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Education,ASUU And The Globalist Agenda (I)

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Professor Lukman Diso

 

L. I. Diso
BUK

When William Saint, the World Bank Education Consultant, came to Bayero University, Kano in 1999/2000, he hadn’t had the slightest idea that ASUU was ready for him. He was shocked by the level of mobilization and the ambush set to give him the terrifying welcome. The naive mindset people on such missions usually have about Africans being complacent, or having short memory and lacking a sense of history, was clearly visible in his mien. The apparent sudden realization that, contrary to his expectation, ASUU seemed to know the agenda they had been implementing in the last three decades (1970s, 1980s & 1990s), was, perhaps, what terrified him the more.

Let us take a short trip through these decades to see the picture that provides the logical context to this discussion. We shall return to Mr Saint to see who he was, what his mission in Nigeria was, how he planned to accomplish the mission, his encounter with ASUU at Bayero University, Kano, and part of his report recommendations to the World Bank.

All these may help to unravel the critical questions of why education has been systematically accorded diminishing national priority, and its role in Nigeria’s national development been consistently receding in the last 60 years. They would also help to deepen our insights into the trajectory that has shaped ASUU’s evolution and its struggles through the decades. Arising from all this may be the temptation to raise and tackle the following questions:
– Why has ASUU, of all the education stakeholders, decided to be the only consistent defender of education in Nigeria?
– Why do different Nigerian governments invariably respond to education crisis in the same pattern?
– What are the implications of government’s brazen hostility to education and the intermittent disruptions that follow as a consequence?
– What lessons could be learnt from ASUU’s consistent struggles for decades?

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

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The 1960s, the decade of Nigeria’s independence, was afflicted with crippling political crisis, so turbulent that the new nation was shaken to its very roots. Whether it was an inevitable corollary of colonial vestiges that characterized such emerging nations, education, especially university education, seemed to remain relatively insulated, and as robust as it was anywhere in the world. The university teaching and learning environment, infrastructure and facilities were of high standard and comparably as good as anywhere in Europe and North America. Conditions of service were equally good and attractive. Staffing policy, in terms of staff-students ratio and staff mix, was based on best-practice standards, which produced a cosmopolitan environment and a vibrant academic culture necessary for university to thrive.
Therefore, the need for coming together as a body to represent the academics was not felt until 1965 when the Association for University Teachers (AUT) was formed. AUT was not political. It was formed to cater only for the welfare of the academics. Other variables that define university seemed to have been taken for granted.

However, in the decade of prosperity and consolidation, as the 1970s were referred to, Nigerian Universities began to slide gradually, at the beginning, as the military consolidated their firm grips on the country. Suddenly, though consciously, as if jinxed to a morgaged future, Nigeria decided to embrace a policy that marked the beginning of the cascading crisis that has bedevilled education, particularly university education, to this day, and likely, to a distant future. AUT protested to the extent of a strike to press for the Government to address the deteriorating conditions of education – teaching and learning, and welfare of staff and students.

However, the Gowon Military Government responded ruthlessly and crushed the strike. That experience served as an eye opener for the academics, and they moved to change the dynamics.

Despite the relative obscurity of the policy’s source and contents, it triggered a warning from concerned visionary and farsighted Nigerian citizens, scholars and the ASUU, which was formed in 1978 from the National Association of University Teachers (NAUT). They warned that the policy was clearly meant to serve the master and to rule over the target with all ruthlessness, to forcefully impose its contents, and ultimately emasculate the university system and education in general. However, as the decade was largely characterized by military culture, and the government, itself remotely manipulated by the same forces that had designed the policy, the warning was ignored. This explains why Obasanjo Military Regime witnessed a lot of crises in the education sector.

The NPN civilian government under Shagari (1979-1983) was a bit cautious towards university education, although there were largely unsuccessful attempts to violate university autonomy in order to implement the same surreptitious agenda. ASUU’s spirited resistance thwarted the implementation of the agenda. As the dogged struggle deepened, the first agreement that gave the academic staff the USS scale with 20% differential relative to civil service scale, was signed in 1982.

