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Education,ASUU And The Globalist Agenda (I)

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4 years ago

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Professor Lukman Diso

 

L. I. Diso
BUK

When William Saint, the World Bank Education Consultant, came to Bayero University, Kano in 1999/2000, he hadn’t had the slightest idea that ASUU was ready for him. He was shocked by the level of mobilization and the ambush set to give him the terrifying welcome. The naive mindset people on such missions usually have about Africans being complacent, or having short memory and lacking a sense of history, was clearly visible in his mien. The apparent sudden realization that, contrary to his expectation, ASUU seemed to know the agenda they had been implementing in the last three decades (1970s, 1980s & 1990s), was, perhaps, what terrified him the more.

Let us take a short trip through these decades to see the picture that provides the logical context to this discussion. We shall return to Mr Saint to see who he was, what his mission in Nigeria was, how he planned to accomplish the mission, his encounter with ASUU at Bayero University, Kano, and part of his report recommendations to the World Bank.

All these may help to unravel the critical questions of why education has been systematically accorded diminishing national priority, and its role in Nigeria’s national development been consistently receding in the last 60 years. They would also help to deepen our insights into the trajectory that has shaped ASUU’s evolution and its struggles through the decades. Arising from all this may be the temptation to raise and tackle the following questions:
– Why has ASUU, of all the education stakeholders, decided to be the only consistent defender of education in Nigeria?
– Why do different Nigerian governments invariably respond to education crisis in the same pattern?
– What are the implications of government’s brazen hostility to education and the intermittent disruptions that follow as a consequence?
– What lessons could be learnt from ASUU’s consistent struggles for decades?

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

The 1960s, the decade of Nigeria’s independence, was afflicted with crippling political crisis, so turbulent that the new nation was shaken to its very roots. Whether it was an inevitable corollary of colonial vestiges that characterized such emerging nations, education, especially university education, seemed to remain relatively insulated, and as robust as it was anywhere in the world. The university teaching and learning environment, infrastructure and facilities were of high standard and comparably as good as anywhere in Europe and North America. Conditions of service were equally good and attractive. Staffing policy, in terms of staff-students ratio and staff mix, was based on best-practice standards, which produced a cosmopolitan environment and a vibrant academic culture necessary for university to thrive.
Therefore, the need for coming together as a body to represent the academics was not felt until 1965 when the Association for University Teachers (AUT) was formed. AUT was not political. It was formed to cater only for the welfare of the academics. Other variables that define university seemed to have been taken for granted.

However, in the decade of prosperity and consolidation, as the 1970s were referred to, Nigerian Universities began to slide gradually, at the beginning, as the military consolidated their firm grips on the country. Suddenly, though consciously, as if jinxed to a morgaged future, Nigeria decided to embrace a policy that marked the beginning of the cascading crisis that has bedevilled education, particularly university education, to this day, and likely, to a distant future. AUT protested to the extent of a strike to press for the Government to address the deteriorating conditions of education – teaching and learning, and welfare of staff and students.

However, the Gowon Military Government responded ruthlessly and crushed the strike. That experience served as an eye opener for the academics, and they moved to change the dynamics.

Despite the relative obscurity of the policy’s source and contents, it triggered a warning from concerned visionary and farsighted Nigerian citizens, scholars and the ASUU, which was formed in 1978 from the National Association of University Teachers (NAUT). They warned that the policy was clearly meant to serve the master and to rule over the target with all ruthlessness, to forcefully impose its contents, and ultimately emasculate the university system and education in general. However, as the decade was largely characterized by military culture, and the government, itself remotely manipulated by the same forces that had designed the policy, the warning was ignored. This explains why Obasanjo Military Regime witnessed a lot of crises in the education sector.

The NPN civilian government under Shagari (1979-1983) was a bit cautious towards university education, although there were largely unsuccessful attempts to violate university autonomy in order to implement the same surreptitious agenda. ASUU’s spirited resistance thwarted the implementation of the agenda. As the dogged struggle deepened, the first agreement that gave the academic staff the USS scale with 20% differential relative to civil service scale, was signed in 1982.

