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Rebuilding the intellectual community on the continent’-Zubair A Zubair

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Zubair A Zubair

 

Zubair A Zubair

Neo-liberalism has devastated African universities, turning them from vibrant centres of new thinking and academic comradeship into factories churning out marketable academic products and “saleable” students, according to leading Tanzanian scholar-activist Issa Shivji.

African scholars have become mere data “hunter-gatherers” instead of producers of theory; while the nascent radical intellectual community that emerged on the continent in the wake of independence has been decimated, says Shivji, who occupies the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Research Chair in Pan-African Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam.

In the meantime, the Global North has retained control over the upper reaches of knowledge production since the 1970s, when higher education on the continent was devalorised and starved of public resources as African governments embraced neo-liberal prescriptions and austerity programmes.

“The very idea of the university was undermined,” says Shivji.

“The World Bank and its associates said that Africa did not need thinkers; rather, it needed only implementers of policies,” he says. “The ‘luxury’ of theorising could be left to the developed North, which would do the thinking, while Africa did the acting.”

Under the “long shadow” of neoliberalism, he says, “the market determined the form, content and depth [of] courses. Theory was eschewed; and action and a skills-oriented approach were privileged.”

“Instead of being centres of thinking and basic research, African universities were turned into sort of factories, with the academics being told to package and brand their products, including the students, to make them ‘saleable’.”

One consequence has been a devaluation of the quest for original knowledge on the continent and, in particular, theory, which Shivji views as the “highest form of knowledge”.

Quality of African scholarship has deteriorated

The trend has been made manifest, he says, in a number of ways: the content of PhDs has become increasingly descriptive rather than theoretical; the academic vocation to produce new knowledge has been undermined by scholars’ increasing dependence on consultancy work; university courses have become vocationalised, with increasing numbers of “executive evening courses” being taught; the younger generation of academics unquestioningly imbibe intellectual fads with little regard for existing scholarship; and the task of mentoring young faculty is undertaken by visiting scholars on a jaunt.

Shivji identifies a lack of seriousness among “today’s neo-liberal generation of young faculty members who neither care about nor have any sense of the traditions of their own alma mater”.

In particular, he notes that young African academics educated “outside”, in the North, tend to return as adherents of new intellectual fashions: “It is as if they want to re-invent the wheel and start all over again.”

Meanwhile, as the quality of the African scholarship on offer has deteriorated, international financial institutions have “jumped on the bandwagon”, providing funding for foreign scholars to come from the North with the goal of upgrading local scholarly standards, according to Shivji.

“These visiting academics … come for a few weeks or a couple of months; rush through a couple of courses; take time off to visit local tourist resorts; and off they go, leaving behind no sense of academic collegiality and camaraderie, which should be the stuff of university life,” he says.

However, “this is not what universities were meant to be”, he argues.

‘A site for thinking’

“Neo-liberalisation, in my view, devastated the fundamental rationale of a university just as it devastated the social fabric in Africa. The very idea of the university was undermined.”

Shivji describes his idea of the university as “rather orthodox”.

“I think a university is a site for thinking, a site for the production of knowledge, and, of course, a site where ideas clash and knowledge is developed.”

“The idea of the university should be of a kind of comradeship which is established among the faculty but also between the students and the whole academic community. The aim is not simply to produce people with certificates but rather to cultivate deep scholarship and, if possible, some societal commitment.”

In pursuit of this goal, Shivji advocates a pan-African approach under which academics across the continent collaborate to rejuvenate the African intellectual community and seek to produce a new breed of ideas.

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He notes the scale of the rejuvenation effort given that “a whole generation of deep, committed scholarship” was lost under the neo-liberalisation of universities from the late 1970s.

“The few faculty members who stuck to their guns found themselves abandoned both by colleagues and students,” he notes. As a result, “the radical and nationalist faculty staff failed to reproduce itself”.

“What remained was not an intellectual community propounding, advocating and debating the idea of the university and its ethos, but only a few individuals,” he says.

A need for collective purpose

In this context, Shivji advocates for a restoration of comradeship and a sense of collective purpose among academics in order to help rebuild the intellectual community on the continent.

“Such work can only be a collective effort, not an individual task,” he explains.

“Although individuals may manage to spark debates, they cannot easily sustain them. They soon get demoralised for lack of support; and there is always a limit to how much an individual can withstand in terms of derision and ridicule from an ignorant young faculty and a hostile university administration.”