The deepening contradictions in the Shagari Civilian administration provided the excuse that brought Buhari/Idiagbon military regime (Dec.1983- Aug. 1985) in a bloodless coup D’tat. Immediately they settled the military authoritarian culture began to manifest: the repressive policy mills were hastily deployed to launch a direct assault on the University and draconian decrees arbitrarily manufactured. Under this regime, the University was subjected to a torrent of attacks including:
– Termination of university cafetaria services
– Withdrawal of subsidies on accommodation in universities
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
– Transfer of university senate’s powers to NUC through Decree 16 of 1985
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
ASUU never relented in its strong resistence to these authoritarian policies despite all the harrassment and intimidation the union faced as a consequence.
The palace coup that toppled Buhari and brought Ibrahim Bodamasi Babangida (IBB) regime (1985 – 1993) was a continuation of the military and their repressive anti-intellectual culture. IBB regime never pretended that it was there to serve interests other than Nigerians’. Shortly after settling, the regime dropped the bombshell, unveiling a World Bank/IMF-packaged economic policy with fanatical determination to implement. While the regime initiated a national debate as to whether or not to take the IMF loan, it contemptuously ignored the process and silently took the loan with all the conditionalities before the public final verdict (a clearly overwhelming rejection). Nigerians were shocked by the regime’s stunning insensitivity in this reckless disregard for the far reaching and devastating socio-economic and political implications of this action.
ASUU became the intellectual light, in the forefront leading the resistance movement, providing an incisive critique of the regime’s economic policy and presenting simplefied but thorough analysis of the policy’s implications. The duo of ASUU and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the former being an affiliate of the latter, became the most consistent and vocal critics of the policy, vigorously mobilizing the nation with the dogged insistence, to force the government to reverse its decision. As the government intentensified the commitment to the ruthless implementation of this anti-people economic policy, ASUU, NLC, NANS and other pro-people organizations turned the situation into a season of revolutionary activities: intellectually scathing public lectures and production of mobilizational publications to galvanize public opinion against government’s submission to the oppressive policy.
Sensing the massive public support and reaction and the obvious likely consequences, the IBB Regime bared its fangs, unleashing all the repressive instruments at their disposal. Barely one year into IBB’s tenure, the Regime started the full implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) as a package of the IMF conditionalities. NLC, ASUU and NANS started to organize mass protest. NANS, using the Commemoration Day of “Ali-Must- GO”, staged a mass protest, in which many students were shot and killed in ABU, Zaria. The Government’s crackdown was widened and started in full swing:
– Arbitrary arrest of NLC leaders and “bombardment” of NLC offices started across Nigeria
– Plans to Weaken ASUU were hastily hatched and implemented
(1) ASUU was de-affiliated from the NLC by Decree 16 of 1986
(2) Payment of check off dues was made voluntary for ASUU and NANS
(3)The Abisoye Panel set up on ABU Crisis recommended sacking of lecturers for “…not teaching what they were paid to teach”
– A Year later (1987) UniBen VC, Prof. Grace Alele Williams, acting on the contrived report of visitation panel, announced the sack of ASUU President, Dr.Festus Iyayi, from the University. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017).
By the time Dr Attahiru M Jega (Dr Iyayi’s Vice-President) was elected ASUU President in an early NDC in 1988, the IBB regime, following the World Bank Agenda, had added more to the list of its atrocities. In fact, a reign of terror was unleashed:
– Government’s plans to retrench lecturers and rationalize courses had already reached advanced stages
– Dr. Patrick Wilmot (ABU, Zaria), a Scholar and vocal critic of Western imperialism, and Ms. Firinne N.C. Adelugba (BUK) had been covertly abducted and deported from Nigeria
– Government was blatant in its refusal to implement the earlier negotiated EUSS (Elongated University Salary Structure)
– As fuel prices were hiked by the Regime, students protested and the Government responded with massive crackdown on their leadership and on other activists across the country
– NLC was summarily dissolved and sole administrator appointed. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017)
These constituted Dr Jega’s immediate challenges as the new ASUU President, and his EXCO set out to confront them head on. They formed Joint Action Committee (JAC) with the Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospital, Research Institutes and Allied Institutions (SSAUTHRIAI) to present a united front. JAC submitted its demands to Government, which were expectedly shunned. Joint strike commenced nationwide on July 1, 1988. Curiously, only ASUU was immediately banned. The leadership of SSAUTHRIAI immediately capitulated, dissociated itself from the JAC and called off the strike. ASUU continued with the strike under University Lecturers’ Association (ULA). Government immediately launched a crackdown on national and local leadership of ASUU. Drs Jega, Iyayi, and other national officers were arrested and taken to unknown location (which was later learnt to be Lagos) for over a month. Many branch chairmen, secretaries and activists of the Union were arrested across the nation. Yet, the declared strike was kept alive by, more or less, leaderless members; it lingered for sometime, but finally fizzled out unofficially.
Signature campaigns for the release of all the arrested ASUU leaders and members were initiated nationwide. A legal action was instituted in Kano High Court for their freedom. A day to the verdict, Dr Jega was produced and presented to the court; and all others were released. Case closed, but ASUU remained officially banned (1988-1990). Despite this situation, academics never ceased to organize. They continued to network and organize under different names. It was remarkable, given the circumstances, to be able to stop the World Bank University Sector Loan Facility and consequential staff rationalization. The Loan Facility was carefully packaged to sow the seed for Nigerian University System Innovation Project (NUSIP), which popped up later as Obasanjo Administration’s initiative.
