By Abdulrazak Usman Ph.D

The temptation to assume that a piece written by Abba Anwar, titled “Reassessment of DSP Barau’s Projects in Kano North: One Building, Three Names,” was motivated by patriotic zeal and a genuine desire to speak for his community is understandable. However, the events of October 18, 2026, provide a compelling reason to question that assumption.

Until recently, Anwar was among the ardent admirers of the Deputy President of the Senate, Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau. He consistently praised the DSP’s political astuteness, resilience, and remarkable infrastructural interventions across his senatorial district.

In the July 3, 2025, edition of Daily Trust, Anwar published an article titled “How Barau, Doguwa Rose Amid Political Persecution,” in which he commended the DSP for surviving numerous political challenges and going on to achieve remarkable feats beyond those of many of his contemporaries.

A few months later, in another article published by Daily Trust on November 15, 2025, titled “The Debut of DSP Barau and Natural Occurrences,” Anwar again offered glowing commendation of the DSP’s leadership, drawing extensively from the findings of a research study conducted by experts.

Among the many observations he made was one that now raises a fundamental question: How does someone who so enthusiastically endorsed a political leader’s achievements suddenly turn around, within less than a year, to disparage the same individual?
Anwar wrote:

“Senator Barau’s interventions across the spectrum are well acknowledged and appreciated by the study. Ranging from his constituency projects, genuine and meaningful empowerment and other interventions since he was a Member of the House of Representatives from Tarauni federal constituency, up to the feats he achieved as a Senator.

They include his scholarship programmes in local and foreign universities. Commending the choice of courses of study and schools selected.

Like in the Nigerian universities, students were sent to study degree programmes in some of our premier universities, like Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, University of Ibadan, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Bayero University, Kano, University of Lagos, alongside other universities.”

For someone who, by conviction, went to such lengths to endorse the findings of experts and extol the virtues of a political leader, only to turn around months later to ridicule that same leader, something is clearly amiss.

And one does not have to look far to understand what may have changed.

* The October 18 Turning Point*

On October 18, 2026, Anwar published a rejoinder to a Weekend Trust report concerning a deep-pocketed member of the House of Representatives from Kano.

In the process of defending the lawmaker, he took the opportunity to disparage serving legislators from Kano State through innuendos that now appear to provide context for his latest attack on the Deputy President of the Senate.

In that rejoinder, published more than a week before his current article, Anwar offered a revealing glimpse into his emerging political alignments. He criticised certain legislators from Kano for allegedly failing to complete their projects, although he conspicuously refrained from mentioning their names.

He wrote:
“One encouraging aspect of the photographs (used by Weekend Trust) is that they show completed projects. This stands in contrast to the situation involving some prominent legislators who frequently boast about their projects but whose projects, unfortunately, remain incomplete or are executed to only a negligible extent.

“Even more troubling is the practice of presenting existing structures as newly executed projects, sometimes for the purpose of claiming credit for work that was already completed.”

These statements suggest that Anwar had already embarked on a campaign to undermine certain members of the National Assembly from Kano, a development that became more apparent with his subsequent attack on the Deputy President of the Senate.

While Senator Barau has weathered numerous political storms, as Anwar himself previously acknowledged, there is a compelling need to set the record straight. This is necessary to correct the distortions in the article and prevent unsuspecting members of the public from accepting claims that misrepresent the facts.

* ON THE KANO–GWARZO–DAYI ROAD*

It is important to clarify that the N56 billion earmarked for the Kano–Gwarzo–Dayi Road has been provided for in the budget, although the funds have yet to be released. This, rather than the malicious insinuations being peddled, remains one of the major impediments to the pace of work on the project.

It will be recalled that the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau I. Jibrin, recently met with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to express concern over the slow pace of work and appeal for a change of contractor to ensure the timely completion of the project.

What a merchant such as Anwar know, but is unwilling to acknowledge because of their mercantile proclivities, is that projects of this magnitude require substantial funding and considerable time to complete.

