fbpx
Connect with us

Opinion

Education,ASUU And The Globalist Agenda (I)

Published

on

Professor Lukman Diso

 

L. I. Diso
BUK

When William Saint, the World Bank Education Consultant, came to Bayero University, Kano in 1999/2000, he hadn’t had the slightest idea that ASUU was ready for him. He was shocked by the level of mobilization and the ambush set to give him the terrifying welcome. The naive mindset people on such missions usually have about Africans being complacent, or having short memory and lacking a sense of history, was clearly visible in his mien. The apparent sudden realization that, contrary to his expectation, ASUU seemed to know the agenda they had been implementing in the last three decades (1970s, 1980s & 1990s), was, perhaps, what terrified him the more.

Let us take a short trip through these decades to see the picture that provides the logical context to this discussion. We shall return to Mr Saint to see who he was, what his mission in Nigeria was, how he planned to accomplish the mission, his encounter with ASUU at Bayero University, Kano, and part of his report recommendations to the World Bank.

All these may help to unravel the critical questions of why education has been systematically accorded diminishing national priority, and its role in Nigeria’s national development been consistently receding in the last 60 years. They would also help to deepen our insights into the trajectory that has shaped ASUU’s evolution and its struggles through the decades. Arising from all this may be the temptation to raise and tackle the following questions:
– Why has ASUU, of all the education stakeholders, decided to be the only consistent defender of education in Nigeria?
– Why do different Nigerian governments invariably respond to education crisis in the same pattern?
– What are the implications of government’s brazen hostility to education and the intermittent disruptions that follow as a consequence?
– What lessons could be learnt from ASUU’s consistent struggles for decades?

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

The 1960s, the decade of Nigeria’s independence, was afflicted with crippling political crisis, so turbulent that the new nation was shaken to its very roots. Whether it was an inevitable corollary of colonial vestiges that characterized such emerging nations, education, especially university education, seemed to remain relatively insulated, and as robust as it was anywhere in the world. The university teaching and learning environment, infrastructure and facilities were of high standard and comparably as good as anywhere in Europe and North America. Conditions of service were equally good and attractive. Staffing policy, in terms of staff-students ratio and staff mix, was based on best-practice standards, which produced a cosmopolitan environment and a vibrant academic culture necessary for university to thrive.
Therefore, the need for coming together as a body to represent the academics was not felt until 1965 when the Association for University Teachers (AUT) was formed. AUT was not political. It was formed to cater only for the welfare of the academics. Other variables that define university seemed to have been taken for granted.

However, in the decade of prosperity and consolidation, as the 1970s were referred to, Nigerian Universities began to slide gradually, at the beginning, as the military consolidated their firm grips on the country. Suddenly, though consciously, as if jinxed to a morgaged future, Nigeria decided to embrace a policy that marked the beginning of the cascading crisis that has bedevilled education, particularly university education, to this day, and likely, to a distant future. AUT protested to the extent of a strike to press for the Government to address the deteriorating conditions of education – teaching and learning, and welfare of staff and students.

However, the Gowon Military Government responded ruthlessly and crushed the strike. That experience served as an eye opener for the academics, and they moved to change the dynamics.

Despite the relative obscurity of the policy’s source and contents, it triggered a warning from concerned visionary and farsighted Nigerian citizens, scholars and the ASUU, which was formed in 1978 from the National Association of University Teachers (NAUT). They warned that the policy was clearly meant to serve the master and to rule over the target with all ruthlessness, to forcefully impose its contents, and ultimately emasculate the university system and education in general. However, as the decade was largely characterized by military culture, and the government, itself remotely manipulated by the same forces that had designed the policy, the warning was ignored. This explains why Obasanjo Military Regime witnessed a lot of crises in the education sector.

The NPN civilian government under Shagari (1979-1983) was a bit cautious towards university education, although there were largely unsuccessful attempts to violate university autonomy in order to implement the same surreptitious agenda. ASUU’s spirited resistance thwarted the implementation of the agenda. As the dogged struggle deepened, the first agreement that gave the academic staff the USS scale with 20% differential relative to civil service scale, was signed in 1982.

