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Education,ASUU And The Globalist Agenda (I)

Published

4 years ago

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Professor Lukman Diso

 

L. I. Diso
BUK

When William Saint, the World Bank Education Consultant, came to Bayero University, Kano in 1999/2000, he hadn’t had the slightest idea that ASUU was ready for him. He was shocked by the level of mobilization and the ambush set to give him the terrifying welcome. The naive mindset people on such missions usually have about Africans being complacent, or having short memory and lacking a sense of history, was clearly visible in his mien. The apparent sudden realization that, contrary to his expectation, ASUU seemed to know the agenda they had been implementing in the last three decades (1970s, 1980s & 1990s), was, perhaps, what terrified him the more.

Let us take a short trip through these decades to see the picture that provides the logical context to this discussion. We shall return to Mr Saint to see who he was, what his mission in Nigeria was, how he planned to accomplish the mission, his encounter with ASUU at Bayero University, Kano, and part of his report recommendations to the World Bank.

All these may help to unravel the critical questions of why education has been systematically accorded diminishing national priority, and its role in Nigeria’s national development been consistently receding in the last 60 years. They would also help to deepen our insights into the trajectory that has shaped ASUU’s evolution and its struggles through the decades. Arising from all this may be the temptation to raise and tackle the following questions:
– Why has ASUU, of all the education stakeholders, decided to be the only consistent defender of education in Nigeria?
– Why do different Nigerian governments invariably respond to education crisis in the same pattern?
– What are the implications of government’s brazen hostility to education and the intermittent disruptions that follow as a consequence?
– What lessons could be learnt from ASUU’s consistent struggles for decades?

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

The 1960s, the decade of Nigeria’s independence, was afflicted with crippling political crisis, so turbulent that the new nation was shaken to its very roots. Whether it was an inevitable corollary of colonial vestiges that characterized such emerging nations, education, especially university education, seemed to remain relatively insulated, and as robust as it was anywhere in the world. The university teaching and learning environment, infrastructure and facilities were of high standard and comparably as good as anywhere in Europe and North America. Conditions of service were equally good and attractive. Staffing policy, in terms of staff-students ratio and staff mix, was based on best-practice standards, which produced a cosmopolitan environment and a vibrant academic culture necessary for university to thrive.
Therefore, the need for coming together as a body to represent the academics was not felt until 1965 when the Association for University Teachers (AUT) was formed. AUT was not political. It was formed to cater only for the welfare of the academics. Other variables that define university seemed to have been taken for granted.

However, in the decade of prosperity and consolidation, as the 1970s were referred to, Nigerian Universities began to slide gradually, at the beginning, as the military consolidated their firm grips on the country. Suddenly, though consciously, as if jinxed to a morgaged future, Nigeria decided to embrace a policy that marked the beginning of the cascading crisis that has bedevilled education, particularly university education, to this day, and likely, to a distant future. AUT protested to the extent of a strike to press for the Government to address the deteriorating conditions of education – teaching and learning, and welfare of staff and students.

However, the Gowon Military Government responded ruthlessly and crushed the strike. That experience served as an eye opener for the academics, and they moved to change the dynamics.

Despite the relative obscurity of the policy’s source and contents, it triggered a warning from concerned visionary and farsighted Nigerian citizens, scholars and the ASUU, which was formed in 1978 from the National Association of University Teachers (NAUT). They warned that the policy was clearly meant to serve the master and to rule over the target with all ruthlessness, to forcefully impose its contents, and ultimately emasculate the university system and education in general. However, as the decade was largely characterized by military culture, and the government, itself remotely manipulated by the same forces that had designed the policy, the warning was ignored. This explains why Obasanjo Military Regime witnessed a lot of crises in the education sector.

The NPN civilian government under Shagari (1979-1983) was a bit cautious towards university education, although there were largely unsuccessful attempts to violate university autonomy in order to implement the same surreptitious agenda. ASUU’s spirited resistance thwarted the implementation of the agenda. As the dogged struggle deepened, the first agreement that gave the academic staff the USS scale with 20% differential relative to civil service scale, was signed in 1982.

