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Education,ASUU And The Globalist Agenda (I)

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Professor Lukman Diso

 

L. I. Diso
BUK

When William Saint, the World Bank Education Consultant, came to Bayero University, Kano in 1999/2000, he hadn’t had the slightest idea that ASUU was ready for him. He was shocked by the level of mobilization and the ambush set to give him the terrifying welcome. The naive mindset people on such missions usually have about Africans being complacent, or having short memory and lacking a sense of history, was clearly visible in his mien. The apparent sudden realization that, contrary to his expectation, ASUU seemed to know the agenda they had been implementing in the last three decades (1970s, 1980s & 1990s), was, perhaps, what terrified him the more.

Let us take a short trip through these decades to see the picture that provides the logical context to this discussion. We shall return to Mr Saint to see who he was, what his mission in Nigeria was, how he planned to accomplish the mission, his encounter with ASUU at Bayero University, Kano, and part of his report recommendations to the World Bank.

All these may help to unravel the critical questions of why education has been systematically accorded diminishing national priority, and its role in Nigeria’s national development been consistently receding in the last 60 years. They would also help to deepen our insights into the trajectory that has shaped ASUU’s evolution and its struggles through the decades. Arising from all this may be the temptation to raise and tackle the following questions:
– Why has ASUU, of all the education stakeholders, decided to be the only consistent defender of education in Nigeria?
– Why do different Nigerian governments invariably respond to education crisis in the same pattern?
– What are the implications of government’s brazen hostility to education and the intermittent disruptions that follow as a consequence?
– What lessons could be learnt from ASUU’s consistent struggles for decades?

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

The 1960s, the decade of Nigeria’s independence, was afflicted with crippling political crisis, so turbulent that the new nation was shaken to its very roots. Whether it was an inevitable corollary of colonial vestiges that characterized such emerging nations, education, especially university education, seemed to remain relatively insulated, and as robust as it was anywhere in the world. The university teaching and learning environment, infrastructure and facilities were of high standard and comparably as good as anywhere in Europe and North America. Conditions of service were equally good and attractive. Staffing policy, in terms of staff-students ratio and staff mix, was based on best-practice standards, which produced a cosmopolitan environment and a vibrant academic culture necessary for university to thrive.
Therefore, the need for coming together as a body to represent the academics was not felt until 1965 when the Association for University Teachers (AUT) was formed. AUT was not political. It was formed to cater only for the welfare of the academics. Other variables that define university seemed to have been taken for granted.

However, in the decade of prosperity and consolidation, as the 1970s were referred to, Nigerian Universities began to slide gradually, at the beginning, as the military consolidated their firm grips on the country. Suddenly, though consciously, as if jinxed to a morgaged future, Nigeria decided to embrace a policy that marked the beginning of the cascading crisis that has bedevilled education, particularly university education, to this day, and likely, to a distant future. AUT protested to the extent of a strike to press for the Government to address the deteriorating conditions of education – teaching and learning, and welfare of staff and students.

However, the Gowon Military Government responded ruthlessly and crushed the strike. That experience served as an eye opener for the academics, and they moved to change the dynamics.

Despite the relative obscurity of the policy’s source and contents, it triggered a warning from concerned visionary and farsighted Nigerian citizens, scholars and the ASUU, which was formed in 1978 from the National Association of University Teachers (NAUT). They warned that the policy was clearly meant to serve the master and to rule over the target with all ruthlessness, to forcefully impose its contents, and ultimately emasculate the university system and education in general. However, as the decade was largely characterized by military culture, and the government, itself remotely manipulated by the same forces that had designed the policy, the warning was ignored. This explains why Obasanjo Military Regime witnessed a lot of crises in the education sector.

The NPN civilian government under Shagari (1979-1983) was a bit cautious towards university education, although there were largely unsuccessful attempts to violate university autonomy in order to implement the same surreptitious agenda. ASUU’s spirited resistance thwarted the implementation of the agenda. As the dogged struggle deepened, the first agreement that gave the academic staff the USS scale with 20% differential relative to civil service scale, was signed in 1982.