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The deepening contradictions in the Shagari Civilian administration provided the excuse that brought Buhari/Idiagbon military regime (Dec.1983- Aug. 1985) in a bloodless coup D’tat. Immediately they settled the military authoritarian culture began to manifest: the repressive policy mills were hastily deployed to launch a direct assault on the University and draconian decrees arbitrarily manufactured. Under this regime, the University was subjected to a torrent of attacks including:
– Termination of university cafetaria services
– Withdrawal of subsidies on accommodation in universities
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
– Transfer of university senate’s powers to NUC through Decree 16 of 1985
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
ASUU never relented in its strong resistence to these authoritarian policies despite all the harrassment and intimidation the union faced as a consequence.
The palace coup that toppled Buhari and brought Ibrahim Bodamasi Babangida (IBB) regime (1985 – 1993) was a continuation of the military and their repressive anti-intellectual culture. IBB regime never pretended that it was there to serve interests other than Nigerians’. Shortly after settling, the regime dropped the bombshell, unveiling a World Bank/IMF-packaged economic policy with fanatical determination to implement. While the regime initiated a national debate as to whether or not to take the IMF loan, it contemptuously ignored the process and silently took the loan with all the conditionalities before the public final verdict (a clearly overwhelming rejection). Nigerians were shocked by the regime’s stunning insensitivity in this reckless disregard for the far reaching and devastating socio-economic and political implications of this action.
ASUU became the intellectual light, in the forefront leading the resistance movement, providing an incisive critique of the regime’s economic policy and presenting simplefied but thorough analysis of the policy’s implications. The duo of ASUU and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the former being an affiliate of the latter, became the most consistent and vocal critics of the policy, vigorously mobilizing the nation with the dogged insistence, to force the government to reverse its decision. As the government intentensified the commitment to the ruthless implementation of this anti-people economic policy, ASUU, NLC, NANS and other pro-people organizations turned the situation into a season of revolutionary activities: intellectually scathing public lectures and production of mobilizational publications to galvanize public opinion against government’s submission to the oppressive policy.
Sensing the massive public support and reaction and the obvious likely consequences, the IBB Regime bared its fangs, unleashing all the repressive instruments at their disposal. Barely one year into IBB’s tenure, the Regime started the full implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) as a package of the IMF conditionalities. NLC, ASUU and NANS started to organize mass protest. NANS, using the Commemoration Day of “Ali-Must- GO”, staged a mass protest, in which many students were shot and killed in ABU, Zaria. The Government’s crackdown was widened and started in full swing:
– Arbitrary arrest of NLC leaders and “bombardment” of NLC offices started across Nigeria
– Plans to Weaken ASUU were hastily hatched and implemented
(1) ASUU was de-affiliated from the NLC by Decree 16 of 1986
(2) Payment of check off dues was made voluntary for ASUU and NANS
(3)The Abisoye Panel set up on ABU Crisis recommended sacking of lecturers for “…not teaching what they were paid to teach”
– A Year later (1987) UniBen VC, Prof. Grace Alele Williams, acting on the contrived report of visitation panel, announced the sack of ASUU President, Dr.Festus Iyayi, from the University. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017).
By the time Dr Attahiru M Jega (Dr Iyayi’s Vice-President) was elected ASUU President in an early NDC in 1988, the IBB regime, following the World Bank Agenda, had added more to the list of its atrocities. In fact, a reign of terror was unleashed:
– Government’s plans to retrench lecturers and rationalize courses had already reached advanced stages
– Dr. Patrick Wilmot (ABU, Zaria), a Scholar and vocal critic of Western imperialism, and Ms. Firinne N.C. Adelugba (BUK) had been covertly abducted and deported from Nigeria
– Government was blatant in its refusal to implement the earlier negotiated EUSS (Elongated University Salary Structure)
– As fuel prices were hiked by the Regime, students protested and the Government responded with massive crackdown on their leadership and on other activists across the country
– NLC was summarily dissolved and sole administrator appointed. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017)
These constituted Dr Jega’s immediate challenges as the new ASUU President, and his EXCO set out to confront them head on. They formed Joint Action Committee (JAC) with the Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospital, Research Institutes and Allied Institutions (SSAUTHRIAI) to present a united front. JAC submitted its demands to Government, which were expectedly shunned. Joint strike commenced nationwide on July 1, 1988. Curiously, only ASUU was immediately banned. The leadership of SSAUTHRIAI immediately capitulated, dissociated itself from the JAC and called off the strike. ASUU continued with the strike under University Lecturers’ Association (ULA). Government immediately launched a crackdown on national and local leadership of ASUU. Drs Jega, Iyayi, and other national officers were arrested and taken to unknown location (which was later learnt to be Lagos) for over a month. Many branch chairmen, secretaries and activists of the Union were arrested across the nation. Yet, the declared strike was kept alive by, more or less, leaderless members; it lingered for sometime, but finally fizzled out unofficially.
Signature campaigns for the release of all the arrested ASUU leaders and members were initiated nationwide. A legal action was instituted in Kano High Court for their freedom. A day to the verdict, Dr Jega was produced and presented to the court; and all others were released. Case closed, but ASUU remained officially banned (1988-1990). Despite this situation, academics never ceased to organize. They continued to network and organize under different names. It was remarkable, given the circumstances, to be able to stop the World Bank University Sector Loan Facility and consequential staff rationalization. The Loan Facility was carefully packaged to sow the seed for Nigerian University System Innovation Project (NUSIP), which popped up later as Obasanjo Administration’s initiative.