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The deepening contradictions in the Shagari Civilian administration provided the excuse that brought Buhari/Idiagbon military regime (Dec.1983- Aug. 1985) in a bloodless coup D’tat. Immediately they settled the military authoritarian culture began to manifest: the repressive policy mills were hastily deployed to launch a direct assault on the University and draconian decrees arbitrarily manufactured. Under this regime, the University was subjected to a torrent of attacks including:
– Termination of university cafetaria services
– Withdrawal of subsidies on accommodation in universities
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
– Transfer of university senate’s powers to NUC through Decree 16 of 1985
– Workers retrenchment and wage freeze
ASUU never relented in its strong resistence to these authoritarian policies despite all the harrassment and intimidation the union faced as a consequence.
The palace coup that toppled Buhari and brought Ibrahim Bodamasi Babangida (IBB) regime (1985 – 1993) was a continuation of the military and their repressive anti-intellectual culture. IBB regime never pretended that it was there to serve interests other than Nigerians’. Shortly after settling, the regime dropped the bombshell, unveiling a World Bank/IMF-packaged economic policy with fanatical determination to implement. While the regime initiated a national debate as to whether or not to take the IMF loan, it contemptuously ignored the process and silently took the loan with all the conditionalities before the public final verdict (a clearly overwhelming rejection). Nigerians were shocked by the regime’s stunning insensitivity in this reckless disregard for the far reaching and devastating socio-economic and political implications of this action.
ASUU became the intellectual light, in the forefront leading the resistance movement, providing an incisive critique of the regime’s economic policy and presenting simplefied but thorough analysis of the policy’s implications. The duo of ASUU and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the former being an affiliate of the latter, became the most consistent and vocal critics of the policy, vigorously mobilizing the nation with the dogged insistence, to force the government to reverse its decision. As the government intentensified the commitment to the ruthless implementation of this anti-people economic policy, ASUU, NLC, NANS and other pro-people organizations turned the situation into a season of revolutionary activities: intellectually scathing public lectures and production of mobilizational publications to galvanize public opinion against government’s submission to the oppressive policy.
Sensing the massive public support and reaction and the obvious likely consequences, the IBB Regime bared its fangs, unleashing all the repressive instruments at their disposal. Barely one year into IBB’s tenure, the Regime started the full implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) as a package of the IMF conditionalities. NLC, ASUU and NANS started to organize mass protest. NANS, using the Commemoration Day of “Ali-Must- GO”, staged a mass protest, in which many students were shot and killed in ABU, Zaria. The Government’s crackdown was widened and started in full swing:
– Arbitrary arrest of NLC leaders and “bombardment” of NLC offices started across Nigeria
– Plans to Weaken ASUU were hastily hatched and implemented
(1) ASUU was de-affiliated from the NLC by Decree 16 of 1986
(2) Payment of check off dues was made voluntary for ASUU and NANS
(3)The Abisoye Panel set up on ABU Crisis recommended sacking of lecturers for “…not teaching what they were paid to teach”
– A Year later (1987) UniBen VC, Prof. Grace Alele Williams, acting on the contrived report of visitation panel, announced the sack of ASUU President, Dr.Festus Iyayi, from the University. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017).
By the time Dr Attahiru M Jega (Dr Iyayi’s Vice-President) was elected ASUU President in an early NDC in 1988, the IBB regime, following the World Bank Agenda, had added more to the list of its atrocities. In fact, a reign of terror was unleashed:
– Government’s plans to retrench lecturers and rationalize courses had already reached advanced stages
– Dr. Patrick Wilmot (ABU, Zaria), a Scholar and vocal critic of Western imperialism, and Ms. Firinne N.C. Adelugba (BUK) had been covertly abducted and deported from Nigeria
– Government was blatant in its refusal to implement the earlier negotiated EUSS (Elongated University Salary Structure)
– As fuel prices were hiked by the Regime, students protested and the Government responded with massive crackdown on their leadership and on other activists across the country
– NLC was summarily dissolved and sole administrator appointed. (ASUU Leadership Training Manual 2017)
These constituted Dr Jega’s immediate challenges as the new ASUU President, and his EXCO set out to confront them head on. They formed Joint Action Committee (JAC) with the Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospital, Research Institutes and Allied Institutions (SSAUTHRIAI) to present a united front. JAC submitted its demands to Government, which were expectedly shunned. Joint strike commenced nationwide on July 1, 1988. Curiously, only ASUU was immediately banned. The leadership of SSAUTHRIAI immediately capitulated, dissociated itself from the JAC and called off the strike. ASUU continued with the strike under University Lecturers’ Association (ULA). Government immediately launched a crackdown on national and local leadership of ASUU. Drs Jega, Iyayi, and other national officers were arrested and taken to unknown location (which was later learnt to be Lagos) for over a month. Many branch chairmen, secretaries and activists of the Union were arrested across the nation. Yet, the declared strike was kept alive by, more or less, leaderless members; it lingered for sometime, but finally fizzled out unofficially.
Signature campaigns for the release of all the arrested ASUU leaders and members were initiated nationwide. A legal action was instituted in Kano High Court for their freedom. A day to the verdict, Dr Jega was produced and presented to the court; and all others were released. Case closed, but ASUU remained officially banned (1988-1990). Despite this situation, academics never ceased to organize. They continued to network and organize under different names. It was remarkable, given the circumstances, to be able to stop the World Bank University Sector Loan Facility and consequential staff rationalization. The Loan Facility was carefully packaged to sow the seed for Nigerian University System Innovation Project (NUSIP), which popped up later as Obasanjo Administration’s initiative.