The deepening contradictions in the Shagari Civilian administration provided the excuse that brought Buhari/Idiagbon military regime (Dec.1983- Aug. 1985) in a bloodless coup D’tat. Immediately they settled the military authoritarian culture began to manifest: the repressive policy mills were hastily deployed to launch a direct assault on the University and draconian decrees arbitrarily manufactured. Under this regime, the University was subjected to a torrent of attacks including:
– Termination of university cafetaria services
– Withdrawal of subsidies on accommodation in universities
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
– Transfer of university senate’s powers to NUC through Decree 16 of 1985
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
ASUU never relented in its strong resistence to these authoritarian policies despite all the harrassment and intimidation the union faced as a consequence.
The palace coup that toppled Buhari and brought Ibrahim Bodamasi Babangida (IBB) regime (1985 – 1993) was a continuation of the military and their repressive anti-intellectual culture. IBB regime never pretended that it was there to serve interests other than Nigerians’. Shortly after settling, the regime dropped the bombshell, unveiling a World Bank/IMF-packaged economic policy with fanatical determination to implement. While the regime initiated a national debate as to whether or not to take the IMF loan, it contemptuously ignored the process and silently took the loan with all the conditionalities before the public final verdict (a clearly overwhelming rejection). Nigerians were shocked by the regime’s stunning insensitivity in this reckless disregard for the far reaching and devastating socio-economic and political implications of this action.
ASUU became the intellectual light, in the forefront leading the resistance movement, providing an incisive critique of the regime’s economic policy and presenting simplefied but thorough analysis of the policy’s implications. The duo of ASUU and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the former being an affiliate of the latter, became the most consistent and vocal critics of the policy, vigorously mobilizing the nation with the dogged insistence, to force the government to reverse its decision. As the government intentensified the commitment to the ruthless implementation of this anti-people economic policy, ASUU, NLC, NANS and other pro-people organizations turned the situation into a season of revolutionary activities: intellectually scathing public lectures and production of mobilizational publications to galvanize public opinion against government’s submission to the oppressive policy.
Sensing the massive public support and reaction and the obvious likely consequences, the IBB Regime bared its fangs, unleashing all the repressive instruments at their disposal. Barely one year into IBB’s tenure, the Regime started the full implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) as a package of the IMF conditionalities. NLC, ASUU and NANS started to organize mass protest. NANS, using the Commemoration Day of “Ali-Must- GO”, staged a mass protest, in which many students were shot and killed in ABU, Zaria. The Government’s crackdown was widened and started in full swing:
– Arbitrary arrest of NLC leaders and “bombardment” of NLC offices started across Nigeria
– Plans to Weaken ASUU were hastily hatched and implemented
(1) ASUU was de-affiliated from the NLC by Decree 16 of 1986
(2) Payment of check off dues was made voluntary for ASUU and NANS
(3)The Abisoye Panel set up on ABU Crisis recommended sacking of lecturers for “…not teaching what they were paid to teach”
– A Year later (1987) UniBen VC, Prof. Grace Alele Williams, acting on the contrived report of visitation panel, announced the sack of ASUU President, Dr.Festus Iyayi, from the University. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017).
By the time Dr Attahiru M Jega (Dr Iyayi’s Vice-President) was elected ASUU President in an early NDC in 1988, the IBB regime, following the World Bank Agenda, had added more to the list of its atrocities. In fact, a reign of terror was unleashed:
– Government’s plans to retrench lecturers and rationalize courses had already reached advanced stages