The occurrance of an interesting coincidence in 1990 helped to expose the desperation of the IBB regime to implement the IMF/World Bank policies. A day after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) – name adopted by the banned ASUU – had held a National Conference on the World Bank in OAU, Ile-Ife, the Orka Coup took place, April 22, 1990. In his coup speech, Major Gideon Orkar made apparently innocuous reference to the prevalent repressive tendencies of IBB and his Government. He adduced three reasons for the coup, part of which included:
“(d) The intent to cow the students by the promulgation of the draconian Decree Number 47.
(e) The cowing of the university teaching and non-teaching staff by an intended massive purge, using the 150 million dollar loan as the necessitating factor.”
Given the contemporary issues against which the ASUU, NLC and students were consistently united, and that which informed the core of their struggles against the government, it was easy for a sensitive government like IBB’s to perceive a connection between the coup and the conference. Hence, the conferene organizers, Prof. Omotoye Olorode and Dr. Idowu Awopetu (ASUU National Treasurer) were immediately arrested and detained as alledged coup suspects.They were subjected to military trials (Court Martial) but were found innocent and released. Yet, they were compulsorily retired “in public interest”. They were reinstated by the court when Prof. Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa became Education Minister.
After a long spell of unease between the Government and AUT (the former still defiant to address ASUU’s demands), September 1990 became a new dawn for ASUU as it was deproscribed. ASUU intensified its demand for collective bargaining – to negotiate the conditions of service and other work-related issues for its members. The IBB Gvernment remained adamant and invariably hostile whenever ASUU made attempt to push its demands, until May 1992, when Dr Jega was reelected President. After several failed efforts to get the Government to start negotiation, ASUU commenced the suspended strike. However, as if that was the Greenhouse conditions desperately needed, the Government readily submitted to start negotiation as the strike subsisted. What an irony! No sooner had the negotiation commenced than it was unilaterally suspended by the Government! ASUU had no option than to commence the strike.
On May 25, the strike commenced, but had to be suspended on May 30 as Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) stepped in. That marked the beginning of a series of crowded activities as ASUU responded to every Government move to arm-twist its way. ASUU continued to checkmate the Government’s unsavory litiny of absurdities until one by one they reached their climax and crumbled with a bang. Follow the labyrinth of tragicomedy of industrial relations as it unfolded:
– On June 1, the IAP found Dr Jega guilty of contempt of court, but the judge, apparently considering the weighty political implications, decided to waive it.
– On July 20, with Government irresponsibilty, ASUU had to commence the strike
– On July 22, ASUU was banned again, but the strike continued under Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities (ASNU)
– The situation remained until the Government was forced to negotiate through a committee it constituted
– On September 3, 1992, the two parties reached an agreement on Funding, Conditions of Service [with University Academic Salary Scale (UASS)], and Autonomy and Academic Freedom
– On September 4, the 4-month old strike was suspended and academic activities commenced.
Immediately the Agreement was signed, other university workers were instigated to ask for “parity”, insisting that whatever was given to ASUU must be given to them. Even some of their members reasoned and questioned the basis of their leaders’ claims to parity, pointing out that they had been part of JAC when the struggle had begun, but unilaterally decided to ditch the JAC, capitulated and called off the strike when the chips were down. With our union preserved and intact, and without any collectively bargained agreement, what justification do we have to claim parity? – these SSANU members rationally queried.
However, as implementation of the ASUU Agreement commenced SSANU intensified its parity demand, which led to another round of the “Theatre of the Absurd”. The new vicious cycle started with the appointment of Professor Ben Nwabueze as Secretary (Minister) of Education. He contrived a new concept of “the Agreement of Imperfect Obligation”, meaning that the FG/ASUU Agreement was not (legally) binding on the Government to implement. He therefore directed universities to stop implementing the UASS/USS. Without any provocation, Prof Nwabueze continued his vicious attacks on ASUU with systematic breaches of the Agreement. It was obvious that he was deployed to do the hatchet job, and he was certainly doing it with utmost efficiency. ASUU’s voice of protest was drowned in a wirlwind of blackmail and intimidation. Its persistent demand to stop the breaches of the Agreement came up against a brick wall. With most aspects of the Agreement rolled back and no sign of de-escalating the breaches, ASUU had no option other than to take action.
– ASUU resumed the strike on May 3, 1993, and all member universities joined
– Three days later, the Government announced the dismissal of all striking lecturers and salary stoppage
– A Decree making teaching essential service, retroactively prohibiting teachers from going on strike, was enacted
– All lecturers on strike were given sack letters
– In some campuses, lecturers were ejected from their houses, despite the argument that residency of campus quarters was governed by the rental law.
– A particular case of UniAbuja Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Isa Muhammed, was pathetic. He went to the extent of sending the estate staff to tear off the roofs of lecturers’ houses, and then the security personnel to eject them.
– Even after the reinstatement of all lecturers later, Prof. Isa Muhammed refused to reinstate the EXCO of UniAbuja.