The occurrance of an interesting coincidence in 1990 helped to expose the desperation of the IBB regime to implement the IMF/World Bank policies. A day after the Association of University Teachers (AUT) – name adopted by the banned ASUU – had held a National Conference on the World Bank in OAU, Ile-Ife, the Orka Coup took place, April 22, 1990. In his coup speech, Major Gideon Orkar made apparently innocuous reference to the prevalent repressive tendencies of IBB and his Government. He adduced three reasons for the coup, part of which included:
“(d) The intent to cow the students by the promulgation of the draconian Decree Number 47.
(e) The cowing of the university teaching and non-teaching staff by an intended massive purge, using the 150 million dollar loan as the necessitating factor.”
Given the contemporary issues against which the ASUU, NLC and students were consistently united, and that which informed the core of their struggles against the government, it was easy for a sensitive government like IBB’s to perceive a connection between the coup and the conference. Hence, the conferene organizers, Prof. Omotoye Olorode and Dr. Idowu Awopetu (ASUU National Treasurer) were immediately arrested and detained as alledged coup suspects.They were subjected to military trials (Court Martial) but were found innocent and released. Yet, they were compulsorily retired “in public interest”. They were reinstated by the court when Prof. Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa became Education Minister.
After a long spell of unease between the Government and AUT (the former still defiant to address ASUU’s demands), September 1990 became a new dawn for ASUU as it was deproscribed. ASUU intensified its demand for collective bargaining – to negotiate the conditions of service and other work-related issues for its members. The IBB Gvernment remained adamant and invariably hostile whenever ASUU made attempt to push its demands, until May 1992, when Dr Jega was reelected President. After several failed efforts to get the Government to start negotiation, ASUU commenced the suspended strike. However, as if that was the Greenhouse conditions desperately needed, the Government readily submitted to start negotiation as the strike subsisted. What an irony! No sooner had the negotiation commenced than it was unilaterally suspended by the Government! ASUU had no option than to commence the strike.
On May 25, the strike commenced, but had to be suspended on May 30 as Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) stepped in. That marked the beginning of a series of crowded activities as ASUU responded to every Government move to arm-twist its way. ASUU continued to checkmate the Government’s unsavory litiny of absurdities until one by one they reached their climax and crumbled with a bang. Follow the labyrinth of tragicomedy of industrial relations as it unfolded:
– On June 1, the IAP found Dr Jega guilty of contempt of court, but the judge, apparently considering the weighty political implications, decided to waive it.
– On July 20, with Government irresponsibilty, ASUU had to commence the strike
– On July 22, ASUU was banned again, but the strike continued under Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities (ASNU)
– The situation remained until the Government was forced to negotiate through a committee it constituted
– On September 3, 1992, the two parties reached an agreement on Funding, Conditions of Service [with University Academic Salary Scale (UASS)], and Autonomy and Academic Freedom
– On September 4, the 4-month old strike was suspended and academic activities commenced.
Immediately the Agreement was signed, other university workers were instigated to ask for “parity”, insisting that whatever was given to ASUU must be given to them. Even some of their members reasoned and questioned the basis of their leaders’ claims to parity, pointing out that they had been part of JAC when the struggle had begun, but unilaterally decided to ditch the JAC, capitulated and called off the strike when the chips were down. With our union preserved and intact, and without any collectively bargained agreement, what justification do we have to claim parity? – these SSANU members rationally queried.
However, as implementation of the ASUU Agreement commenced SSANU intensified its parity demand, which led to another round of the “Theatre of the Absurd”. The new vicious cycle started with the appointment of Professor Ben Nwabueze as Secretary (Minister) of Education. He contrived a new concept of “the Agreement of Imperfect Obligation”, meaning that the FG/ASUU Agreement was not (legally) binding on the Government to implement. He therefore directed universities to stop implementing the UASS/USS. Without any provocation, Prof Nwabueze continued his vicious attacks on ASUU with systematic breaches of the Agreement. It was obvious that he was deployed to do the hatchet job, and he was certainly doing it with utmost efficiency. ASUU’s voice of protest was drowned in a wirlwind of blackmail and intimidation. Its persistent demand to stop the breaches of the Agreement came up against a brick wall. With most aspects of the Agreement rolled back and no sign of de-escalating the breaches, ASUU had no option other than to take action.
– ASUU resumed the strike on May 3, 1993, and all member universities joined
– Three days later, the Government announced the dismissal of all striking lecturers and salary stoppage
– A Decree making teaching essential service, retroactively prohibiting teachers from going on strike, was enacted
– All lecturers on strike were given sack letters
– In some campuses, lecturers were ejected from their houses, despite the argument that residency of campus quarters was governed by the rental law.
– A particular case of UniAbuja Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Isa Muhammed, was pathetic. He went to the extent of sending the estate staff to tear off the roofs of lecturers’ houses, and then the security personnel to eject them.
– Even after the reinstatement of all lecturers later, Prof. Isa Muhammed refused to reinstate the EXCO of UniAbuja.