The deepening contradictions in the Shagari Civilian administration provided the excuse that brought Buhari/Idiagbon military regime (Dec.1983- Aug. 1985) in a bloodless coup D’tat. Immediately they settled the military authoritarian culture began to manifest: the repressive policy mills were hastily deployed to launch a direct assault on the University and draconian decrees arbitrarily manufactured. Under this regime, the University was subjected to a torrent of attacks including:
– Termination of university cafetaria services
– Withdrawal of subsidies on accommodation in universities
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
– Transfer of university senate’s powers to NUC through Decree 16 of 1985
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
ASUU never relented in its strong resistence to these authoritarian policies despite all the harrassment and intimidation the union faced as a consequence.
The palace coup that toppled Buhari and brought Ibrahim Bodamasi Babangida (IBB) regime (1985 – 1993) was a continuation of the military and their repressive anti-intellectual culture. IBB regime never pretended that it was there to serve interests other than Nigerians’. Shortly after settling, the regime dropped the bombshell, unveiling a World Bank/IMF-packaged economic policy with fanatical determination to implement. While the regime initiated a national debate as to whether or not to take the IMF loan, it contemptuously ignored the process and silently took the loan with all the conditionalities before the public final verdict (a clearly overwhelming rejection). Nigerians were shocked by the regime’s stunning insensitivity in this reckless disregard for the far reaching and devastating socio-economic and political implications of this action.
ASUU became the intellectual light, in the forefront leading the resistance movement, providing an incisive critique of the regime’s economic policy and presenting simplefied but thorough analysis of the policy’s implications. The duo of ASUU and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the former being an affiliate of the latter, became the most consistent and vocal critics of the policy, vigorously mobilizing the nation with the dogged insistence, to force the government to reverse its decision. As the government intentensified the commitment to the ruthless implementation of this anti-people economic policy, ASUU, NLC, NANS and other pro-people organizations turned the situation into a season of revolutionary activities: intellectually scathing public lectures and production of mobilizational publications to galvanize public opinion against government’s submission to the oppressive policy.
Sensing the massive public support and reaction and the obvious likely consequences, the IBB Regime bared its fangs, unleashing all the repressive instruments at their disposal. Barely one year into IBB’s tenure, the Regime started the full implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) as a package of the IMF conditionalities. NLC, ASUU and NANS started to organize mass protest. NANS, using the Commemoration Day of “Ali-Must- GO”, staged a mass protest, in which many students were shot and killed in ABU, Zaria. The Government’s crackdown was widened and started in full swing:
– Arbitrary arrest of NLC leaders and “bombardment” of NLC offices started across Nigeria
– Plans to Weaken ASUU were hastily hatched and implemented
(1) ASUU was de-affiliated from the NLC by Decree 16 of 1986
(2) Payment of check off dues was made voluntary for ASUU and NANS
(3)The Abisoye Panel set up on ABU Crisis recommended sacking of lecturers for “…not teaching what they were paid to teach”
– A Year later (1987) UniBen VC, Prof. Grace Alele Williams, acting on the contrived report of visitation panel, announced the sack of ASUU President, Dr.Festus Iyayi, from the University. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017).
By the time Dr Attahiru M Jega (Dr Iyayi’s Vice-President) was elected ASUU President in an early NDC in 1988, the IBB regime, following the World Bank Agenda, had added more to the list of its atrocities. In fact, a reign of terror was unleashed:
– Government’s plans to retrench lecturers and rationalize courses had already reached advanced stages
– Dr. Patrick Wilmot (ABU, Zaria), a Scholar and vocal critic of Western imperialism, and Ms. Firinne N.C. Adelugba (BUK) had been covertly abducted and deported from Nigeria
– Government was blatant in its refusal to implement the earlier negotiated EUSS (Elongated University Salary Structure)
– As fuel prices were hiked by the Regime, students protested and the Government responded with massive crackdown on their leadership and on other activists across the country
– NLC was summarily dissolved and sole administrator appointed. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017)
These constituted Dr Jega’s immediate challenges as the new ASUU President, and his EXCO set out to confront them head on. They formed Joint Action Committee (JAC) with the Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospital, Research Institutes and Allied Institutions (SSAUTHRIAI) to present a united front. JAC submitted its demands to Government, which were expectedly shunned. Joint strike commenced nationwide on July 1, 1988. Curiously, only ASUU was immediately banned. The leadership of SSAUTHRIAI immediately capitulated, dissociated itself from the JAC and called off the strike. ASUU continued with the strike under University Lecturers’ Association (ULA). Government immediately launched a crackdown on national and local leadership of ASUU. Drs Jega, Iyayi, and other national officers were arrested and taken to unknown location (which was later learnt to be Lagos) for over a month. Many branch chairmen, secretaries and activists of the Union were arrested across the nation. Yet, the declared strike was kept alive by, more or less, leaderless members; it lingered for sometime, but finally fizzled out unofficially.
Signature campaigns for the release of all the arrested ASUU leaders and members were initiated nationwide. A legal action was instituted in Kano High Court for their freedom. A day to the verdict, Dr Jega was produced and presented to the court; and all others were released. Case closed, but ASUU remained officially banned (1988-1990). Despite this situation, academics never ceased to organize. They continued to network and organize under different names. It was remarkable, given the circumstances, to be able to stop the World Bank University Sector Loan Facility and consequential staff rationalization. The Loan Facility was carefully packaged to sow the seed for Nigerian University System Innovation Project (NUSIP), which popped up later as Obasanjo Administration’s initiative.