(TO BE CONTINUED…..)

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Forgotten Educational Dream: A Reflection on the Future We Once Prepared For

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2 days ago

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May 28, 2026

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By Zubair A. Zubair

This evening, Dr. Nelson Aluya shared a video link with me on Instagram, and out of curiosity, I quickly watched it. What I expected to be an ordinary historical clip turned out to be something deeply emotional and thought-provoking.

The footage was from the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the period leading to Nigeria’s independence. It captured scenes of Nigerian students in classrooms, laboratories, technical centers, and learning environments that reflected preparation for a nation believed to have a bright and promising future. What struck me most was the condition of the educational institutions at the time, especially in Northern Nigeria.

The classrooms looked organized and conducive for learning. The science laboratories were functional and properly equipped. Students appeared disciplined, ambitious, and intellectually driven. Education was clearly treated as a national investment, not merely as a social obligation.

Watching the video left me with one painful question: How did we get it so wrong?

At independence, Nigeria was seen as a rising giant with enormous human and natural potential. Northern Nigeria, in particular, was being positioned as an important pillar for the country’s advancement in agriculture, science, innovation, and technology. There was a visible belief that education would shape the nation’s future and produce the skilled minds required to compete globally.

Decades later, however, many of those hopes appear abandoned. The same educational institutions that once symbolized excellence and promise are now struggling with inadequate funding, deteriorating infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms, outdated laboratories, and recurring strikes. In some schools today, students learn in environments that are far below the standards that existed before independence.

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That reality is heartbreaking.

What makes it even more painful is the realization that many of the people who benefited from quality education in the past are now among the leaders presiding over the decline of the same system that once empowered them. A generation that studied in functional classrooms and laboratories now oversees institutions where millions of young people struggle daily for basic educational resources.

Some people often describe Gen Z as lazy or unserious, but when one carefully observes the state of many Nigerian educational institutions, it becomes difficult not to sympathize with the frustration of young people. Students are expected to compete globally while learning in poorly equipped environments, facing unstable academic calendars, limited research opportunities, and little institutional support.

Yet despite these obstacles, Nigerian youths continue to demonstrate extraordinary brilliance across the world. From medicine and engineering to software development, research, entrepreneurship, agriculture, and innovation, Nigerians consistently excel whenever they are given the right opportunities and environment.

This is why education must once again become the backbone of national development. Countries such as China and India transformed their economies largely through sustained investment in education, technology, research, and innovation. No nation can genuinely aspire for progress while neglecting the intellectual development of its people.

As Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Those words remain profoundly relevant today.

The old video I watched this evening was more than a historical memory. It was a reminder of the Nigeria our leaders once envisioned, a nation prepared to compete with the best in the world through knowledge, discipline, and innovation. It reminded me that our present condition was never meant to be our destiny.

Perhaps this is why individuals like Dr. Nelson Aluya continue to advocate passionately for youth empowerment, educational advancement, and social development through initiatives such as Youth Together Work Together (YTWT), aimed at helping young people break barriers and rewrite the narrative surrounding Nigerian youth.

Nigeria still possesses some of the brightest minds in the world. What is lacking is not talent, but consistent investment, visionary leadership, and a genuine commitment to rebuilding the institutions that shape the future.

The tragedy is not that Nigeria lacked a dream.
The tragedy is that somewhere along the journey, we stopped believing in it.

Zubair A. Zubair
Journalist | Columnist | Developer | Activist | Farmer
Writing from Kano, Nigeria.

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Opinion

Nusuk Policy and the New Face of Hajj: How Saudi Arabia is Restoring Order, Safety and Spiritual Comfort in the Holy Cities

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4 days ago

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May 26, 2026

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By: Lamara Garba

For decades, the annual Hajj pilgrimage has remained one of the largest religious gatherings on earth, attracting millions of Muslims from every continent to the holy cities of Makkah and Madina in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. While the pilgrimage is spiritually uplifting, it has also historically come with enormous logistical challenges, including overcrowding, congestion, heat-related emergencies, and at times tragic stampedes within the holy sites.

But this year’s Hajj exercise has introduced a different reality — one defined by orderliness, effective crowd management, improved security, and a smoother spiritual experience for pilgrims. At the center of this transformation is the introduction of the Nusuk policy by the Saudi authorities, a digital regulatory framework that has significantly reduced illegal participation in Hajj and restored sanity to the holy sites.

The policy, introduced through the Nusuk digital application, ensures that only duly registered and approved pilgrims are granted access to the sacred rituals and locations associated with Hajj. From visa processing to accommodation, transportation, identification, and access to the holy sites, every pilgrim must now be fully captured within the Nusuk system.

Anyone not registered on the platform is automatically denied access to key locations including the Grand Mosque in Makkah, the Prophet’s Mosque in Madina, Mina, Muzdalifah, and Arafat.

This decisive policy appears to have achieved what many observers once considered impossible — a massive reduction in overcrowding during Hajj.

For years, one of the major concerns during Hajj was the infiltration of undocumented pilgrims, especially illegal immigrants and unregistered worshippers from neighboring countries and parts of Africa. Many entered the holy cities without official Hajj permits, thereby overstretching facilities and contributing heavily to congestion around the sacred sites.

The situation often made movement difficult for genuine pilgrims who had spent huge sums of money to perform the religious obligation through approved channels.

However, this year, the story is remarkably different.

Our correspondent, who is currently participating in the pilgrimage, observed a calmer and more organized atmosphere both in Madinatul Munawwara and within the precincts of the Grand Mosque of Ka’aba.

Unlike previous years when worshippers struggled through human traffic for hours before getting access to prayer spaces or performing Tawaf around the Holy Ka’aba, pilgrims now experience relative ease in conducting their acts of worship.

In what would have seemed unimaginable in the past, this reporter was able to complete the Tawaf — the circumambulation around the Ka’aba — within just 30 minutes due to reduced congestion and improved movement coordination by Saudi officials.

The atmosphere around the Mataf area was notably less chaotic. Pilgrims moved with greater comfort, fewer physical struggles, and better concentration during prayers and supplications.

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Many pilgrims who spoke with our correspondent expressed satisfaction over the new arrangements, describing the Nusuk policy as a timely intervention that has enhanced both safety and spirituality during Hajj.

A pilgrim from Kano State, Alhaji Musa Abdullahi, said the difference between this year and previous pilgrimages was “clear and undeniable.”

“In the past, people pushed one another because of overcrowding. Sometimes elderly pilgrims suffered greatly. But this year, movement is easier and security personnel are more effective because they know exactly who is authorized to be here,” he explained.

Another Nigerian pilgrim, Hajiya Zainab Suleiman, described her experience in Madina as peaceful and spiritually fulfilling.