The occurrance of an interesting coincidence in 1990 helped to expose the desperation of the IBB regime to implement the IMF/World Bank policies. A day after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) – name adopted by the banned ASUU – had held a National Conference on the World Bank in OAU, Ile-Ife, the Orka Coup took place, April 22, 1990. In his coup speech, Major Gideon Orkar made apparently innocuous reference to the prevalent repressive tendencies of IBB and his Government. He adduced three reasons for the coup, part of which included:
“(d) The intent to cow the students by the promulgation of the draconian Decree Number 47.
(e) The cowing of the university teaching and non-teaching staff by an intended massive purge, using the 150 million dollar loan as the necessitating factor.”
Given the contemporary issues against which the ASUU, NLC and students were consistently united, and that which informed the core of their struggles against the government, it was easy for a sensitive government like IBB’s to perceive a connection between the coup and the conference. Hence, the conferene organizers, Prof. Omotoye Olorode and Dr. Idowu Awopetu (ASUU National Treasurer) were immediately arrested and detained as alledged coup suspects.They were subjected to military trials (Court Martial) but were found innocent and released. Yet, they were compulsorily retired “in public interest”. They were reinstated by the court when Prof. Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa became Education Minister.
After a long spell of unease between the Government and AUT (the former still defiant to address ASUU’s demands), September 1990 became a new dawn for ASUU as it was deproscribed. ASUU intensified its demand for collective bargaining – to negotiate the conditions of service and other work-related issues for its members. The IBB Gvernment remained adamant and invariably hostile whenever ASUU made attempt to push its demands, until May 1992, when Dr Jega was reelected President. After several failed efforts to get the Government to start negotiation, ASUU commenced the suspended strike. However, as if that was the Greenhouse conditions desperately needed, the Government readily submitted to start negotiation as the strike subsisted. What an irony! No sooner had the negotiation commenced than it was unilaterally suspended by the Government! ASUU had no option than to commence the strike.
On May 25, the strike commenced, but had to be suspended on May 30 as Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) stepped in. That marked the beginning of a series of crowded activities as ASUU responded to every Government move to arm-twist its way. ASUU continued to checkmate the Government’s unsavory litiny of absurdities until one by one they reached their climax and crumbled with a bang. Follow the labyrinth of tragicomedy of industrial relations as it unfolded:
– On June 1, the IAP found Dr Jega guilty of contempt of court, but the judge, apparently considering the weighty political implications, decided to waive it.
– On July 20, with Government irresponsibilty, ASUU had to commence the strike
– On July 22, ASUU was banned again, but the strike continued under Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities (ASNU)
– The situation remained until the Government was forced to negotiate through a committee it constituted
– On September 3, 1992, the two parties reached an agreement on Funding, Conditions of Service [with University Academic Salary Scale (UASS)], and Autonomy and Academic Freedom
– On September 4, the 4-month old strike was suspended and academic activities commenced.
Immediately the Agreement was signed, other university workers were instigated to ask for “parity”, insisting that whatever was given to ASUU must be given to them. Even some of their members reasoned and questioned the basis of their leaders’ claims to parity, pointing out that they had been part of JAC when the struggle had begun, but unilaterally decided to ditch the JAC, capitulated and called off the strike when the chips were down. With our union preserved and intact, and without any collectively bargained agreement, what justification do we have to claim parity? – these SSANU members rationally queried.
However, as implementation of the ASUU Agreement commenced SSANU intensified its parity demand, which led to another round of the “Theatre of the Absurd”. The new vicious cycle started with the appointment of Professor Ben Nwabueze as Secretary (Minister) of Education. He contrived a new concept of “the Agreement of Imperfect Obligation”, meaning that the FG/ASUU Agreement was not (legally) binding on the Government to implement. He therefore directed universities to stop implementing the UASS/USS. Without any provocation, Prof Nwabueze continued his vicious attacks on ASUU with systematic breaches of the Agreement. It was obvious that he was deployed to do the hatchet job, and he was certainly doing it with utmost efficiency. ASUU’s voice of protest was drowned in a wirlwind of blackmail and intimidation. Its persistent demand to stop the breaches of the Agreement came up against a brick wall. With most aspects of the Agreement rolled back and no sign of de-escalating the breaches, ASUU had no option other than to take action.
– ASUU resumed the strike on May 3, 1993, and all member universities joined
– Three days later, the Government announced the dismissal of all striking lecturers and salary stoppage
– A Decree making teaching essential service, retroactively prohibiting teachers from going on strike, was enacted
– All lecturers on strike were given sack letters
– In some campuses, lecturers were ejected from their houses, despite the argument that residency of campus quarters was governed by the rental law.
– A particular case of UniAbuja Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Isa Muhammed, was pathetic. He went to the extent of sending the estate staff to tear off the roofs of lecturers’ houses, and then the security personnel to eject them.
– Even after the reinstatement of all lecturers later, Prof. Isa Muhammed refused to reinstate the EXCO of UniAbuja.