Shivji also envisages the university’s restoration as a pan-African project although, at the same time, he stresses that national governments “must be persuaded that [higher] education is a priority on the basis that, like health, it is a strategic productive sector rather than just a service sector”.

Shivji’s argument for a continent-wide pan-African approach is based on what he terms “the fragility of the idea of nationalism based on the nation-state” and separate territorial domains; and also on what he views as the strength of regionalism in the African context.

“Unlike in other continents, regionalism in Africa – that is, pan-Africanism – gave birth to territorial nationalism, not the other way around,” he says.

Accordingly, he proposes that the effort to reclaim the idea of the university and build an African intellectual community “should take place as a pan-African endeavour at the continental level”.

Reclaim the ability to theorise

Adopting such an approach, Shivji contends, the present nature of African knowledge production can be transformed and African academia can reclaim its credibility and capacity to theorise.

“I think a new breed of ideas is required, which depends on many discussions, and debates being held at every opportunity … among African intellectuals.

“So, there is a need to engage in a double process: the process of building a pan-African intellectual community; and the process of raising these important questions.”

Shivji cites the collegial nature of the former University of East Africa, which had campuses in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, as an example of the kind of pan-African collaboration that could be fostered.

“There were annual meetings bringing together the subject teachers from the different disciplines at the three sister colleges [in Dar es Salaam, Kampala and Nairobi]. Views were exchanged on the content of the courses; on the work being undertaken; on the pedagogy, and so on,” he recalls.

“These discussions were very fruitful, indicating how the task of changing orientation cannot be an individual endeavour; if it is to be effective, it must always be a collective enterprise.”

Shivji contrasts this collaboration with the present academic climate, in which, for example, “few intellectuals in universities in other African countries know about or keep track of the debates taking place in South Africa”, and vice versa.

However, such is the kind of pan-African interaction that he would like to see as “a starting point” for the restoration of African academic endeavour, although he emphasises that this “cannot be left to happen spontaneously”.

“It should be undertaken in a conscious and conscientious way.”

This is imperative, says Shivji, particularly since “the continent cannot continue to depend on the North to revive its universities”.

“The North is not interested and understandably so. Higher education has become a major export for some countries in the North. Why, then, should they invest in reviving African universities?”

From a practical point of view, Shivji advises that South Africa, which became a destination for many academics leaving other African countries as their universities were starved of resources, has the potential to provide the leadership required to rebuild the African intellectual community.

“I would hope that greater energy and thinking in the South African academy may be directed at supporting and building relations with universities in other African countries, not in a predatory fashion but in the spirit of genuine pan-African collegiality,” he says.

“In this regard, the South African academy should plug into African debates, and not be constantly overawed by European debates.”

This article is based on an interview conducted by Professor Crain Soudien for ‘The Imprint of Education’ project, which is being implemented by the Human Sciences Research Council, South Africa, in partnership with the Mastercard Foundation. This project, which includes a series of critical engagements with experienced scholars and thought leaders on their reimaginings of higher education in Africa, investigates current and future challenges facing the sector, including best practices and innovations. Mark Paterson and Thierry M Luescher edited the transcript for focus and length.

Copyright © 2022 Zubair A Zubair and University World News”

Opinion

2027 elections and Misinformation Ecosystem: Why Alkalanci work matters

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By Ahmad Muhammad Danyaro

As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections, the information environment is becoming more complex—and more dangerous.

The rise of artificial intelligence, deepfakes, coordinated propaganda networks, and politically motivated disinformation tricks means that falsehood can spread faster than ever before.

The recent workshops, organized by Alkalanci (a reputable Hausa focused fact-checking platform ) in Kano and the Sokoto States, highlights a critical truth: fact-checking and media literacy organizations are no longer optional, they are essential pillars of democratic stability.

Although fact-checking is a relatively new concept, the goals of fact-checking have been evident in earlier journalistic ventures, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, and starting with the creation of FactCheck.org in 2003, the number of fact-checkers around the world has more than tripled, increasing from 44 to 149 since the Duke Reporters’ Lab first began counting these projects in 2014 — a 239 percent increase. And many of those fact-checkers in 53 countries are also showing considerable staying power.