The occurrance of an interesting coincidence in 1990 helped to expose the desperation of the IBB regime to implement the IMF/World Bank policies. A day after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) – name adopted by the banned ASUU – had held a National Conference on the World Bank in OAU, Ile-Ife, the Orka Coup took place, April 22, 1990. In his coup speech, Major Gideon Orkar made apparently innocuous reference to the prevalent repressive tendencies of IBB and his Government. He adduced three reasons for the coup, part of which included:
“(d) The intent to cow the students by the promulgation of the draconian Decree Number 47.
(e) The cowing of the university teaching and non-teaching staff by an intended massive purge, using the 150 million dollar loan as the necessitating factor.”
Given the contemporary issues against which the ASUU, NLC and students were consistently united, and that which informed the core of their struggles against the government, it was easy for a sensitive government like IBB’s to perceive a connection between the coup and the conference. Hence, the conferene organizers, Prof. Omotoye Olorode and Dr. Idowu Awopetu (ASUU National Treasurer) were immediately arrested and detained as alledged coup suspects.They were subjected to military trials (Court Martial) but were found innocent and released. Yet, they were compulsorily retired “in public interest”. They were reinstated by the court when Prof. Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa became Education Minister.
After a long spell of unease between the Government and AUT (the former still defiant to address ASUU’s demands), September 1990 became a new dawn for ASUU as it was deproscribed. ASUU intensified its demand for collective bargaining – to negotiate the conditions of service and other work-related issues for its members. The IBB Gvernment remained adamant and invariably hostile whenever ASUU made attempt to push its demands, until May 1992, when Dr Jega was reelected President. After several failed efforts to get the Government to start negotiation, ASUU commenced the suspended strike. However, as if that was the Greenhouse conditions desperately needed, the Government readily submitted to start negotiation as the strike subsisted. What an irony! No sooner had the negotiation commenced than it was unilaterally suspended by the Government! ASUU had no option than to commence the strike.
On May 25, the strike commenced, but had to be suspended on May 30 as Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) stepped in. That marked the beginning of a series of crowded activities as ASUU responded to every Government move to arm-twist its way. ASUU continued to checkmate the Government’s unsavory litiny of absurdities until one by one they reached their climax and crumbled with a bang. Follow the labyrinth of tragicomedy of industrial relations as it unfolded:
– On June 1, the IAP found Dr Jega guilty of contempt of court, but the judge, apparently considering the weighty political implications, decided to waive it.
– On July 20, with Government irresponsibilty, ASUU had to commence the strike
– On July 22, ASUU was banned again, but the strike continued under Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities (ASNU)
– The situation remained until the Government was forced to negotiate through a committee it constituted
– On September 3, 1992, the two parties reached an agreement on Funding, Conditions of Service [with University Academic Salary Scale (UASS)], and Autonomy and Academic Freedom
– On September 4, the 4-month old strike was suspended and academic activities commenced.
Immediately the Agreement was signed, other university workers were instigated to ask for “parity”, insisting that whatever was given to ASUU must be given to them. Even some of their members reasoned and questioned the basis of their leaders’ claims to parity, pointing out that they had been part of JAC when the struggle had begun, but unilaterally decided to ditch the JAC, capitulated and called off the strike when the chips were down. With our union preserved and intact, and without any collectively bargained agreement, what justification do we have to claim parity? – these SSANU members rationally queried.
However, as implementation of the ASUU Agreement commenced SSANU intensified its parity demand, which led to another round of the “Theatre of the Absurd”. The new vicious cycle started with the appointment of Professor Ben Nwabueze as Secretary (Minister) of Education. He contrived a new concept of “the Agreement of Imperfect Obligation”, meaning that the FG/ASUU Agreement was not (legally) binding on the Government to implement. He therefore directed universities to stop implementing the UASS/USS. Without any provocation, Prof Nwabueze continued his vicious attacks on ASUU with systematic breaches of the Agreement. It was obvious that he was deployed to do the hatchet job, and he was certainly doing it with utmost efficiency. ASUU’s voice of protest was drowned in a wirlwind of blackmail and intimidation. Its persistent demand to stop the breaches of the Agreement came up against a brick wall. With most aspects of the Agreement rolled back and no sign of de-escalating the breaches, ASUU had no option other than to take action.
– ASUU resumed the strike on May 3, 1993, and all member universities joined
– Three days later, the Government announced the dismissal of all striking lecturers and salary stoppage
– A Decree making teaching essential service, retroactively prohibiting teachers from going on strike, was enacted
– All lecturers on strike were given sack letters
– In some campuses, lecturers were ejected from their houses, despite the argument that residency of campus quarters was governed by the rental law.
– A particular case of UniAbuja Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Isa Muhammed, was pathetic. He went to the extent of sending the estate staff to tear off the roofs of lecturers’ houses, and then the security personnel to eject them.
– Even after the reinstatement of all lecturers later, Prof. Isa Muhammed refused to reinstate the EXCO of UniAbuja.