(TO BE CONTINUED…..)

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Opinion

Alhaji Abba Yusuf At 81: A Life Of Service, Leadership And Traditional Responsibility

Published

2 days ago

on

October 14, 2026

By

 

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

Eighty-one years is a remarkable milestone in the journey of life. It represents more than the passage of time; it offers an opportunity to reflect on a life shaped by experience, service and the enduring values that give meaning to human existence.

For Alhaji Abba Yusuf, Secretary of the Kano Emirate Council and District Head of Dawakin Kudu, Danmakwayon Kano, his 81st birthday provides an opportunity to celebrate a distinguished journey through public administration, trade union leadership and traditional service.

His story reflects a career spanning three important spheres of responsibility. From local government administration to the trade union movement and, subsequently, the Kano Emirate Council, he has served in institutions that require an understanding of people, respect for established procedures and a commitment to the responsibilities entrusted to their leaders.

His years in local government administration provided an important foundation for his subsequent assignments. As the tier of government closest to the people, local government operates where public policies meet everyday needs and where the effectiveness of governance is often measured by its direct impact on communities.

Service at this level demands familiarity with administrative procedures, patience in dealing with competing expectations and an appreciation of the practical challenges confronting ordinary citizens. His experience in local government therefore constitutes an important chapter in his professional journey, exposing him to the workings of public administration and the relationship between government and the communities it serves.