– Dr. Patrick Wilmot (ABU, Zaria), a Scholar and vocal critic of Western imperialism, and Ms. Firinne N.C. Adelugba (BUK) had been covertly abducted and deported from Nigeria
– Government was blatant in its refusal to implement the earlier negotiated EUSS (Elongated University Salary Structure)
– As fuel prices were hiked by the Regime, students protested and the Government responded with massive crackdown on their leadership and on other activists across the country
– NLC was summarily dissolved and sole administrator appointed. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017)
These constituted Dr Jega’s immediate challenges as the new ASUU President, and his EXCO set out to confront them head on. They formed Joint Action Committee (JAC) with the Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospital, Research Institutes and Allied Institutions (SSAUTHRIAI) to present a united front. JAC submitted its demands to Government, which were expectedly shunned. Joint strike commenced nationwide on July 1, 1988. Curiously, only ASUU was immediately banned. The leadership of SSAUTHRIAI immediately capitulated, dissociated itself from the JAC and called off the strike. ASUU continued with the strike under University Lecturers’ Association (ULA). Government immediately launched a crackdown on national and local leadership of ASUU. Drs Jega, Iyayi, and other national officers were arrested and taken to unknown location (which was later learnt to be Lagos) for over a month. Many branch chairmen, secretaries and activists of the Union were arrested across the nation. Yet, the declared strike was kept alive by, more or less, leaderless members; it lingered for sometime, but finally fizzled out unofficially.
Signature campaigns for the release of all the arrested ASUU leaders and members were initiated nationwide. A legal action was instituted in Kano High Court for their freedom. A day to the verdict, Dr Jega was produced and presented to the court; and all others were released. Case closed, but ASUU remained officially banned (1988-1990). Despite this situation, academics never ceased to organize. They continued to network and organize under different names. It was remarkable, given the circumstances, to be able to stop the World Bank University Sector Loan Facility and consequential staff rationalization. The Loan Facility was carefully packaged to sow the seed for Nigerian University System Innovation Project (NUSIP), which popped up later as Obasanjo Administration’s initiative.
The occurrance of an interesting coincidence in 1990 helped to expose the desperation of the IBB regime to implement the IMF/World Bank policies. A day after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) – name adopted by the banned ASUU – had held a National Conference on the World Bank in OAU, Ile-Ife, the Orka Coup took place, April 22, 1990. In his coup speech, Major Gideon Orkar made apparently innocuous reference to the prevalent repressive tendencies of IBB and his Government. He adduced three reasons for the coup, part of which included:
“(d) The intent to cow the students by the promulgation of the draconian Decree Number 47.
(e) The cowing of the university teaching and non-teaching staff by an intended massive purge, using the 150 million dollar loan as the necessitating factor.”
Given the contemporary issues against which the ASUU, NLC and students were consistently united, and that which informed the core of their struggles against the government, it was easy for a sensitive government like IBB’s to perceive a connection between the coup and the conference. Hence, the conferene organizers, Prof. Omotoye Olorode and Dr. Idowu Awopetu (ASUU National Treasurer) were immediately arrested and detained as alledged coup suspects.They were subjected to military trials (Court Martial) but were found innocent and released. Yet, they were compulsorily retired “in public interest”. They were reinstated by the court when Prof. Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa became Education Minister.