“You can now enter the mosque, pray peacefully and leave without unnecessary pressure. Before now, some people spent hours struggling just to find space. The Nusuk arrangement has brought discipline,” she stated.

A pilgrim from Ghana, Ibrahim Mustapha, also commended the Saudi authorities for what he called a “technology-driven success.”

“The authorities deserve appreciation. This system has reduced illegal entries and helped genuine pilgrims enjoy their worship. You can feel the difference immediately you arrive,” he noted.

Beyond comfort, the policy is also being viewed as a major safety achievement.

Hajj history has witnessed several unfortunate incidents linked to overcrowding and uncontrolled human movement. Managing millions of pilgrims within confined spaces under extreme temperatures has always remained a daunting responsibility for Saudi authorities.

But by tightening access through digital verification and restricting movement only to registered pilgrims, the Kingdom appears to have significantly minimized the risks associated with uncontrolled crowds.

Security personnel stationed across the holy sites now rely heavily on electronic verification systems linked to the Nusuk application. Pilgrims without valid permits are quickly identified and prevented from accessing sensitive areas.

The policy has equally improved transportation coordination, accommodation management, feeding arrangements, and emergency response services.

Observers believe the new system represents a major shift in how modern Hajj administration will be conducted in the future.

Saudi Arabia has in recent years invested heavily in digital technology, smart crowd-control systems, artificial intelligence, surveillance networks, and infrastructure expansion aimed at improving the pilgrimage experience.

The Nusuk initiative appears to be another major milestone in that direction.

Despite initial concerns in some quarters that the strict regulations could inconvenience intending pilgrims, many now believe the long-term benefits outweigh the challenges.

Religious scholars and Hajj administrators argue that preserving human life and ensuring pilgrims perform their religious obligations safely should remain the top priority.

Indeed, for many pilgrims, the reduced crowd this year has brought back the true essence of worship — devotion, reflection, patience, and spiritual connection without the constant fear of suffocation or physical struggle.

Inside the Grand Mosque, worshippers now spend more time in contemplation rather than battling human congestion. Elderly pilgrims and women especially appear to benefit from the calmer environment.

At Mina and Arafat, where overcrowding traditionally reaches alarming levels during peak Hajj periods, officials have also maintained tighter control of movement using the Nusuk verification process.

Many pilgrims interviewed described the exercise as one of the smoothest Hajj operations witnessed in recent years.

While no system is entirely perfect, the Saudi authorities appear to have demonstrated that effective technology, strict enforcement, and proper planning can substantially improve one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings.

As millions of Muslims continue to arrive for the sacred rites, one message is becoming increasingly clear: the era of uncontrolled and illegal Hajj participation may gradually be coming to an end.

And for genuine pilgrims seeking spiritual fulfillment in peace, safety and dignity, that may be one of the most important developments in modern Hajj administration.

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Opinion

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo: The Young African Visionary Redefining Education, Innovation and Human Development Across Continents

Published

6 days ago

on

May 24, 2026

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By Musa Abdullahi Sufi

In an era where Africa continues to search for transformational leaders capable of bridging the gaps between education, innovation, entrepreneurship and humanitarian development, one name is increasingly standing out across the continent and beyond — Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo.

From Northern Nigeria to the global academic landscape, Professor Gwarzo has emerged as a symbol of visionary leadership, educational transformation and youth-driven development. His story is not merely one of personal success; it is a remarkable movement dedicated to empowering humanity through knowledge, innovation, research, healthcare support, youth empowerment and international collaboration.

At a relatively young age, Professor Gwarzo has achieved what many institutions and governments struggle to accomplish within decades. His rapidly expanding educational, humanitarian and developmental footprints have positioned him among the most influential education reformers and social impact leaders in contemporary Africa.

Building a Pan-African Educational Revolution

The rise of Professor Gwarzo reflects the growing emergence of African-led solutions to African challenges. Through the establishment and expansion of globally oriented universities and academic institutions, he has created opportunities for thousands of students from diverse nationalities, cultures and socioeconomic backgrounds.

Among the institutions linked to his transformational vision is Maryam Abacha American University of Nigeria, an institution that has rapidly gained attention for promoting international standards in higher education, innovation, research and multicultural learning. The university has become a meeting point for students from across Africa and other parts of the world.