(TO BE CONTINUED…..)

#

Opinion

Kano APC Crisis: An Open Letter to President Tinubu

Published

on

 

I hope this letter finds you well Your Excellency. As Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads, I write to you today as a concerned and dedicated member of the All Progressives Congress in Kano, compelled by the urgency of our nation’s challenges and aware of your unwavering determination to steer it unto the path of greatness.

But a united front is indispensable in achieving your grand plan for the nations success. Internal party crisis in my dear state, threatens the very foundation upon which your vision lies – unity – and this I write to you today, eager spark meaningful dialogue and constructive action on your part.

Mr. President, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and leader of our party, your urgent intervention is crucial to address the pressing issues at hand. If left unattended, it may escalate into a crisis that could have far-reaching and devastating consequences for the party, making it challenging to manage. Your timely action would help mitigate this risk and ensure the party’s stability.

In Kano, it is generally acknowledged that Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, former governor and current National Chairman, leads our party. Members have consistently shown loyalty to his leadership since day one.

You will also recall that Dr. Ganduje actively supported your presidential bid, demonstrating a pure, genuine and unmixed commitment to your cause during both the presidential primaries and general elections. However, some individuals now seek to drive a wedge between you and the Chairman, feeling threatened by his influential position as the National Chairman of our great party.

Mr President sir, It is imperative to hold the Deputy President of the Senate Barau Jibrin accountable for plunging the All Progressives Congress into an avoidable crisis since taking office. As a seasoned politician and senator representing Kano North since 2015, his actions have significant implications. Barau Jibrin’s leadership has sparked division within the party, necessitating urgent attention to prevent further escalation.