The Abuja–Kaduna–Kano Road, for instance, has been under construction for about a decade, while several other projects across the country have remained incomplete since 1999 due to paucity of funds.

Despite these challenges, Senator Barau continues to work tirelessly to ensure that the Kano–Gwarzo–Dayi Road is completed as soon as possible.

Facilitating a major infrastructure project that benefits multiple communities is a significant achievement for any senator.

* ON THE IMMIGRATION TRAINING SCHOOL, BICHI, AND NSCDC TRAINING SCHOOL, GWARZO *

Even a cursory understanding of legislative functions reveals that facilitating the establishment of a federal institution is fundamentally different from executing its construction. Works at the schools are ongoing.

* ON THE FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, KABO*

During the last Senate, Senator Barau sponsored a bill to establish the Federal Polytechnic, Kabo. The bill was passed by the National Assembly and assented to by the then President. Two sets of graduates have since passed through the institution.

In the current Senate, he sponsored another bill to upgrade the Polytechnic to a full-fledged university. Following its passage by the National Assembly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu graciously assented to the bill, paving the way for the establishment of the Federal University of Science and Technology, Kabo.

For the 2026/2027 academic session, the university has shortlisted students for admission, and the processes are still ongoing, contrary to the false claims being circulated by Anwar in what appears to be an attempt to appease his paymaster.

Since 1999, no other lawmaker in Kano State has facilitated the establishment of a federal university through the legislative process. This is a record that deserves recognition, not distortion.

* A WORD OF CAUTION TO ANWAR*

At this juncture, one is compelled to advise Anwar to desist from the path popularly described in Nigeria as the “anywhere belle face” syndrome.

With each passing day, his writings increasingly expose what appear to be serious deficiencies in intellectual rigour, credibility, and an unrestrained appetite for financial inducement.

This explains why his articles are often characterised by contradictions, ad hominem attacks, and disjointed conjectures rather than coherent arguments grounded in verifiable facts.

An example beyond the present controversy is his article titled “Kebbi: The Performing State Nobody Sees,” which attracted a response from Ibrahim A. Jombali, Special Adviser on Public Enlightenment and Orientation to the Governor of Kebbi State. Jombali’s rejoinder, titled “Kebbi Is Not Invisible: A Rejoinder to Abba Anwar’s Media Visibility Theorem,” pointed out the contradictions in Anwar’s argument.

One understands that the times are difficult. However, making a living by accepting assignments to malign individuals and political leaders is a despicable practice that undermines the integrity of public discourse.

Anwar would do well to reflect on this counsel and reconsider the path he has chosen. At the very least, he should endeavour to preserve whatever remains of his credibility.

Patriotism is not a convenient cloak for political opportunism, just as criticism should never be reduced to a transactional exercise.

The public deserves honest, consistent, and fact-based commentary—not a spectacle of political turncoatism masquerading as patriotism.

Abdulrazak Usman Ph.D, wrote from Kano.

Elections are not won by emotions but by fact. Political Party Candidates campaign to people based on what they can offer, while the ones in power used the dividends of their leadership to people as their major tool to campaign by telling the world what they have done in terms of development, the opposition looked at that, criticised where they have gone wrong and what they have not provided for the people to campaign.

That’s constructive campaigning. The recent flag off of President Tinubu’s campaign in Kaduna on Saturday says a lot about the failure of the president to deliver good governance to Nigerians.

I expected to President to campaign on three or four areas where the north is left behind in his government, this is not to talk of the massive nepotism where his kinsmen are on top of critical government agencies; not treating Nigerians equally. I was expecting to see President Tinubu making adjustment in the kind of nepotism that took place during the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, things get worse, Nigerians and the north is experiencing the worst ever nepotistic government ever since independence.

The President should have asked himself whether the North has recovered from the massive kidnapping which he inherited under Buhari, as people with the fertile land to farm, are we still going to our various farms to do farming? This is No, why because of the insecurity in the North.