Another defining aspect of his career is his involvement in trade union leadership. Trade unionism occupies an important place in public administration and democratic society. It provides an organised platform through which workers articulate their concerns, defend their legitimate interests and engage employers and government on matters affecting their welfare.

Veteran union leaders often operate in demanding circumstances. They must understand their members’ interests, negotiate with management, manage disagreements and pursue collective objectives without losing sight of the need for dialogue. Such responsibilities require patience, courage, tact and an ability to balance competing interests.

The experience acquired through trade union leadership can be valuable beyond the workplace. Consultation, negotiation, representation and conflict management are essential in many areas of public life. For someone who subsequently assumed responsibilities within a traditional institution, these experiences provide a useful foundation for understanding people and managing institutional relationships.

Alhaji Abba Yusuf’s years in the trade union movement consequently form a significant part of his professional story. They represent another phase in a career that has brought him into contact with different institutions, constituencies and responsibilities.

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His subsequent service at the Kano Emirate Council represents a further chapter in this journey. The Kano Emirate occupies an important place in the historical and cultural life of Kano. Beyond its ceremonial functions, the traditional institution plays a role in community engagement, traditional administration and the preservation of customs and values that have endured across generations.

As Secretary of the Council, Alhaji Abba Yusuf occupies an administrative position that connects institutional decisions with their implementation. The office requires organisational ability, effective communication, familiarity with established procedures and an appreciation of the traditions and protocols of the institution.

His journey from local government administration and trade union leadership to the Emirate Council brings together three distinct but related areas of service. Each has its own demands, yet all require an understanding of people, respect for institutions and the ability to work within established systems.

His position as District Head of Dawakin Kudu, with the traditional title of Danmakwayon Kano, adds another dimension to his public responsibilities.

Traditional leadership remains an important feature of community life in Kano State. District heads and other traditional officeholders operate within an established hierarchy and are expected to uphold the dignity of their offices, respect local customs and contribute to peaceful community relations.

Such responsibilities extend beyond the prestige associated with a traditional title. They call for a commitment to the people, respect for institutions and an appreciation of the historical significance of traditional authority. The district headship also places Alhaji Abba Yusuf within the continuing relationship between the Kano Emirate and the communities under its traditional administration.

Taken together, his experience in local government, trade union leadership and traditional administration provides an opportunity to reflect on the different ways individuals contribute to public life. Each sphere has its own expectations, but the ability to listen, consult, negotiate and understand the concerns of others remains relevant across them all.

An 81st birthday is also an occasion to appreciate the value of experience accumulated over many decades. Society changes, institutions evolve, generations succeed one another and new challenges emerge. Those who have lived through different periods of these developments possess perspectives that can enrich public discourse and provide useful lessons for younger generations.

The value of such experience lies not simply in the number of years lived, but also in the opportunities it offers for reflection, learning and continued contribution. Alhaji Abba Yusuf’s professional journey provides a basis for considering how knowledge and experience acquired in one institution can serve as a resource in another.

At this milestone, family members, friends, colleagues and associates have an opportunity to celebrate not only his longevity but also the various responsibilities he has undertaken over the years. His career has encompassed public administration, organised labour and traditional service, giving his professional life several distinct chapters.

The occasion also reminds us of the importance of continuity across generations. Institutions endure when experience is respected, responsibilities are taken seriously and the values underpinning public life are preserved. The lessons accumulated over a long career can remain useful long after particular assignments have ended.

On this special occasion, I congratulate Alhaji Abba Yusuf, Secretary of the Kano Emirate Council and District Head of Dawakin Kudu, Danmakwayon Kano, on attaining the remarkable age of 81.

May Almighty Allah grant him continued good health, peace of mind and renewed strength. May He bless his years with contentment, protect his family and enable him to continue contributing meaningfully to the institutions and communities with which he is associated.

Happy 81st birthday, Alhaji Abba Yusuf, Danmakwayon Kano. May the years ahead bring you good health, dignity, peace and fulfilment.

