Uprising” debate has attracted attention beyond the personalities involved. Beneath the arguments about YCee, Peller and Jarvis lies a larger question about Nigeria’s changing digital culture: If attention can be converted into influence and income, what happens when going viral becomes more attractive than developing knowledge and skills?

The answer should not be to reject entertainment or condemn young people who make a living online. Instead, Nigeria needs a digital culture where creativity and economic opportunity can exist alongside education, critical thinking and responsible communication.

Ultimately, the “Olódò Uprising” may be less about whether one person is intelligent or another is not. It may be about what Nigerians choose to celebrate, what they choose to amplify and the kind of digital culture they want to create.

Peter Peace Eshiofune
A 200-level student of the Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja.

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Opinion

Masari: The Quite Architect With No Rivalry, Only Results for APC in 2027

Published

5 days ago

on

August 25, 2026

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By Abba Anwar

One name that rings bell and attracts all manner of attentions is Honourable Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, Special Adviser on Political and Other Matters, to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The gentleman whose love for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is undeniably visible across all Northern states and even beyond. His elevation from Senior Special Assistant to Special Adviser was a good stamp from the Presidency.

As the 2027 general election draws closer and the race for relevance intensifies within the ruling APC, one name keeps surfacing and resurfacing in quiet rooms where party unity is negotiated and in loud ones where it is celebrated; comes the name Masari.

As Special Adviser very close the President he has not chosen the path of noise or rivalry, with other party heavyweights or appointees. Instead, he has positioned himself as a stabilizing force, a bridge between the Presidency and the party base, and between the North and the center. In a political season often defined by competition for slots and spotlight, his reputation for humility, fairness in appointments, and commitment to party hegemony has made him one of APC’s most valuable assets.

In what usually becomes nation’s political practice under the guise of politics of camps and blocs, Masari is described by party insiders as someone who does not engage in rivalry with other Northern appointees. He has become a rallying point because he prioritizes APC first, region second. For sure he doesn’t ask where you are from before he asks how the party can win.

His special care, concern and love for Kano state are some of the things why he becomes endeared to Kano people. The appointment of Hon Yahuza Ado Inuwa, as the Chairman Standard’s Council, Standard Organization of Nigeria (SON) was birthed, facilitated and secured by Hon Masari and the appointment of Eng Abdullahi Garba Ramat, to the position of Chairman/CEO, Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), though short-lived, was a singular effort of this gentleman, Masari.

Apart from many more employment opportunities he secured for Kano people at the federal ministries and agencies. He contributed immensely in many other political appointments of Kano citizens in President Tinubu administration.

The same thing, he has special interest and love for Kano’s political development. During 2019 gubernatorial election when the then Governor of Kano state Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje was running for the second term and Eng Abba Kabir Yusuf (current governor of Kano), was running on the platform of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the atmosphere was in cul-de-sac, he performed wonders for APC and Ganduje.

When both parties were in absolute fear, uncertainty and frustration, Hon Masari played a significant role in APC’s victory. From the electioneering campaign to the declaration of inconclusive result. Up to the Gama tug-of-war, in Nassarawa local government area. He came to the rescue of Ganduje that time. As Tinubu, APC National Leader then, supervised the project. Tinubu and Masari, not even federal government under late President Muhammadu Buhari, saved APC, Ganduje and Kano people from the clutches of PDP.

So to me, whatever good thing Ganduje did to Tinubu and/or Masari, is just a returning match. No more no less. And politics is an envelope of returning matches. At whatever level you can think of.

To also tell you that the Special Adviser, Political, to President Tinubu cares much about healthy political development in Kano, he played an important and unmatched role, in making sure that His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo becomes the Deputy Governor of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. Even if I said singlehandedly, is not a derailed exercise. I was privy to many efforts then.

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The same Masari moved in quickly when some forces wanted Ganduje, to be bundle out of the APC’s National Headquarters, as National Chairman of the party. It Masari who instantly intervened and saved the situation from total collapse. He did that to save Ganduje, Kano state image in the national scheme of things and to consolidate the strength of the party in Northern Nigeria. We all saw how Ganduje resigned unscathed.