(TO BE CONTINUED…..)

Opinion

Hon Sunusi Bature: Time to Take the Podium

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By Ahmad Dambazau

The National Assembly is a constitutional locomotive for any purposeful democratic government, it provides checks to the government of the day and a legal basis for the system in general .This basically accounts for the high respect usually accorded and, of course, the attendant high expectation placed on it. The legislative arm of government like any other is saddled with the responsibility enshrined in the constitution and among such major functions includes representation, oversight and law making in addition to many other numerous functions.

Be that as it may, it has been a genuine cause for worry for Nigerians that, despite our series of experimentation with democracy, our legislators have performed below expectation. Their handling of national issues has especially remained without constitutional decorum and political experience required of people of their exalted status. Part 2, Section 4 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, vests the legislative powers of the federation on the National Assembly which comprises the Senate and House of Representatives.

Dawakin Tofa ,Tofa and Rimin Gado Federal constituency is one of the few constituencies in Nigeria represented by the same legislator for 18 years(2007-2005) despite poor representation .

As the federal constituency searches for the best man to represent them for this serious legislative task. One name keeping ringing bell is Hon Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa ,Media and Communication Expert and Director General of Media and Publicity to Kano State Governor.Sunusi has earlier served as the Chief Press Seceretary to the Governor in the early days of the administration .

Mallam Sunusi is a seasoned PR guru, development communication and stakeholder engagement expert with 21 years working experience in both international development, private sector and the Media in Nigeria.

He is a winner of the Cambridge education award on investigative journalism in 2008, Bature has worked at different capacities in various national, International and Bilateral organizations such as the British Foreign and Commonwealth Development Office (FCDO), the United State Agency for Internal Development (USAID), Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Save the Children International, Discovery Learning Alliance and the Rockefeller Foundation.