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE
Former Kano State Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs
Former President, Nigerian Guild of Editors

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Opinion

OPEN LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY, MR. PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA

Published

1 week ago

on

October 8, 2026

By

Senator Bola Ahamd Tinubu

 

 

KANO AT A CROSSROADS: AN URGENT CALL FOR IMMEDIATE PRESIDENTIAL INTERVENTION TO PREVENT CRISIS AND SOCIAL UPHEAVAL

Your Excellency,

The Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum (KPCF), a coalition committed to peace, good governance, human rights, democracy and the protection of Kano State’s long-standing tradition of peaceful coexistence, writes with deep concern over recent developments that have heightened political and social tensions in the ancient city of Kano.

Kano Is At a Crossroads
We believe that the situation requires urgent, impartial and preventive intervention by the Federal Government, before the current tensions develop into a wider crisis or social unrest

Kano is a politically active and socially diverse society. Its people have historically demonstrated resilience, tolerance and peaceful coexistence. However, the current political season, combined with the continous happenings surrounding the Kano Emirate, makes any inflammatory statement, actions with provocative tendency, or political confrontation, potentially and imminently dangerous.
Our Concern Over Inflammatory Statements
KPCF is deeply concerned about the statement attributed to Alhaji Aminu Babba Dan’agundi (Sarkin Dawaki Babba), which we consider unfortunate and particularly concerning at this sensitive period. Public statements by prominent traditional and community figures carry significant influence and should, therefore, be guided by the need to promote peace, unity, tolerance and social cohesion.
Similarly, a viral video circulating on social media allegedly showed Hon. Aminu Abdullahi Warkal, an NDC candidate for the Kano State House of Assembly representing Gwale Constituency, displaying what appeared to be a pump-action rifle during a political gathering or rally in the Janbulo area of Gwale.
We have also learnt that the Kano State Police Command subsequently invited him for questioning in connection with the alleged incident, reportedly citing possible violations of relevant firearms laws and concerns relating to public peace and security. These allegations remain matters for the appropriate authorities to establish in accordance with due process.
KPCF emphasizes that, regardless of political affiliation, social status, traditional position or personal differences, public figures, political actors, traditional institutions, religious leaders and community influencers have a shared responsibility to promote peaceful political participation and social cohesion. Language or conduct capable of generating fear, anger, hostility or confrontation should be avoided, particularly as political activities and campaigns intensify.
We therefore urge all political, traditional, religious and community leaders, as well as their supporters and followers, to exercise the highest level of restraint and responsibility. We call on all stakeholders to refrain from hate speech, inflammatory rhetoric, threats, incitement, intimidation or any statements and actions capable of provoking violence or mobilising citizens against one another.
KPCF further encourages political actors and other influential stakeholders to use their platforms to promote dialogue, tolerance, respect for opposing views and peaceful participation, recognising that political differences should never become a basis for violence or threats to the safety and dignity of citizens.
At this critical period, Kano State needs responsible leadership, restraint and constructive dialogue from all sides. We call on all stakeholders to put the peace, security and unity of Kano State above partisan interests and personal differences.
The Recent Durbar Incident
KPCF is also concerned about the reported incident surrounding the recent Durbar organised by the 15th Emir of Kano, Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, during which violence was reported and campaign posters and billboards bearing the identities of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, were reportedly destroyed by some people alleged to the supporters of the 15th Emir of Kano, Alh. Aminu Ado Bayero.

Although, we have acknowledged reports that Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero subsequently and personally apologised to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf over the incident. Though, such an apology is welcomes and it certainly represents an important gesture towards de-escalation of the already heated atmosphere.

However, an apology alone may not be sufficient to address the broader concerns arising from the incident. We respectfully urge the relevant authorities to establish the facts surrounding the incident and ensure that any person found to have committed an offence is dealt with in accordance with the law, irrespective of political, traditional or social status.

Political campaign materials are part of democratic expression. Their unlawful destruction, just like any other act of violence or intimidation, should not be allowed to become normalised.
The Kano Emirate Matter and the Rule of Law
Your Excellency, KPCF is particularly disturbed about the continuing politicisation of the Kano Emirate issue.