What distinguishes Professor Gwarzo’s educational philosophy is his emphasis on practical knowledge, global competitiveness, entrepreneurship and moral development. Rather than producing graduates who merely seek employment, his institutions encourage innovation, leadership and problem-solving capabilities that respond directly to modern societal challenges.

His educational investments extend beyond classrooms. They include scholarships for underprivileged students, support for female education, and promoting science and technology.

Others include youth leadership development, research partnerships, international academic collaborations and community-based development initiatives. In many ways, his work reflects the educational renaissance Africa urgently needs.

A Vision Beyond Profit

Unlike many private educational ventures driven primarily by commercial interests, Professor Gwarzo’s initiatives consistently demonstrate a deeper humanitarian philosophy. His interventions in healthcare, youth empowerment, women development and humanitarian support reveal a leadership model centered on societal transformation.

Through the Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo Foundation, countless lives have reportedly benefited from educational support, healthcare interventions, water and sanitation initiatives, climate-related advocacy and empowerment programs.

His development model aligns strongly with several global development priorities, including, quality education, gender Equality, poverty reduction, youth empowerment
* Innovation and Infrastructure, good Health and Well-being and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

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At a time when many African youths face unemployment, migration pressures and limited educational opportunities, Professor Gwarzo’s institutions and initiatives are creating pathways of hope and opportunity.

Why Professor Gwarzo Deserves Global Recognition

The growing calls for Professor Gwarzo to receive international recognition, including potential consideration in global record and achievement platforms such as Guinness World Records, are not without merit.

Several factors strengthen such arguments. Among them listed below;

1. Extraordinary Educational Expansion at a Young Age

Professor Gwarzo represents one of the youngest African educational entrepreneurs to establish and support multiple internationally recognized academic institutions with rapidly expanding continental influence.

The scale, speed and societal impact of these accomplishments are rare within Africa’s educational sector.

2. Cross-Continental Academic Influence

His educational and institutional collaborations continue to connect Africa with global academic communities through research partnerships, exchange programs and international learning opportunities.

This has significantly contributed to improving Africa’s visibility within global education networks.

3. Massive Human Capital Development

Thousands of students, researchers, professionals and young innovators have benefited directly and indirectly from his investments in education and development.

The long-term impact of such human capital development may continue shaping societies for generations.

4. Combining Education With Humanitarian Impact

Very few academic entrepreneurs successfully integrate education, philanthropy, healthcare advocacy, youth empowerment and innovation ecosystems simultaneously at such scale.

Professor Gwarzo’s multidimensional approach distinguishes him from conventional educational investors.

5. Promoting Africa’s Positive Global Image

At a time when global narratives about Africa often focus on conflict, poverty and instability, Professor Gwarzo’s achievements project a different story — one of innovation, excellence, resilience and transformational leadership.

His institutions are helping position Africa as a center for intellectual growth and global competitiveness.

Inspiring a New Generation of African Youths

Perhaps the most powerful aspect of Professor Gwarzo’s story is the inspiration it provides to millions of young Africans.

His journey demonstrates that young Africans can build world-class institutions, v can overcome limitations, education remains the greatest investment, philanthropy and entrepreneurship can coexist and Africa can produce globally respected innovators and reformers.

In many developing societies, youths are often discouraged by economic hardship, political instability and limited opportunities. Yet Professor Gwarzo’s achievements offer a compelling counter-narrative: that transformational leadership is possible even within challenging environments.

His rise also challenges African elites, policymakers and private sector leaders to invest more aggressively in education, research, innovation and youth development.

The Future of African Transformation

Africa’s future will depend heavily on visionary individuals capable of transforming ideas into institutions and institutions into societal impact.

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo’s expanding legacy suggests that he belongs to a new generation of African builders whose influence may extend far beyond national borders.

As global conversations increasingly focus on sustainable development, knowledge economies and youth empowerment, leaders like Professor Gwarzo may become central figures in redefining Africa’s future trajectory.

His work represents more than personal accomplishment; it reflects a broader movement toward African self-reliance, intellectual advancement and transformational development.

If sustained and expanded, his vision may continue producing ripple effects across education, innovation, healthcare and human development for decades to come.

And in the history of modern African transformation, his name may well stand among those who chose not merely to succeed personally — but to build systems capable of uplifting humanity itself.

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