Due to the recent removal of Abdullahi Muhammad Gwarzo as Minister, the All Progressives Congress is facing an unprecedented crisis in Kano North, a stronghold of the party since 2015. This division, fueled by Deputy President of the Senate Barau Jibrin’s actions, threatens the party’s stability. As a leader, Mr. President, it’s crucial to address this issue sustainably.

Barau Jibrin’s political strategy and human relations have been questionable, yet his influence led to the sacking of a loyal minister, Gwarzo. This decision was disheartening, considering Gwarzo’s impressive track record as a generous, humble, and grassroots politician. The people of Kano are upset, and rightfully so.

It’s essential to recognize Barau Jibrin’s intentions. He’s only loyal to you, Mr. President, because of your current position. History shows he’ll turn against you once you’re no longer in office. His self-serving nature is evident in his interactions with grassroots politicians.

To pacify the people and resolve the ongoing crisis, reappointing Gwarzo is imperative. This move will demonstrate your commitment to loyalty and fairness. The APC’s future in Kano North depends on it.

Mr. President, to ensure the party is back on track, it is crucial to prioritize collaboration with loyalists and consider the input of key stakeholders in Kano. This means moving away from decision-making that caters to a single individual who claims control over Kano North. Instead, foster an inclusive approach that values diverse perspectives and promotes unity within the party.

By doing so, you’ll not only strengthen the party’s foundation but also demonstrate your commitment to fairness and representation. This approach will help prevent unnecessary conflicts and ensure that the party’s interests are truly served. It’s essential to recognize that the party’s success relies on collective efforts, not individual interests.

For your information Mr President, Barau’s electoral successes can be attributed to the popularity of the House of Representatives candidates from his Senatorial District. These individuals are widely admired and respected by their constituents. However, rather than leveraging his own strengths, Barau has consistently relied on the goodwill and reputation of these candidates to secure his own victories, essentially seeking shelter under their umbrella.

It’s not yet too late for the President to do the needful for the interest of Kano State and the party at large. With the weight of history and the hopes of a generation on your shoulders, I urge you to confront the harsh realities that threaten our collective progress.

Nabahani Yusuf Gogori writes from Gogori town in Bagwai

#

Continue Reading

Opinion

Unmasking Excellence : Idris Abdulkadir Zare’s (Jagora) Leadership Style

Published

on

 

By Abba Anwar

Without any doubt, Idris Abdulkadir Zare’s name rings bell in Kano politics, particularly, in his political zone, Kano South. It rings bell not because he is terrifying, but simply because, his name, alone, signifies examplary leadership, selfless service to humanity, genuine loyalty and un-arguable commitment for the survival of the party, All Progressives Congress (APC), in this context.

While he is not a seeker of any elective public office, or party position, as I study him and his political antecedents, he believes, supporting party leadership and followership is one of the surest ways of strengthening the party, against all odds. I kindly call my readers to go to Rogo and substantiate my submission.

Here is a lone Jagora (leader) who spends from his hard earned resources to support the party without thinking of getting anything from anybody, no matter how highly placed, that person could be. His magnanimous touches go beyond party lines. Go to Rogo and seek for more clarification.

If Kano APC is really serious about mending fences, gaining more grassroot support, bouncing back in pre, during and post 2027, people like Idi Zare must be on board. I never met this gentleman. In fact I don’t even know his face, anyway. I come from Dala local government, Kano Central. But I came to know about him for quite sometime now.

He, unlike many of our politicians, made his fortunes outside government. But he spends stupendously in people’s welfare, needs and loyalty. One good thing about him, is, while engaging in such activities, he is not vying for any position. Meaning, this gentleman is acting the script of his good heart. He is indeed a morale booster from whatever standpoint you look at him.

This is somebody whose loyalty is not dangling. He supports what he believes in, with all his heart. By whatever standard, Zare is a Phoenix. And trains people to become that.

I caption this piece, as Unmasking Excellence… because, here is a strong party man, whose support and faith in the party and beyond, are more or less, left near lowest ebb. If we can have enough Zare’s replica from all our political zones, in Kano, regret and backwardness could be things of the past. No doubt about this!