He held several positions which include General Manager Corporate Services at Dantata Foods and Allied Products Limited (DFAP), Director Stakeholder Engagement at YieldWise Project, Country Program Manager at Girl Rising (ENGAGE) Project funded by the US Government, State Project Coordinator for MNCH Campaign Project of the BMGF, Deputy Director Operations at Discovery Learning Alliance, State Program Officer, Policy Advocacy and Media Development, Communication and Knowledge Management Specialist among other positions.

Graduated with a Bachelor’s degree (B.A. Hons.) in Mass Communication from University of Maiduguri, Sanusi holds a National Diploma in Mass communication from Kaduna Polytechnic, a Higher National Diploma (HND) and a Postgraduate Diploma in Public Health Education and Promotion.He also bagged MSc. in Social Work with specialization in Community Development from Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, (LAUTECH) Ogbomosho, Oyo State and another master’s degree in Public Relations (MPR) from the prestigious Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. He participated in the MSc program on Project Management at Robert Kennedy College, Zurich, Switzerland.Until his appointment, Sunusi Bature served as the Vice President, Nigeria operations for a UK based firm, Kingston Organic PLC.

Hon Dawakin Tofa has opened yet another vista of debate among electorates on the value of quality representation with vigour,expertise and experience of having a wider constituency responsibility and coverage .He has vindicated his mettle among his constituents that even as an appointee of the Governor his eloquent consistent and fearless voice always seeking the improvement of lives of his constituents accountability among representatives of the people.

He is truly a representative of the people though unelected going by the amount of work he was able to do for the overall benefit of his people. In fact, it is worth elucidating that this PR guru was able to touch the lives of the people in his stewardship in the private and public sectors. So far he has proved to be one of the few politicians that attracts government presence to his community. No matter what anyone would say, the amount of dividends of democracy that this community leader was able to bring to the door step of the people is unmatched.

Sunusi Bature’s development credentials and landmarks speaks volumes. The highlights of which were stellar achievements of re-positioning the educational sector in the more definitive ,radically ,progressive and futuristic manner , not to mention the capacity building, empowerment and educational scholarship for his people ,all shone brightly for both his admirers and detractors to access.

The Director General of Media and Publicity to the Governor of Kano State, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, has been honoured with the prestigious Most Outstanding Spokesperson Award by the Nigeria Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Information. Dawakin Tofa was selected for this esteemed award in recognition of his instrumental role in promoting not only the positive image of the Kano State Governor and his giant strides also for effectively showcasing the only NNPP ruling state in Nigeria.
In the award citation, Mallam Sunusi was hailed as an unwavering proponent of non-violent communication, renowned for his extensive network and adept delivery of practices with clarity in objectives, and strategic framing of engagements with his audience.His profound impact and effectiveness in perception and reputation management are highly commendable.

In whatever one indulges in there are always people to observe and give their verdict .It is a well- known fact that there is nothing stronger than the people’s verdict.it shows a collective desire which inevitably is the voice of reason. The momentum of Hon Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa legislative bid is gathering amongst all strata of the constituency is enough testimony that experienced count in the race for the parliamentary seat.

Dambazau wrote in from Kano.

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Opinion

Nasir El-rufai: The Strategic Politician in Recent Times

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By Abubakar Sadiq Dauda

Malam, as he is fondly called, is a very brilliant politician with alot of success stories. He is a genius per excellence when it comes to politics. He sets his main priorities and cares less about other sub priorities that may not yield to any serious positive impact. That simple act of setting his main target and work tirelessly to ensure that he delivers on the mandate makes him an outstanding politician.

In 2013, he was the brain behind the formation of APC. He committed his entire time and energy to bring Tinubu, Buhari and Atiku into thesame fold. The goal then was to defeat the ruling party, PDP.

Initially, he refused to compromise on his main target by not seeking for any elective position, which he knows may affect the chances of achieving his main priority. As fate will swing into his favour, former President Muhammadu Buhari, who was the major contender in the opposition as it was then, requested that El-rufai must contest for Kaduna governorship position in 2015. The rest is now history.

