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Rebuilding the intellectual community on the continent’-Zubair A Zubair

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Zubair A Zubair

 

Zubair A Zubair

Neo-liberalism has devastated African universities, turning them from vibrant centres of new thinking and academic comradeship into factories churning out marketable academic products and “saleable” students, according to leading Tanzanian scholar-activist Issa Shivji.

African scholars have become mere data “hunter-gatherers” instead of producers of theory; while the nascent radical intellectual community that emerged on the continent in the wake of independence has been decimated, says Shivji, who occupies the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Research Chair in Pan-African Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam.

In the meantime, the Global North has retained control over the upper reaches of knowledge production since the 1970s, when higher education on the continent was devalorised and starved of public resources as African governments embraced neo-liberal prescriptions and austerity programmes.

“The very idea of the university was undermined,” says Shivji.

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“The World Bank and its associates said that Africa did not need thinkers; rather, it needed only implementers of policies,” he says. “The ‘luxury’ of theorising could be left to the developed North, which would do the thinking, while Africa did the acting.”

Under the “long shadow” of neoliberalism, he says, “the market determined the form, content and depth [of] courses. Theory was eschewed; and action and a skills-oriented approach were privileged.”

“Instead of being centres of thinking and basic research, African universities were turned into sort of factories, with the academics being told to package and brand their products, including the students, to make them ‘saleable’.”

One consequence has been a devaluation of the quest for original knowledge on the continent and, in particular, theory, which Shivji views as the “highest form of knowledge”.

Quality of African scholarship has deteriorated

The trend has been made manifest, he says, in a number of ways: the content of PhDs has become increasingly descriptive rather than theoretical; the academic vocation to produce new knowledge has been undermined by scholars’ increasing dependence on consultancy work; university courses have become vocationalised, with increasing numbers of “executive evening courses” being taught; the younger generation of academics unquestioningly imbibe intellectual fads with little regard for existing scholarship; and the task of mentoring young faculty is undertaken by visiting scholars on a jaunt.

Shivji identifies a lack of seriousness among “today’s neo-liberal generation of young faculty members who neither care about nor have any sense of the traditions of their own alma mater”.

In particular, he notes that young African academics educated “outside”, in the North, tend to return as adherents of new intellectual fashions: “It is as if they want to re-invent the wheel and start all over again.”

Meanwhile, as the quality of the African scholarship on offer has deteriorated, international financial institutions have “jumped on the bandwagon”, providing funding for foreign scholars to come from the North with the goal of upgrading local scholarly standards, according to Shivji.

“These visiting academics … come for a few weeks or a couple of months; rush through a couple of courses; take time off to visit local tourist resorts; and off they go, leaving behind no sense of academic collegiality and camaraderie, which should be the stuff of university life,” he says.

However, “this is not what universities were meant to be”, he argues.

‘A site for thinking’

“Neo-liberalisation, in my view, devastated the fundamental rationale of a university just as it devastated the social fabric in Africa. The very idea of the university was undermined.”

Shivji describes his idea of the university as “rather orthodox”.

“I think a university is a site for thinking, a site for the production of knowledge, and, of course, a site where ideas clash and knowledge is developed.”

“The idea of the university should be of a kind of comradeship which is established among the faculty but also between the students and the whole academic community. The aim is not simply to produce people with certificates but rather to cultivate deep scholarship and, if possible, some societal commitment.”

In pursuit of this goal, Shivji advocates a pan-African approach under which academics across the continent collaborate to rejuvenate the African intellectual community and seek to produce a new breed of ideas.

He notes the scale of the rejuvenation effort given that “a whole generation of deep, committed scholarship” was lost under the neo-liberalisation of universities from the late 1970s.

“The few faculty members who stuck to their guns found themselves abandoned both by colleagues and students,” he notes. As a result, “the radical and nationalist faculty staff failed to reproduce itself”.

“What remained was not an intellectual community propounding, advocating and debating the idea of the university and its ethos, but only a few individuals,” he says.

A need for collective purpose

In this context, Shivji advocates for a restoration of comradeship and a sense of collective purpose among academics in order to help rebuild the intellectual community on the continent.

“Such work can only be a collective effort, not an individual task,” he explains.

“Although individuals may manage to spark debates, they cannot easily sustain them. They soon get demoralised for lack of support; and there is always a limit to how much an individual can withstand in terms of derision and ridicule from an ignorant young faculty and a hostile university administration.”

Shivji also envisages the university’s restoration as a pan-African project although, at the same time, he stresses that national governments “must be persuaded that [higher] education is a priority on the basis that, like health, it is a strategic productive sector rather than just a service sector”.

Shivji’s argument for a continent-wide pan-African approach is based on what he terms “the fragility of the idea of nationalism based on the nation-state” and separate territorial domains; and also on what he views as the strength of regionalism in the African context.