After a long spell of unease between the Government and AUT (the former still defiant to address ASUU’s demands), September 1990 became a new dawn for ASUU as it was deproscribed. ASUU intensified its demand for collective bargaining – to negotiate the conditions of service and other work-related issues for its members. The IBB Gvernment remained adamant and invariably hostile whenever ASUU made attempt to push its demands, until May 1992, when Dr Jega was reelected President. After several failed efforts to get the Government to start negotiation, ASUU commenced the suspended strike. However, as if that was the Greenhouse conditions desperately needed, the Government readily submitted to start negotiation as the strike subsisted. What an irony! No sooner had the negotiation commenced than it was unilaterally suspended by the Government! ASUU had no option than to commence the strike.
On May 25, the strike commenced, but had to be suspended on May 30 as Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) stepped in. That marked the beginning of a series of crowded activities as ASUU responded to every Government move to arm-twist its way. ASUU continued to checkmate the Government’s unsavory litiny of absurdities until one by one they reached their climax and crumbled with a bang. Follow the labyrinth of tragicomedy of industrial relations as it unfolded:
– On June 1, the IAP found Dr Jega guilty of contempt of court, but the judge, apparently considering the weighty political implications, decided to waive it.
– On July 20, with Government irresponsibilty, ASUU had to commence the strike
– On July 22, ASUU was banned again, but the strike continued under Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities (ASNU)
– The situation remained until the Government was forced to negotiate through a committee it constituted
– On September 3, 1992, the two parties reached an agreement on Funding, Conditions of Service [with University Academic Salary Scale (UASS)], and Autonomy and Academic Freedom
– On September 4, the 4-month old strike was suspended and academic activities commenced.
Immediately the Agreement was signed, other university workers were instigated to ask for “parity”, insisting that whatever was given to ASUU must be given to them. Even some of their members reasoned and questioned the basis of their leaders’ claims to parity, pointing out that they had been part of JAC when the struggle had begun, but unilaterally decided to ditch the JAC, capitulated and called off the strike when the chips were down. With our union preserved and intact, and without any collectively bargained agreement, what justification do we have to claim parity? – these SSANU members rationally queried.
However, as implementation of the ASUU Agreement commenced SSANU intensified its parity demand, which led to another round of the “Theatre of the Absurd”. The new vicious cycle started with the appointment of Professor Ben Nwabueze as Secretary (Minister) of Education. He contrived a new concept of “the Agreement of Imperfect Obligation”, meaning that the FG/ASUU Agreement was not (legally) binding on the Government to implement. He therefore directed universities to stop implementing the UASS/USS. Without any provocation, Prof Nwabueze continued his vicious attacks on ASUU with systematic breaches of the Agreement. It was obvious that he was deployed to do the hatchet job, and he was certainly doing it with utmost efficiency. ASUU’s voice of protest was drowned in a wirlwind of blackmail and intimidation. Its persistent demand to stop the breaches of the Agreement came up against a brick wall. With most aspects of the Agreement rolled back and no sign of de-escalating the breaches, ASUU had no option other than to take action.
– ASUU resumed the strike on May 3, 1993, and all member universities joined
– Three days later, the Government announced the dismissal of all striking lecturers and salary stoppage
– A Decree making teaching essential service, retroactively prohibiting teachers from going on strike, was enacted
– All lecturers on strike were given sack letters
– In some campuses, lecturers were ejected from their houses, despite the argument that residency of campus quarters was governed by the rental law.
– A particular case of UniAbuja Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Isa Muhammed, was pathetic. He went to the extent of sending the estate staff to tear off the roofs of lecturers’ houses, and then the security personnel to eject them.
– Even after the reinstatement of all lecturers later, Prof. Isa Muhammed refused to reinstate the EXCO of UniAbuja.