I once called him the Distributor of Opportunity. It is obvious to say that his strength is in opening doors at the federal level for capable hands, not just from Katsina state, but across the North and beyond. This has earned him goodwill and cemented the perception that the Tinubu administration is rewarding loyalty and competence, not just geography.

In his home state Katsina, he was instrumental to the appointment of the following people, in different federal agencies. These are the Executive Director, National Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) Barr. Samaila Abdu, Board Chairman, Badagry College, Lagos, Kabiru Musa Kafur, Chief of Staff to the Honourable Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Dr. Abba, Executive Director, Monitoring and Implementation, Nigeria–São Tomé and Príncipe Joint Development Authority, Alhaji Abdullahi Muhammed Yari and Hon. Dr. Jabiru Salisu Abdullahi Tsauri as the National Coordinator and Chief Executive Officer of AUDA-NEPAD Nigeria, among others.

He facilitated for the employment of hundreds of Katsina people and other Northern states. Without any consideration of where one comes from. It is undoubtedly clear to note that, quintessential individuals like Masari are great assets to the President and the ruling APC, as we are inching towards general election of 2027.

Without any doubt or rethink, this man is an embodiment of victory, political sophistication, foresight, deeply rooted influence among his people, needed experience, domineering political architecture and relevance.

Another good thing about this gentleman is his simplicity in dealing with all other political appointees, who come from the North. He is different, as he has no political rival under whose rivalry the party and the President suffer technically. He has good understanding with all the Ministers from the North, all appointees of federal government agencies and departments and all party leaders from his geo-political zone, North West and beyond, among others.

He is in good term with Distinguished members of the National Assembly, especially the leadership of the two Chambers, these are His Excellency Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, Phd and Right Honourable Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajuddeen Abbas.

All Governors from his zone and even beyond have good working relationship with this gentleman. No wonder whenever he organizes Empowerment Programmes in Katsina state, you see Governors trooping to bless the gatherings. Clear indication of harmonious relationship.

So what a perfect Special Adviser, Political and Other Matters to the President? Lest I forget, the spend stupendous amount of money in empowering his people. To them, their Tinubu is Masari. Without fear of mincing words, I can say with people like Masari in the North, 2027 will be an easy ride for Mr President.

He definitely matters for 2027 general elections. Not only Presidential election. His contribution to the welfare of youth and women in his domain means a lot in aiding the ruling APC. With a youthful voting population and high expectations, APC needs figures who can hold the party together without inflaming divisions. Masari’s role in consultation, conflict management, and mobilization makes him central to the party’s electoral machinery.

Another good thing about him is what prompted me to call him The Humble Operator. Yes despite holding a strategic position close to the President, Masari maintains a low-profile, service-driven approach. In politics where ego often fractures parties, his humility is being read as strength.

The ocean of difference that stands between him and other political leaders from this part of the country, is his no-nonsense response to political rumor mongers, who always plant seed of acrimony among party members, leaders and elders. Whoever takes rumor to him is at his (rumor monger) own peril. His straightforwardness is encouraging and always timely. Masari Gabas ne!

What further differentiates him with other political big shots from North, is his non-rivalry posture. While it is common to see political office holders, elected or appointed, souped in sour relationship between themselves, in Masari the situation is not that bad and terrifying.

He is in good term with all our Ministers from the North, all leaders of the National Assembly who come from the North, ranging from Right Honourable Speaker, Abbas, Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Jibrin and all Chairmen of Senate Committees and House Committees, who hailed from the North.

When you want to see his red eye, sabotage Tinubu’s government. This has been his character since the coming of Tinubu as President.

Let me note and conclude that as APC heads into another defining election, the party may need fewer loud voices and more steady hands. In Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, it appears to have found both.

HAPPY MAULUD TO ALL MY READERS!

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 25th August, 2026

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