Alkalanci, a Hausa fact-checking platform christened “The Arbiter” focuses primarily on fact-checking claims on health, politics, and many other topics in the Hausa language.The platform was established to be fact-checking pictures and videos to enlighten the Hausa readers in Nigeria, Niger Republic, Cameroon, Ghana, and beyond about misleading claims or false pictures and videos.

The Alkalanci Platform has since its debut in 2024 remained a reputable and first Hausa Fact-checking platform, given the widespread use of photo editing software and Artificial Intelligence (AI) to create deceptive ‘deepfake’ images and videos.

Suffice it to say that ever since the beginning of its works, the platform has corrected misconceptions and/or false claims that otherwise could have cost the populace dearly. Alkalanci’s works do not stop at correcting social media deepfakes and misinformation, it involves pragmatic efforts to address the menace through every stakeholder.

This is evident in the recent workshop organised by Alkalanci, a Hausa-language fact-checking and media literacy organisation, brought together Islamic clerics and imams in Kano and later in Sokoto to address the growing problem of misinformation on social media. During the Kano session, the Chairman of the Kano State Council of Ulama, Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil, declared that creating and spreading fake news is prohibited in Islam.

Alkalanci’s co-founder and Editor, Alhassan Bala, noted that misleading narratives spread rapidly online and can create division and social tension. And because clerics have strong influence over their communities.

Bala encouraged them to ensure that their sermons and messages are factual, beneficial, and based on verified information.

The editor, a thoroughbred expert in the field, with an international experience, also warned that even respected community leaders can unintentionally spread false information, highlighting the need for critical thinking.

Traditional and media leaders also emphasised the dangers of fake news. The Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, represented at the event, urged clerics to always fact-check information before sharing it with their followers. Similarly, Freedom Radio Group Managing Director, Alhaji Abbas Dalhatu stressed the powerful role of social media in shaping public opinion and warned that misinformation can have serious and dangerous consequences.

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The outcome of the training opened up the space even more as the critical role of such education was appreciated beyond Kano.

The workshop’s train later proceeded to Sokoto, where clerics learned about modern digital threats such as artificial intelligence, deepfakes, and manipulated videos or audio.

Government officials and experts described misinformation as a potential security risk capable of provoking fear, hatred, and violence. Participants were introduced to basic fact-checking tools and encouraged to question sources and verify digital content before sharing it.

The broader goal of the programme is to build a network of informed religious leaders who can help stop false information and promote peace and truth within their communities.

In previous Nigerian elections, false reports of violence or fake announcements have triggered panic as well as an unquantifiable rumour spreading.

It is against these backdrops that as Nigeria inches closer to the decisive 2027 general elections, coupled with AI-generated content becoming more sophisticated, the risk is even greater. And more than ever before, the need of an “arbiter” to educate and enlight Nigerians about the tricks and complexities of this phenomenon becomes necessary.

Without credible fact-checkers, lies can shape public opinion before truth has a chance to respond.
Elections thrive on informed choices. When voters act on manipulated videos, fake endorsements, or fabricated violence reports, democracy suffers. Fact-checking platforms like Alkalanci investigate viral political claims, debunk fake results and doctored materials, clarify misleading campaign narratives and counter foreign interference and coordinated influence operations.

Nigeria’s social fabric is deeply influenced by religion and ethnicity. A single false message framed around religious identity can inflame tensions rapidly.

As highlighted by Kano and Sokoto States participants, misinformation is not always accidental—it is often deliberate and strategic.

Alkalanci and Fact-checking agencies must continue to strive to identify divisive narratives early, provide verified counter-information, equip community leaders with tools to question digital content and promote responsible information sharing.

By training clerics and grassroots influencers, organizations like Alkalanci strengthens the “first line of defence” against instability.

Artificial intelligence has changed the misinformation landscape.Today, it is possible to create: fake speeches that sound real, altered videos of political candidates, fabricated images of violence and cloned voices of respected leaders. Even educated audiences struggle to detect these manipulations.

Alkalanci and sister Fact-checking agencies come handy as they use forensic tools to analyze digital content, teach reverse image searches and metadata checks, provide public education on AI risks and publish transparent verification processes.

Another instructive move by Alkalanci was its focus on this vast geographical axis, where Hausa language holds sway.

Much misinformation spreads in Hausa-language via WhatsApp groups and informal networks where English focused fact-checks may not reach. Before its advent, such large size of people were in complete darkness of having a verified platform to guide and educate them about these digital falsehoods.