I can also understand that, even among our APC strong men in the state, only those of them who are more loyal and sensitive to the welfare of the party members, are the ones that understand his (Zare) worth and work with him hand in hand, for the survival of the party, in the state and the nation in general.

Zare’s clear understanding of political cohesion as a recipe for good governance gives him more courage to see to the welfare and unassuming political engagement with the view to bring all politicians to state growth and development.

The issue goes beyond dishing out resources to people for massaging the economic hardship, he helps in perfecting people’s transportation network, via the provision of vehicles for their personal use. He recently distributed cars and motorbikes for his people. Not because he got a single Kobo from any government institution. He uses his hard earned money to do what he sincerely believes in.

He is also being disturbed by the economic hardship plaguing the society. Which makes hunger more visible than before. That makes him to be up and doing in cushioning the effect of this ugly experience. He distributes foodstuff on frequent basis. To help body and soul live together.

Zare Jagora is not any super human being, only that he believes in making people happy. While being interested in developing his people, without recourse to any ambition or expectations, he believes when man is developed, all other systems can work in harmony to each other.

If and only if, APC as a strong party in Kano, and the nation in general, is really interested in victory, strength and service to humanity, Zare’s legacy and immense contributions to humanity should not be downgraded to the bottom of the ladder.

Anwar was former Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com

November 4th, 2024

#

Continue Reading

Opinion

Northern Nigeria’s Silence Amidst Rising Injustices: A Call for a Return to Principled Leadership

Published

on

The worsening security situation in Northern Nigeria is no longer merely a concern—it has become a full-blown crisis threatening the lives and liberties of millions. Kidnapping, once considered the work of hardened criminals, is now perceived as a lucrative trade. Even more disturbing is the encroachment of this practice into governance, with reports of state authorities detaining citizens under questionable circumstances, particularly young protesters. These developments raise difficult questions about the strength and integrity of leadership in Northern Nigeria and leave us wondering whether the region still has leaders who genuinely represent its people.

The recent detention of minors, allegedly in unhealthy conditions, illustrates this chilling trend. These young individuals were reportedly taken by the authorities while engaging in a protest to call for better governance. Their alleged crime? Waving a foreign flag, in this case, the Russian flag, which authorities deemed treasonous. They did so, perhaps naively, without recognizing the potential implications, yet the state treated them with severity, reportedly requiring a staggering N10 million per person as bail. In contrast, individuals in Southern Nigeria have raised foreign flags and voiced secessionist sentiments without facing equivalent punishments.

#

This discrepancy raises difficult questions about the consistency of the law and whether it is applied equally across the country. Why are Northern youth held to such strict standards while similar actions in other regions seem to be treated with leniency? Historically, the North was known for its stalwart leaders—individuals who stood up for the people, challenged the government when necessary, and never allowed the region to be compromised. Leaders like Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, and Malam Aminu Kano left a legacy of dignity, integrity, and advocacy for Northern interests. These figures prioritized the wellbeing of their people, standing up against exploitation and injusticeTheir voices resonated across Nigeria, leaving an indelible mark on the nation’s political landscape. Today, however, the lack of a unified voice from Northern leaders is disheartening. In the past, these leaders would not have hesitated to demand justice for the detained minors or to negotiate on behalf of their people. Now, the silence of Northern elites on issues like insecurity, youth incarceration, and poor governance has left a void. Instead of elders standing firmly to shield and protect the region’s youth, we are witnessing a tragic indifference that has left many young people feeling abandoned. This crisis of leadership in Northern Nigeria has had severe consequences. Kidnapping and banditry are ravaging communities, youth are disillusioned, and the voices of the people are ignored or, worse, suppressed.

The North is bleeding, and without intervention, the situation will continue to deteriorate. To the elders of the North, if indeed they still exist in spirit and purpose, it is time to rise. The North needs a collective, principled voice to stand against injustice and ensure that the region’s youth are protected and that their futures are not sacrificed to lawlessness or state oppression. The need for Northern Nigeria to reclaim its dignified, protective, and principled leadership has never been more urgent. It is time to break the silence.

Abubakar Ibrahim can be reach via:

habuibrahim76@gmail.com
+2348098454956

Continue Reading

Trending