(TO BE CONTINUED…..)

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Opinion

Kano APC Youth Coalition, Nasir Ja’o’ji and Party Survival

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By Abba Anwar

At cursory look of the title of this piece, what readily comes to mind, is the existing relationship between Kano APC Youth Coalition and Nasir Bala Ja’o’ji, in APC realignment process or procedure. This really captures the picture clearly from the surface. But there is more to it.

Kano APC Youth Coalition came into being more as a one-man-show, probably self-styled and crafty moved. But subsequent engagements of the Coalition, proves otherwise. Some people thought, the Coalition came handy canvassing for primary support for some quasi – politicians, unproductive as they appear, who always hide behind the scene and make a cover under good image of the party leadership at all levels.

Many people, including me, thought this Coalition under Adamu Unguwar Gini, would operate in desperation, under the guise of recuperating party youth into one basket for misleading purpose. As some elders, would-be-elders and self – acclaimed elders operate from clandestine position.

For sure the Coalition, prepared before its debut. Party elders, leaders and other stakeholders were contacted for direction and guide. This, I was not told, but I observed. I understand this by looking at its growing process. I equally understood that, the leadership of the Coalition was one time tilted towards particular side of the prism. But experience and good intention, in my view, necessitated for spreading the leadership into all sections of the state.

It is this strategy, among others, that gave individuals like Hon Nasir Bala Ja’o’ji, to see reason in aiding the movement. Though he is the Zonal Leader of the movement, from Kano Central. But his contribution towards having effective and efficient implementation of the core central objectives of the group, that is making the party stronger and domineering at all levels, gives him the courage to be one of the principal stakeholders.

The recently announced donation of Eighty Eight Million Naira (N88m) to the Coalition for the 44 local governments tour and empowerment of 100 people from each local government, says a lot in his enduring commitment to the expansion and making the party strong enough to compete comfortably come 2027, at both state and national elections.

The proposed local governments tour and empowerment programme scheduled for time to come, is an important pointer to the fact that, this Coalition has very strong and fearless individuals that are ready to sacrifice their time, energy and resources towards political alignment and realignment within the party structure.

People like Musaddique Wada Waziri, Malam Abdussalam Ishaq (Kumbotso), Umar Maiwayo Rimingado, my younger brother Inyass Habibu, Ibrahim Danyaro, Jijitar, Abubakar Indabawa, former Vice Chairman, Warawa, Dini Manchester Kankarofi, Abubakar Aminu, Hon Barwa, Sani Gilashi, Danfillo, Idris Zango, among many others, are playing very critical role in strengthening the grip of the party across the state and the nation at large.

One interesting thing about this combination is, here are important actors, who, for strategic reason, come from all “sides” of the party stalwarts. Party stalwarts because they are the shining stars of the party in the state.

Stars like Deputy Senate President, Barau Jibrin, former Deputy Governor and Gubernatorial Candidate for 2023 election, HE Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, former Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs and Deputy Gubernatorial Candidate for 2023 election, HE Murtala Sule Garo, Hon Abubakar Kabir Bichi, among others.

But all the Stars above lineup behind our Flagship, the National Chairman of the Party, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON.

After critical review of the intention of the Coalition, Nasir Ja’o’ji comes to believe that, this Coalition means well for the party. And should therefore be facelifted, encouraged, guided and supported. After believing that, the Unguwar Gini led group, “… belongs to everybody and does not belong to anybody…”, Ja’o’ji made it compulsory to always give a helping hand to the group. More importantly, since the Coalition means genuine support for the party at all levels.

Let me still insist that, if Ja’o’ji a political appointee under President Tinubu, as a member Governing Council, of the Federal College of Education (Technical), Potiskum, Yobe State, can do this, contributing N88m, I’m sure other political appointees under the same administration can also replicate.

Because supporting Coalition in the same pace and manner, equals to supporting the party, the National Chairman, and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the same time. In my view therefore, Ja’o’ji apart from being a pacesetter among all political appointees from Kano, he is genuinely a firm believer of APC programmes and policies.

My appeal is for the National Chairman of the party, Baba Ganduje, and the Tinubu led administration, to kindly see reason for continued support for the Coalition and similar ones across all the 36 states of the federation, including the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

As Unguwar Gini model shows in Kano, Coalition of this nature is not taking away any responsibility of party leadership. We can see how harmonious is the relationship between APC Youth Coalition and state leadership of the party, under Prince Abdullahi Abbas. Another pillar of great substance.

Neutrality of this Coalition, in my own understanding, is clearly manifested in how our shining stars give helping hands to the movement. They are eager to give resources and moral support. It is indeed the neutral posture that gives Ja’o’ji the strength to be of that magnitude.

Anwar, was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com

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Open Letter to the Former Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development

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Abba Dukawa

As Muslims, we believe in Al-Qadar, the concept of Divine Decree or predestination. This pillar of faith reminds us that everything, good or bad, comes from Allah. We trust in Allah’s wisdom, love, and plan, acknowledging that our lifespan, deeds, and circumstances are recorded in the Lauhul-Mahfuz.