Alkalanci’s focus on Hausa-language verification fills a critical gap. Media literacy must be localized to be effective.

Nigeria’s elections are among the largest democratic exercises in Africa. The scale alone makes them vulnerable to manipulation. With growing social media penetration, expanding AI capabilities, political competition intensifying and foreign actors increasingly active online, the information battlefield will likely be more aggressive than ever. Fact-checking agencies are not just correcting mistakes.They are defending democracy, peace, and social cohesion.

Ahead of the 2027 elections, their work may determine not just who wins—but whether communities remain peaceful, informed, and united. Hence the need for election stakeholders to continue to bolster and support them as they now become a formidable force to be reckoned with.

Truth, especially in election season, is not automatic. It must be protected by all and sundry.

Danyaro is a Media and Communications Specialist at Brand-Age Media Consult and can be reached via: adanyaro202@gmail.com

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Opinion

Honouring the Elderly, Securing the Future in Jigawa State

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_How the healthcare reforms of Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi are restoring dignity to the aged while protecting the youngest generation._

By Lamara Garba Azare

In every society, the true character of leadership is revealed not in grand speeches or towering structures, but in how it treats those who can no longer compete in the rush of daily survival. In Jigawa State, a quiet but meaningful transformation is unfolding, one that places dignity, compassion, and human wellbeing at the centre of governance.

Through the J Basic Healthcare Services for Vulnerable Citizens, the administration of Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi has woven a protective safety net around those who often struggle in silence. At the heart of the programme are elderly citizens aged sixty five years and above, men and women whose lives of labour and sacrifice helped build the very communities they now inhabit.

For many elderly citizens, the passage of time often brings not only wisdom but also frailty. The body grows tired, the bones lose their strength, and the cost of maintaining good health begins to rise beyond what many can afford. Years spent cultivating farms, trading in markets, and serving society sometimes end with fragile health and limited financial resources. Yet these are the same men and women who nurtured families, preserved traditions, and sustained the social fabric of their communities.

By guaranteeing free access to healthcare for them, Jigawa State is restoring dignity to ageing. It sends a powerful message that the twilight years of life should not be overshadowed by fear of hospital bills or untreated illness. Instead, they should live with the comforting knowledge that society remembers their contributions and values their presence.

The scale of the initiative reflects both ambition and fairness. A total of 143500 beneficiaries have been enrolled across the state, drawn from all 287 political wards. Each ward accommodates 500 individuals within the programme, ensuring that the benefits reach every corner of the state. Among these beneficiaries are elderly citizens who now have guaranteed access to treatment in primary and secondary healthcare facilities without the burden of financial strain.

This policy goes far beyond the provision of medical services. It represents a redefinition of the relationship between government and the governed. A society that cares for its elderly is one that understands continuity. Elders are not merely older citizens; they are custodians of memory, guardians of tradition, and living bridges between the past and the future. Protecting their wellbeing strengthens the moral foundation upon which communities stand.

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Governor Umar Namadi has consistently emphasized that the programme is not an act of charity but a duty of leadership. When elderly citizens receive the healthcare they deserve, families become more stable and communities become stronger. Healthy grandparents remain sources of wisdom and emotional support within households, guiding younger generations with the lessons of experience.

The programme also extends its protective embrace to another vulnerable group, children under the age of five. This thoughtful balance between caring for the oldest and protecting the youngest reflects a deep understanding of social development. Early childhood is a delicate stage of life when illness can shape the course of a child’s future. Access to free healthcare during these formative years can mean the difference between fragile beginnings and healthy growth.

By safeguarding children at the dawn of life while protecting the elderly in their later years, Jigawa State is nurturing the full circle of human existence. It is a reminder that development is not merely about roads and buildings but about the health and wellbeing of people across generations.

The J Basic Healthcare programme was carefully designed to ensure transparency and inclusiveness. Community leaders, civil society organisations, and healthcare workers played key roles in identifying beneficiaries. This grassroots approach not only ensures fairness but also strengthens public confidence in the programme’s implementation.

Beyond this initiative, the state government continues to invest in broader health sector reforms. Primary healthcare centres are being revitalised across communities, new general hospitals are under construction, and specialised services such as free dialysis treatment for renal patients are being provided. Together, these efforts form a comprehensive strategy aimed at improving public health and expanding access to quality medical services.