In Kaduna, a family was kidnapped and were nearly killed before they were able to be rescued. Nobody knows whether ransom was paid but the kaduna state government claimed to have rescued them. Governor Uba Sani was even seen thanking the National Security Adviser for his efforts in the rescue mission. This is the situation the North finds itself under President Tinubu.

The second most important thing is economic instability, you can’t tell me that there is economic improvement when people cannot be able to take a 3 square meal in a day. When people are abandoning their cars for electric bikes.

This is one area where Atiku has won the heart of the masses by promising to restore the fuel subsidy why because its removal has negative impact on the masses. People are living in hunger and abject poverty, one which I have witnessed as the most since the return to democracy in 1999.

Tinubu has no regret over the hardship but is putting the blame on the opposition. This has provoked Nigerians the most.

Even the governors and National Assembly candidates of the APC are doing their posters alone without attaching Tinubu. Go through the billboards in the north, attaching your poster with Tinubu will create you enmity and make you unpopular.

What Nigerians are after at the moment is the person that will provide them with security, remove them from abject poverty, restore fuel subsidy and provide them with a conducive environment that will provide the unemployed with the job opportunities.

Children can’t go to school because their parents cannot afford that, the daily income, the minimum wage issue and the meagre salary is not enough to cater for their needs.

As a politician, campaign for Tinubu and become unpopular. I have since realised even the politicians at the forefront campaigning for Tinubu don’t care for the North predicament. Despite all the problems and challenges, they tend to care for their pockets not that of Nigerians. This is the most unpatriotic attitude of our people.

It’s sad that even when Tinubu decided to pick his campaign DG, he ended up with Yari, someone with poor record of good governance. The only thing he knows is sharing money to the people. Someone whose source of wealth is associated to his record as a governor. He came into power not as a business man but ended his tenure as governor as one of the most wealthiest governors in Nigeria.

When Rufai Oseni asked for his track record as governor of Zamfara and the high rate of poverty when he led the state; he ended up beating around the bush.

Nigerians are feeling the pain deep in them and they will vote for Waziri Atiku Abubakar, they will give him a try because of the good plans he has for the country at the moment. He served this country as Vice President with diligence, he is one of the best and capacitated Vice President the country has so so far produced not the spare tyre Kashim Shettima who not only serve as Nigeria’s second citizen but as number one praise singer of his principal.

Atiku will win massively for the aforementioned reasons. It’s the people that vote not the elite that make noise on social media or television stations. Elections are won at the polling units not on social media.

They will share the money, people will collect it and vote for the right person and that person is Atiku Abubakar.

I refused to make mention of other presidential candidates for one reason, many of them are working for the return of the president especially the NDC, I trust Seyi Makinde of APM to be more serious as an opposition candidate than Peter Obi of the NDC and Rabiu Kwankwaso who have appeared to be more concerned and critical to Waziri Atiku than Tinubu who has inflicted hardship to Nigerians.

Adnan Mukhtar is a Public Affairs Analyst, University Lecturer and Doctoral Candidate at Bayero University, Kano

By Engr. Ibrahim Suleiman Kashere

Political survival in a robust democracy demands loyalty, shared ideals and adherence to institutional discipline. Political parties are not mere vehicles for contesting elections; they are institutions built on trust, collective sacrifice and mutual accountability. Yet, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Gombe State continues to grapple with a recurring internal challenge centred on the actions and public posturing of Senator Muhammad Danjuma Goje, a ranking Senator and one of the most senior political figures in the state.

When personal political expectations diverge from collective party decisions and progress, the resulting friction can compromise electoral cohesion and weaken organisational unity. Recent public statements attributed to Senator Goje—most notably the widely circulated video in which he reportedly directed his followers not to support certain official APC candidates—have brought the long-running disagreement within the Gombe APC back into sharp focus. To those who have followed the internal politics of the party over the years, these developments appear to reinforce concerns repeatedly expressed about his political posture, particularly during the 2023 general elections. What was largely discussed in whispers and allegations in 2023 is increasingly becoming an open political confrontation in 2026.