“Unlike in other continents, regionalism in Africa – that is, pan-Africanism – gave birth to territorial nationalism, not the other way around,” he says.

Accordingly, he proposes that the effort to reclaim the idea of the university and build an African intellectual community “should take place as a pan-African endeavour at the continental level”.

Reclaim the ability to theorise

Adopting such an approach, Shivji contends, the present nature of African knowledge production can be transformed and African academia can reclaim its credibility and capacity to theorise.

“I think a new breed of ideas is required, which depends on many discussions, and debates being held at every opportunity … among African intellectuals.

“So, there is a need to engage in a double process: the process of building a pan-African intellectual community; and the process of raising these important questions.”

Shivji cites the collegial nature of the former University of East Africa, which had campuses in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, as an example of the kind of pan-African collaboration that could be fostered.

“There were annual meetings bringing together the subject teachers from the different disciplines at the three sister colleges [in Dar es Salaam, Kampala and Nairobi]. Views were exchanged on the content of the courses; on the work being undertaken; on the pedagogy, and so on,” he recalls.

“These discussions were very fruitful, indicating how the task of changing orientation cannot be an individual endeavour; if it is to be effective, it must always be a collective enterprise.”

Shivji contrasts this collaboration with the present academic climate, in which, for example, “few intellectuals in universities in other African countries know about or keep track of the debates taking place in South Africa”, and vice versa.

However, such is the kind of pan-African interaction that he would like to see as “a starting point” for the restoration of African academic endeavour, although he emphasises that this “cannot be left to happen spontaneously”.

“It should be undertaken in a conscious and conscientious way.”

This is imperative, says Shivji, particularly since “the continent cannot continue to depend on the North to revive its universities”.

“The North is not interested and understandably so. Higher education has become a major export for some countries in the North. Why, then, should they invest in reviving African universities?”

From a practical point of view, Shivji advises that South Africa, which became a destination for many academics leaving other African countries as their universities were starved of resources, has the potential to provide the leadership required to rebuild the African intellectual community.

“I would hope that greater energy and thinking in the South African academy may be directed at supporting and building relations with universities in other African countries, not in a predatory fashion but in the spirit of genuine pan-African collegiality,” he says.

“In this regard, the South African academy should plug into African debates, and not be constantly overawed by European debates.”

This article is based on an interview conducted by Professor Crain Soudien for ‘The Imprint of Education’ project, which is being implemented by the Human Sciences Research Council, South Africa, in partnership with the Mastercard Foundation. This project, which includes a series of critical engagements with experienced scholars and thought leaders on their reimaginings of higher education in Africa, investigates current and future challenges facing the sector, including best practices and innovations. Mark Paterson and Thierry M Luescher edited the transcript for focus and length.

Copyright © 2022 Zubair A Zubair and University World News”

Opinion

Ganduje’s Visit of Shame, By Adnan Mukhtar

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The visit of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar to former President Muhammadu Buhari has given the All Progressives Congress a sleepless night.

At a time when the party should focus on how to better the life of Nigerians as a result of the hardship since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu; the party has resorted to acting like an opposition.

It’s obviously clear that Atiku is setting a precedent for the party to follow. Even though he has told the world that his visit to the former President is a personal one, a post sallah visit as he told Nigerians on his Facebook Page; the former Vice President has reiterated his commitment to forming a formidable coalition that will defeat President Tinubu in 2027.

Shortly after Atiku’s visit, Ganduje rushed to the Kaduna residence of Muhammadu Buhari to visit him alongside some members of his National Working Committee.

When asked by journalists about his take on the Coalition; he replied, “We are not concerned about any coalition.”

If they are not concerned, then why the rush to visit Buhari after Atiku’s visit. It was the APC governors in the first place, as reported by some national dailies. The visit was to persuade Buhari to stop his people from joining the coalition.

Whatever, the upcoming coalition is for the good of this country, it is an effort to rescue the country in the hands of President Tinubu, who has inflicted hardship in all ramifications to Nigerians

There is kidnapping in the land, of recent bandits kidnapped a retired major General and former head of one of our critical national institutions NYSC, what confidence would it give our corps members.

The government is taking credit of his release, to this moment, the truth of the matter hasn’t prevailed. Was General Tsiga released after payment of ransome or rescued by security agencies?

Every well-meaning Nigerian should support the coalition, it’s is not about Atiku or El-rufai; it is about the future of Nigeria as a nation.

The APC as a party should call it’s son President Tinubu, to order so that he can do the needful to fix this country from the current mess, not following every footstep of Atiku.

Atiku is indeed a powerful opposition figure.

Atiku’s Visit to Binta Yar’adua

Shortly after his visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku visited the wife of his lifetime mentor, General Shehu Musa Yaradua.

The visit symbolises Atiku’s loyalty to his mentor Shehu Yaradua even in death. I read in his autobiography how Shehu not only helped him but has later become his business partner. Shehu Yaradua was part of Intels, an investment where Atiku is a major shareholder.