At a time when rising healthcare costs continue to push many families into poverty, the Jigawa initiative offers a refreshing example of what compassionate governance can achieve. It demonstrates that public policy, when guided by empathy and foresight, can shield vulnerable citizens from hardship while strengthening social stability.

The true impact of the programme will not only appear in official statistics. It will be seen in the elderly farmer who can now manage his blood pressure without worrying about medical bills. It will be felt by the grandmother who visits a clinic without depending entirely on her children for financial assistance. It will be reflected in the laughter of a child whose illness is treated early enough to ensure a healthy future.

These quiet transformations are the building blocks of a healthier society. When the elderly are cared for and children are protected, communities become more resilient and families become more secure. Healthy citizens contribute more productively to society, and productive societies build stronger economies.

Governor Umar Namadi’s approach therefore carries a deeper philosophical meaning. It reminds us that genuine progress is not measured solely by economic statistics or physical infrastructure but by the quality of life enjoyed by ordinary citizens. It shows that leadership guided by compassion can shape policies that preserve dignity while creating opportunity.

In the final analysis, the strength of a society is not measured by the wealth it accumulates but by the care it extends to those who once carried its burdens and those who will inherit its future. By protecting the elderly and nurturing young children, Jigawa State is quietly planting the seeds of a healthier and more humane tomorrow.

Under the watch of a caring leader like Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi, governance takes on a deeper meaning. It becomes not merely the exercise of authority but the practice of service. And when leadership chooses compassion over indifference, it leaves behind something far greater than policy. It leaves behind hope, dignity, and a legacy that generations will remember.

Lamara Garba Azare, a veteran journalist, writes from Kano.

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Opinion

Comrade Ibrahim Waiya, Limamin Kano First: The Man Who Turned a Governor’s Vision Into a Governing Philosophy