In light of your recent dismissal, I’m concerned that your public statements blaming certain individuals for your removal contradict this fundamental Islamic principle.

You admitted President Bola Tinubu explained your removal was due to the need to balance Kano State’s political representation. Quoting you: “I was surprised, as I wasn’t found guilty of wrongdoing or poor performance… Kano North was overloaded with political officers, hence the need to strike a balance.”

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I urge you to reflect on Quran 2:286, “Allah does not burden any human being with more than he is well able to bear,” and Surah Ali ‘Imran, verse 26, “Allah! Possessor of the kingdom, gives the kingdom to whom He will, and takes the kingdom from whom He will.”

Your rise from local government chairman to deputy governor and minister was Allah’s will. Similarly, your dismissal is part of Allah’s plan.

I caution against desperation and blaming others. Instead, trust Allah’s wisdom and providence.

As a Muslim, it’s inconsistent to think anyone can alter Allah’s plan for you. I believe those close to you are misleading you by allowing you to publicly blame others for your dismissal as Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development. It’s unwise to grant interviews after being relieved of duty, as it comes across as desperate—and your media handlers are equally at fault for permitting it.

Why have the rest of the ministers who were equally sacked remained silent? Why are you the only one expressing dismay for being relieved?

Dukawa writes from Abuja and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com

 

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Sokoto:Sen. Wamakko’s 9 Years Of “Poor” Representation In The Senate

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Sokoto is known for leadership and where religious knowledge is deep-rooted. So, leaders from the Caliphate are well respected and honour by people from other parts of the country. The reason is clear, Sokoto is the seat of Caliphate that produced great leaders and Islamic scholars of high repute.

So, nobody expects less when it comes to leadership in the state, but if you are a keen observer and follower of activities in Nigeria, you would wonder if the Sokoto they are talking about today, have any link with the activities of the great leaders and scholars that were in charge of Sokoto of years back. Certainly, not, because the kind of leadership is not the same, today its political leadership and followers of Nigerian politics know that, the present day politics can’t provide the kind of leadership the Sokoto of the past provided.

Analysts questioned the negative trend ascribed to Sokoto state. They asked several questions including but not limited to how can the great Sokoto state be rated among the educationally backward states in Nigeria? Why should Sokoto be rated among the poorest state in Nigeria? They are worried that it is not acceptable to count Sokoto state among states with negative statistics on child and maternal health; malnutrition should not be an issue in Sokoto. In fact Sokoto should not be among the state that should be faced with insecurity challenges.

But all these and more are prevalent challenges in Sokoto state and this call to question the kind of leadership the political class in the state are providing. For those who are concern about the happenings in the state, are begining to doubt all the positive publicities some top politicians in the state are enjoying for years.

One politician in the state that fortune has smiled on since the inception of this political dispensation in 1999 is Senator Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, he has been around for so many years, from the grassroots to the mainstream politics of the state Wamakko has been at the forefront of leadership in the state. He was deputy governor for 7 years, governor for eight years and now Senator for nine years.

Wamakko enjoyed positive publications as a governor and had some landmark achievements ascribed to his name. He was seen as one of the performing governor in the state. Even though critics and analysts have contrary opinions. They said in terms of impact and cost analysis of some of his projects and or their lifespan/durability, Wamakko’s tenure is more of a disservice to the people of Sokoto than a blessing.

To buttress their argument, the critics and analysts, drew the attention of people of Sokoto to compare what his predecessor Sen. Ibrahim Lamido has done in terms of quality, durability and relevance to the general wellbeing of Sokoto people and the plethora of substandard projects Wamakko littered Sokoto with.

They further argued that to assess the quality and sincerity of Wamakko as a leader, his nine years as a senator should be critically scrutinized and the result of the findings be made public for all to judge. According to the analysts, Wamakko has not represented his people well. As a Senator, they said, he has held privileged committees that should be beneficial to the entire Sokoto, but no soul aside members of his inner circle that has benefitted from his senatorship seat.