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Fast-forward to 2023, El-rufai showed his zealousness and potentials by going for the bigger ‘fish’ again. His main objective was to make sure Tinubu (who hail from the South) succeeds Buhari, and APC should continue to take charge of the affairs of Kaduna state. He chose not to vie for any office in other for him to commit his time, effort and resources to achieve his main objective. The rest as they say is now history.

Again, today being the 10th of March, 2025, a well known discourse (judging by strategic meetings held recently) was finalized, formalized and brought into the public sphere by thesame figure, Nasir El-Rufai. The theme which is well known in many quarters is to make sure that the Government of the day at both national and at state level (emphasis on Kaduna) lost the election that will graciously take place in 2027.

Malam is fully committed to attain thesame success he recorded particularly in 2015 and 2023. In other for Malam to be successful, he will remain steadfast, focused and committed in achieving his main objective (judging by his past precedence).

Unlike many politicians and political actors, Malam believes in personal sacrifices to ensure that he gets the job done. He is able to outline is main priorities and commit all he has to attain the greater success he aspire, not minding whose ox is gored.

His fearlessness, foresight, brilliance, hard-work has overtime proves beyond doubt that he is indeed a strategic politician who should not be taken in for a ride.

Sadiq is a political analyst, writes from Kano and can be reached via sadiqdauda55@gmail.com

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Opinion

Ganduje Decorates Barau, Political General

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From Abba Anwar

Thrilled by the consistent effort of the Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, in making the All Progressives Congress (APC) waxing stronger across Nigeria, the National Chairman of APC, His Excellency (Dr) Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, decorates the DSP with a title of Political General.

As the hall of the event to receive members of the Coalition of Atiku Abubakar Support Groups, from 19 Northern states, into the fold of the ruling APC, roared with standing ovation, the National Chairman continued, “Distinguished Barau I. Jibrin’s capacity is beyond his constituency, Kano North or Kano State.”

Silencing all hues and cries about Barau’s role in accepting members of other parties at the local level, Ganduje reminded that, “Initially people thought Distinguished Barau I. Jibrin, representing Kano North Senatorial District, is only working in Kano for receiving members of other political parties to APC in Kano.

But you can see that, he is going beyond that. He is liberating those people especially those committed to democracy, convincing them to join APC, not only from Kano or from North, but from other parts of the country.”

He commended that,” Senator Barau is a real political General.”

To further show his inner most appreciation of the Deputy Senate President’s effort in strengthening the party from many fronts, Ganduje concurred that,”… after the Fasting period all members of this Coalition will be gathered in Abuja under the leadership of Distinguished Senator Barau Jibrin, so that we invite Mr President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Vice President, Senate President and Right Honorable Speaker, House of Representatives, to formally receive all your members.

In order to register the death and the collapse of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria. Not only in the Northern part of the country.”

The National Chairman of APC was at the event with all members of the National Working Committee of the party. What this indicates is, how important and relevant is Barau’s effort in molding party structures and brilliant engagement in the nation’s political experiment.

Recent cemented relationship between Ganduje and Barau signals many things for the party and individuals. Alignment and realignment, among other political strategies, are a condition that scares APC opponents, real and perceived, in Kano, North and the country as a whole.

The way I see it, is this, as Barau started with local push, in accepting local politicians, entertainers and political novices, in some circumstances, his recent engagement with Coalition of Atiku Support Groups, speaks volume in understanding how deep he has gone in the national scheme of things of the ruling APC. He is more or less, becoming a pillar. Particularly with the endorsement of the National Chairman.

What Barau is up to, is subject to many interpretations. Depending on the side of the prism one is standing. But one fundamental item in his activities is this, that, he is making the party to be more visible, more vibrant, more relevant and stronger in multi-faceted manifestations. Left to me, I can say Barau is not too much concerned about local politics.

On his part, DSP appreciated that, since Ganduje became the National Chairman of APC, “… since he came in we did not lose any election. The party is waxing stronger day in day out. He has shown that he is capable. So we are proud of you Mr Chairman Sir.”

Adding that, “We thank you for making Kano state proud we thank you for making North West proud. And we thank you for making Nigeria proud. His Excellency Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, proves to all that he is a detribalised national leader.”

Anwar, was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com

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