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By Sufyan Lawal Kano

The true measure of leadership has never been the grandeur of its proclamations. It has always been the discipline of its follow-through, the unglamorous, daily, often invisible work of converting a compelling vision into institutional reality, of ensuring that the ideas articulated in policy documents and public speeches actually reach the citizens whose lives they are intended to transform. In Kano State today, that work is being done with a consistency and seriousness that deserves far wider recognition than it has so far received. And at the center of that effort, serving as both the strategic intelligence and the public conscience of the Kano First Agenda, stands the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, whose unofficial but deeply earned title, Limamin Kano First, speaks volumes about the nature and significance of his contribution.
The Kano First Initiative, conceived under the leadership of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf as a governing philosophy that places the welfare, dignity, and progress of Kano’s citizens at the irreducible center of every policy decision, represents something genuinely distinctive in the landscape of Nigerian state governance. It is not merely a development agenda in the conventional sense, a list of projects to be completed and targets to be met. It is, at its most ambitious, an attempt to redefine the relationship between government and citizens, to move from a model of governance as service delivery toward a model of governance as shared civic enterprise, one in which citizens are not passive beneficiaries of government attention but active co-owners of the state’s development trajectory. That is a profound ambition, and it requires, to become real, something that infrastructure projects and budget allocations alone cannot provide: a coherent, credible, and consistently communicated philosophy that citizens can understand, trust, and embrace as their own.
It is precisely here that Comrade Waiya’s contribution becomes indispensable. From the moment he assumed office, he brought to the Ministry of Information a clarity of purpose that distinguished his approach from the reactive, image-management orientation that has historically characterized government communication in this country. His mission, as he has articulated it through his public engagements, his institutional reforms, and his personal conduct, has been to build a communication architecture that serves not the government’s convenience but the citizens’ understanding. That is a subtle but enormously consequential distinction, and it is one that has shaped every significant decision he has made since taking office.
Among his earliest and most consequential institutional actions was a systematic engagement with the state’s major government media organizations, including ARTV, Radio Kano, Triumph Publishing Company, and the Kano State Printing Press. These engagements were not ceremonial visits. They were strategic assessments, aimed at understanding the capacity, the constraints, and the potential of the institutions through which government communicates with its citizens, and at beginning the process of revitalizing that machinery so that it could serve its proper democratic function: to inform, to educate, and to create the conditions for genuine public understanding of government policy. A government whose communication infrastructure is weak or dysfunctional cannot build the public trust that effective governance requires, regardless of the quality of its policies. Waiya understood this, and he acted on it.
Equally significant was his investment in human capacity at the grassroots level. The decision to organize training programs for information officers from all forty-four local government areas of Kano State reflected an understanding that strategic communication cannot be confined to the state capital or to the national media. It must penetrate to the ward level, to the market and the mosque and the community meeting, to the spaces where the overwhelming majority of Kano’s citizens actually encounter government and form their judgments about its intentions and its performance. By building a stronger grassroots communication network, Waiya created the infrastructure for the kind of citizen-level engagement that the Kano First philosophy demands but that no amount of press releases or social media content can substitute for.
His engagement with the media profession itself has been another dimension of his work that deserves particular recognition. Recognizing that the quality of public discourse in Kano is inseparable from the quality of its journalism, Waiya has invested consistently in building relationships with journalists, broadcasters, and communication professionals, not to manage their coverage or to cultivate favorable reporting, but to foster the kind of professional standards and development-oriented journalism that a society serious about its own progress requires. His consistent message to media practitioners, that responsible, accurate, and constructive reporting is not merely a professional obligation but a civic contribution, reflects a sophisticated understanding of the media’s role in either deepening or undermining public trust in institutions.
Perhaps the most important philosophical contribution Waiya has made to the Kano First discourse, however, is his insistence that popularizing the agenda is not a political act but a civic duty. This reframing is, in the context of Nigerian political culture, genuinely radical. In a political environment where almost every public initiative is immediately read through a partisan lens, where support for a government programme is routinely interpreted as political allegiance and skepticism as opposition, the assertion that the Kano First Agenda belongs not to the political party or to the Yusuf administration but to the people of Kano is a claim that cuts across the grain of established political behavior. It is also, if it can be made to stick, extraordinarily powerful, because a civic philosophy that transcends partisan boundaries is one that can survive electoral cycles and accumulate the kind of broad, durable public support that transforms individual administrations’ programmes into lasting institutional culture.
The evidence that this reframing is beginning to take hold is visible, if not yet definitive. Citizens across the state are demonstrably more informed about the administration’s policies and the philosophy that underpins them. Public conversations about development are increasingly framed in the language of collective responsibility and civic ownership rather than purely in terms of government performance and political judgment. Community leaders, professional associations, civil society organizations, and youth groups are engaging with the Kano First framework in ways that suggest a growing recognition that the initiative speaks to something real in the shared aspirations of Kano’s people, something that predates the current administration and will, if properly nurtured, outlast it.
None of this diminishes the central role of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, whose personal commitment to the Kano First philosophy provides the political authority and executive backing without which no communication strategy, however brilliant, can translate vision into action. The governor’s record of progress across infrastructure development, education, healthcare, youth empowerment, and social welfare initiatives is the material foundation on which the Kano First narrative is built. Without that foundation, the most skillful communication would eventually ring hollow. With it, skillful communication becomes the bridge between government achievement and public understanding, between what is being done and what citizens know and believe about what is being done. That bridge is what Waiya has been building, patiently, consistently, and with considerable skill, since the first day he took office.
What observers of his ministry most frequently note is not any single achievement but a quality of presence and commitment that is, in Nigerian public life, genuinely unusual. Waiya engages, consistently and seriously, with the full range of stakeholders whose participation the Kano First philosophy requires: journalists and community leaders, professional bodies and civil society organizations, youth groups and traditional institutions, media practitioners and policy analysts. He does not manage these relationships from a distance or through intermediaries. He shows up, he listens, he explains, and he follows through. That combination of intellectual seriousness and personal accessibility is, in the world of governance communication, a rare and valuable combination, and it is one that has earned him a reputation that no amount of political positioning could manufacture.
As Kano State continues to navigate the complex terrain of development, democratic consolidation, and social renewal, the work of the Limamin Kano First remains as urgent as it has ever been. The Kano First Initiative is still in its formative stages. Its ultimate success will depend on the quality of its implementation, the consistency of its leadership, and above all, the willingness of Kano’s citizens to claim it as their own rather than leaving it to government alone. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya has done the foundational work of making that claim possible. He has given the governor’s vision an intellectual architecture, a communication infrastructure, and a civic philosophy robust enough to withstand the pressures of a complex political environment. The rest, as it must always be in a genuine democracy, belongs to the people.
Sufyan Lawal Kano is a public affairs writer and civic commentator based in Kano State.
Contact: sefjamil3@gmail.com

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