They explained that the years of neglect of local governments like Gudu, Tangaza, Binji, Silame is the obvious reason why the Lakurawa terrorists group existed in the area for over 8 years unnoticed by the Nigeria government.

Sokoto North senatorial district comprises of Sokoto North and Sokoto South, Wamakko, Kware, Binji, Silame, Gudu and Tangaza, you go round these local government areas and point to one particular thing the senator has done for members of the senatorial district.

Yes the eastern senatorial district of Sokoto is facing serious security threat in the last seven years, and this has affected socioeconomic activities, which has increased the level of poverty in the region. However, for the last 17 months, things have began to change for better. Purposeful leadership and deliberate actions to change the fact of things can be witnessed.

The purposeful leadership of senator Ibrahim Lamido and deliberate attempt to find a lasting solution to the many challenges affecting the region are so glaring for all to see. For instance, the deliberate investment in education of youth from the region is one sure way of liberating the region from the grip of unscrupulous elements taking advantage of poor level of education in the area to recruit terrorists.

In an unprecedented move and boldness to confront the deep rooted challenges of poor quality of education, Sen. Lamido has sponsored about 50 youth from the zone to study in various fields of human endeavours in India. This is in addition to many interventions in the education sub-sector from the senator, who out concern to the education of youth, declared war against poor education in the region.

This is not happening in any of the senator districts of Sokoto including Sokoto central where Sen. Wamakko spent 9 years representing his constituents in the Red Chamber. It has never happened, it is not happening and I am not sure if there is any plan to do anything like this by the two other senators for the teeming youth in their respective zones. All the eight local government areas of the senatorial district need education intervention including the two metropolitan, but nothing close to this has ever happened. Why won’t Sokoto be rated as educationally backward state when leaders don’t see the need to invest in education of the teeming youth?

Due to the security challenges, Sokoto state is faced with a lot of humanitarian challenges as a result of banditry attacks. And Sen. Lamido has responded well to these challenges. He did not stopped at distribution of relief materials and visitation of victims of banditry attacks, rather engaged in a very robust package of intervention where over a hundred of widows were empowered with N250,000 each to engage in micro and small businesses so as to become self-reliant.

This is done, to facilitate the resuscitation of the economic activities of eastern senatorial district that has suffered from bandits attacks and Sen. Lamido is doing all these from the point of knowledge, that no nation can survive insurrection if it’s people are economically incapacitated.

In the entire nine years of Sen. Wamakko, nobody can provide the record that he has done this kind of gesture. Nobody is talking about giving rice and clothing materials to widows and orphans. Nobody is talking of photoshoot with people who genuinely need humanitarian assistance, but leaders are taking pictures to further exploit people in need of assistance.

Sen. Lamido’s contributions in fighting insecurity in the eastern part of Sokoto if replicated by other senators in the state, nobody would be talking about the Lakurawa terrorists group in Sokoto. Sen. Lamido had from time to time assist communities’ efforts towards ending insecurity. In fact, with permission by the federal security agencies, Sen. Lamido funded the civilian JTF to support the mainstream security personnel in fighting the terrorists operating in the zone. This is in addition to many efforts that can’t be express in black and white due to their sensitive nature all in a bid to restore peace and normalcy in his region.

Such exemplary leadership is lacking in other parts of the state including in Sokoto North, Sokoto South, Gudu Tangaza Binji, Wamakko, Silame and Kware where Senator Wamakko is representing.

Needless to engage in lengthy write up, if Sen. Wamakko in his 9 years did 10% of what Sen. Lamido has done in 17 months in fight insecurity, the Lakurawa terrorists group wouldn’t have penetrated into Nigeria.

The security challenges in the eastern part of Sokoto is receiving the adequate attention of Sen. Lamido. Beside his contributions in fighting banditry, the senator he has equally provided many communities with good drinking water, relief materials and other supports to the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) with a view to making their better.

Signed:
Concern Sokoto State Progressive Mind.
Convener

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