It’s good to be loyal, Atiku is a loyalist of Shehu; a loyalty that should inspire the younger generation.

May our loyalty never be tasted!

Adnan is a university lecturer and a communication strategist

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Opinion

2027:Why Fa’izu Alfindiki Is Municipal’s Best Choice For Reps

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From Danlami Gandun Albasa

There is no doubt that the former Chairman of Kano Municipal Hon Fa’izu Alfindiki (Jundullahi) can make a better candidate for the position of House of Representatives, in the forthcoming 2027. His name alone rings bell and sends fear to the ears and hearts of his political opponents. Kwankwasiyya especially and their hidden supporters.

It is very clear for all to come to term with me when I argue that Alfindiki is not only composed, but he has clear understanding of voters behavior in his constituency, Municipal local government and other Metropolitan areas.

I have my concrete reasons why Alfindiki stands better chance to be the candidate for House of Representatives seat from Kano Municipal, in 2027.

Let’s have a simple look at those reasons. See below for your perusal :

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1. Apart from being the immediate past local government Chairman, whose understanding of grassroot politicians (yan dangwale) their needs and behaviors, become part and parcel of his political experience, his relationship with many categories of people gives him an edge over many others, who recently indicate their interest,

2. Alfindiki’s visibility in the social media, as both active user and active contributor in political discussions in the social media means a lot for his breakthrough,

3. Coming from Bakin Kasuwa side of the Municipal local government, will give headache for Kwankwasiyya or NNPP people. Who are densely populated there. So when Bakin Kasuwa politicians see their son contesting for the position, they will rally behind him for popular support and endorsement at all cost,

4. Fa’izu has no hidden relationship with Baba Ganduje’s enemies and political opponents. You cannot pinpoint any figure within Kwankwasiyya circle and get any link with him or her and Fa’izu Alfindiki. He is always straightforward,

5. Alfindiki has no history of abusing our pillars within APC or their families. He still believes, our pillars, ranging from Baba Ganduje, Abdullahi Abbas and the like, are still reliable and dependable. Nowhere in his political history, where he resorts to abusing the families of our leaders, at whatever rate and range,

6. Alfindiki is always up and doing in coordinating all parts of our great party APC to be strong and reliable political platform, and

7. Without any fear of contradiction, Alfindiki is responsible without pretending. He unifies supporters and does not believe in creating factions within the larger body of our great APC

TO BE CONTINUED

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Opinion

Letter To IGP On Reaffirming Respect For Traditional Institutions And The Role Of The Nigeria Police Force In Upholding Justice

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Sir,

We acknowledge the Nigeria Police Force’s recent decision to withdraw its invitation to the Emir of Kano, Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II PhD, in connection to an incident during the Sallah celebration in Kano on March 30, 2025. While this move is appreciated, it is important to highlight that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) is a noble institution revered for its commitment to maintaining law and order.

As such, we believe that the leadership of the NPF, particularly the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), should not be utilized as a tool for actions that could be construed as undermining this esteemed institution. The primary responsibility of the NPF is to maintain law and order in society, not to engage in actions that sow division or disrespect for the country’s revered institutions.

We wish to respectfully draw the attention of the IGP to certain issues that require immediate attention. First and foremost, addressing an Emir without the appropriate protocol is a sign of disdain, not only to the individual Emir but to the entire traditional institution. An Emir, whether alive,deposed, or deceased, should never be referred to without the prefix “Emir” or “His highnerss. Referring to the Emir as “Alhaji,” “Mallam,” or “Dr.” without the appropriate title raises concerns and may lead to suspicions regarding the position of the NPF toward the Emir, His Highness, Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II PhD.

Additionally, we believe that the question of whether the NPF’s press release, demanding that the Emir provide a statement, was necessary is a matter of concern. The state police command had already made arrests and issued an invitation to Sallaman Kano, the most senior aide in charge of palace affairs

This action should suffice for the continuation of the investigation without the need to escalate matters by seeking the Emir’s direct involvement. Further engagement with the Emir, if necessary, can be carried out through appropriate channels, in line with the traditional and legal protocols.

While we appreciate the IGP’s prompt action in withdrawing the invitation, we would like to emphasize the importance of maintaining respect for the traditional institution and ensuring that police actions do not inadvertently politicize or disrespect any parties involved. We trust that the IGP will take this into account as the investigation progresses and that professionalism, neutrality, and justice will guide the NPF in handling this delicate matter.

In conclusion, we hope that the NPF continues to uphold its role in a manner that respects the traditions and laws of our nation. It is essential that such matters be handled with the utmost care, respecting both the rule of law and the sanctity of the traditional institutions.

Tijjani Sarki
Vice President
Human Rights Watch and youth empowerment foundation, Kano, Nigeria
7th April 2025

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