The friction between Senator Goje and the mainstream APC structure in Gombe State did not start today. It manifested clearly and painfully during the 2023 general elections. Despite flying the flag of the ruling party and benefiting from its platform, serious questions were raised by stakeholders regarding voting patterns across his immediate political base in Gombe Central. Party stakeholders and agents in Akko and Yamaltu/Deba Local Government Areas pointed to noticeable electoral gaps between presidential, senatorial and House of Representatives votes in a number of polling areas as possible evidence of internal political cross-currents and selective voting.

The concern was straightforward: how could candidates of the same political party, contesting simultaneously before substantially the same electorate, record significantly different levels of support in areas where the party maintained a strong organisational presence? For many stakeholders, those discrepancies were not simply numbers to be ignored. They raised legitimate political questions about internal coordination, mobilisation and whether every component of the party machinery worked equally for all APC candidates. Post-election reviews and discussions among party stakeholders consequently alleged that internal coordination had faltered in ways that undermined some official party standard-bearers. The party entered a major election while managing serious internal contradictions when its energy should ordinarily have been concentrated on confronting opposition parties.

The electoral consequences for the APC in Gombe State in 2023 were enormous. Out of the six House of Representatives seats in the state, the APC secured only one—the Akko Federal Constituency seat won by Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo—while it lost the remaining five. At the senatorial level, the APC similarly secured only one of the three seats: Gombe Central, retained by Senator Muhammad Danjuma Goje himself. Gombe North and Gombe South were lost to the opposition.

For many APC stakeholders, these figures remain a painful reminder of the consequences they associate with the internal divisions, selective political support and alleged anti-party activities that characterised the 2023 elections. The political irony is difficult to overlook: while Senator Goje successfully retained his own senatorial seat, the APC suffered substantial losses elsewhere in the state. What should therefore concern every committed party member is whether the lessons of 2023 have genuinely been learned or whether the party is being dragged towards another cycle of internal confrontation ahead of 2027.

It was against this background that grassroots organs of the party initiated disciplinary proceedings against Senator Goje over allegations of anti-party activities. The process began in Kashere Ward, his own ward, where party officials announced disciplinary action against him in April 2023. The matter subsequently generated actions and reactions within other levels of the party structure. For those who initiated the process, it was presented not as witch-hunting but as an attempt to enforce party discipline and protect what they regarded as party supremacy. But the political questions that produced the controversy did not disappear. If 2023 was characterised by allegations of subtle political subversion and selective support, what we are witnessing today is far more open.

The political space in Gombe State has recently been jolted by a widely circulated video in which Senator Goje reportedly directed his followers not to vote for certain candidates whom he accused of working against his political interest. In my considered view, the message goes beyond an ordinary disagreement over individual candidates: it amounts to an open declaration of electoral war against those he perceives as having played a role in denying him another APC senatorial ticket.

The political figures and interests caught within this confrontation include President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR; Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya; Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo; and other candidates of the APC, except for the few individuals Senator Goje specifically identified as exceptions deserving his support. For many of us who witnessed the internal disagreements of 2023, the present situation therefore appears to represent a transition from allegations of anti-party activities by implication to a much more explicit political confrontation with those he considers responsible for frustrating his senatorial ambition.

For a political figure who has been a major beneficiary of the APC platform from 2015 to date, such a posture is, in my view, deeply alarming and politically unpatriotic. Senator Goje has enjoyed the support, opportunities and electoral platform of the APC for more than a decade, including successive opportunities to represent Gombe Central in the Senate. To now turn against the party and its candidates barely four months to the 2027 general elections because the political calculations surrounding another senatorial ticket did not favour him raises profound questions about loyalty, reciprocity and commitment to the collective interest of the party.

At a time when every committed party leader should ordinarily be working to consolidate the APC, mobilise its supporters and strengthen its candidates ahead of the general elections, an open campaign against the party’s candidates risks deepening internal divisions and weakening the very political platform from which he has benefited for years.

For a man of Senator Goje’s standing, experience and stature—a former Governor, former Minister and ranking Senator—this development cannot be treated as an ordinary disagreement among grassroots politicians. His relationship with the APC since 2015 has provided him with a powerful political platform through which he has contested and retained his senatorial seat in successive elections, including 2019 and 2023. It therefore raises a fundamental political and institutional question when a serving Senator elected on the platform of a political party openly withholds support from candidates officially sponsored by that same party.

This is not merely about Senator Goje as an individual; it concerns the meaning of party membership, party discipline, loyalty and collective responsibility.

Even more troubling to many stakeholders is the political campaign against the member representing Akko Federal Constituency, Rt. Hon. Usman Bello Kumo, a principal officer of the House of Representatives and an influential APC figure within the constituency. Kumo has been associated with numerous federal interventions and constituency projects in Akko, including road and infrastructure projects, educational interventions, empowerment programmes and other federal initiatives. The establishment of the Federal Medical Centre, Kumo, has similarly become one of the most significant federal institutional developments in the area, although its actualisation involved the Federal Government, Gombe State Government and other institutional and political actors.

Whatever personal political differences may exist, the interests of Akko Federal Constituency and the APC should remain larger than disagreements between individual political leaders. It becomes particularly consequential when a senior member of the same political party campaigns against another member representing his own constituency while continuing to occupy elective office on the platform of that party.

The APC cannot afford to treat these developments with levity. A political party that cannot enforce its constitution and disciplinary standards consistently among its most influential members will find it increasingly difficult to demand discipline from ordinary members at ward and polling-unit levels. Public disagreements, selective endorsements and campaigns against officially nominated candidates can create avoidable divisions within the party framework. They can expose loyal APC members in Gombe Central, Akko and Yamaltu/Deba to fragmentation, confusion and demoralisation at a time when party cohesion should ordinarily be strengthened.

What is at stake, therefore, is not merely who flies the APC flag in Gombe Central, Akko or Yamaltu/Deba. The deeper question is whether party decisions, the party constitution, party hierarchy and collective responsibility continue to command respect irrespective of the status of the individual involved. No political party can sustainably operate two standards of discipline—one for ordinary members and another for political heavyweights.

Senator Goje’s enormous contributions to Gombe politics and his long years of public service cannot reasonably be denied. Neither should his political experience and influence be underestimated. But political stature should ordinarily impose greater responsibility rather than provide exemption from institutional discipline.

The path forward for the APC in Gombe State therefore requires a firm commitment to party rules, institutional strength, internal consultation and collaborative political leadership. The leadership of the party—from the national leadership through the state, local government and ward structures—must ensure that grievances are addressed through recognised constitutional mechanisms and that the collective mandate of the party is protected above individual interests and personal political feuds.

At the same time, due process must remain fundamental. Any allegation of anti-party activity must be handled in accordance with the APC Constitution and applicable law. But due process must not become an excuse for institutional paralysis.

History repeatedly demonstrates that when political indiscipline is ignored because the individual involved is powerful, influential or electorally valuable, such conduct gradually becomes normalised. Once normalised, institutional authority becomes increasingly difficult to restore.

Gombe APC therefore stands at an important political crossroads. The questions raised in 2023 have returned, but this time under circumstances in which political positions are becoming considerably more explicit. The party must determine whether its collective decisions are binding on all its members or whether individual political interests can supersede officially adopted party positions. That determination should not be based on personality, faction or political convenience. It should be based on the APC Constitution, established party procedures, due process and the principle that no individual is greater than the institution to which he voluntarily belongs.

For those of us who believe in the supremacy, stability and continued progress of the APC, the lesson is unmistakable: internal disagreements must be resolved, legitimate grievances must be addressed, and institutional discipline must apply fairly and consistently.

The APC must remain greater than any individual. History has shown that when indiscipline is left unchecked, it becomes a culture. The time to address it is now.