We respectfully recognise that matters concerning the Kano Emirate have generated strong emotions across the State and that aspects of the dispute have been subjected to judicial consideration, including proceedings before the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

In the interest of peace and respect for constitutional institutions, we appeal to political appointees and government officials at both Federal and Kano State levels to refrain from making inflammatory statement or taking partisan positions on matters before the courts.

The judiciary must be allowed to perform its constitutional responsibility without political pressure, intimidation or public mobilisation.

We therefore call on all stakeholders to allow the courts to determine the legal questions before them and to respect the outcome of the judicial process.

Our Appeal for Immediate Presidential Intervention
Your Excellency, KPCF respectfully believes that this is the time for preventive leadership rather than reactive intervention.

We therefore appeal to Your Excellency to:
1. Urgently intervene in the emerging situation in Kano State and encourage all parties to exercise maximum restraint.

2. Direct the relevant security and intelligence agencies to closely monitor developments and take preventive measures against violence, intimidation, hate speech and destruction of property.

3. Call on political appointees at both Federal and Kano State levels to refrain from unnecessary involvement in the Emirate dispute, particularly on matters that are before the courts.

Reaffirm the independence of the judiciary and encourage all parties to respect judicial proceedings and decisions concerning the Kano Emirate.

Direct that political parties, campaign organisations and their supporters be protected equally and that the destruction of political posters, billboards or campaign materials be investigated and addressed according to law.

Ensure that all persons responsible for violence, regardless of political or traditional affiliation, are held accountable under the law.

Encourage traditional, religious, political and community leaders to publicly commit themselves to peace and responsible communication throughout the political campaign period.

Facilitate an inclusive peace and stakeholders’ dialogue in Kano, involving the State Government, Federal Government representatives, traditional institutions, political parties, security agencies, religious leaders, youth and women representatives, and civil society organisations.

Urge political actors to focus their campaigns on issues of development and governance rather than personality traditional institutions or matters capable of dividing the people of Kano.

Kano Must Not Be Allowed to Slide into Crisis
Your Excellency, Kano is too important to Nigeria to be allowed to descend into avoidable confrontation

The ancient city of Kano is a major commercial, cultural, political and social centre whose stability has implications far beyond the State. A crisis in Kano would affect not only its citizens but also neighbouring states and the wider northern region.

KPCF therefore considers the present moment a critical early-warning stage. We believe that decisive and impartial intervention now can prevent a much more serious crisis later.

We appeal to Your Excellency, as President and Commander-in-Chief, to use the moral authority and constitutional powers of your office to send a clear message that peace, democratic participation, freedom of expression, respect for traditional institutions, protection of political rights and the rule of law must prevail over political rivalry.

We further urge all parties to sheathe their swords, avoid provocative statements and actions, and place the peace and stability of Kano above personal, political or institutional interests.

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Kano belongs to all its people. Its peace must not become a casualty of political competition or institutional disagreements.

The Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum remains committed to working with the Federal and State Governments, security agencies, traditional institutions, political parties and all stakeholders to promote peaceful coexistence, democratic participation and respect for the rule of law.

We respectfully call on Your Excellency to act now, before tension becomes crisis and crisis becomes conflict.

May peace continue to prevail in Kano State and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Yours faithfully,

Signed ,

Hassan Ibrahim Gama Mustapha Muhammed Chiroma Peter Hassan Tijjani
Convener Convener Convener

For and on behalf of the undersigned members of the Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum (KPCF):
S/N
Contact Person
Name of Organization

1
Hassan Ibrahim Gama.
Friend of the Community Organisation (FOCO)

2
Mustapha Muhammed Chiroma
Community Rights Initiative Of Nigeria (CORIN)

3
Peter Hassan Tijani
New Ethics for Empowerment and Development Initiative (NEEDIN)

4
Farouk Umar
Citizens for Development and Education (CDE)

5
Ibrahim Muhammad
Rural – Urban Slums Development Initiative (RUSDI)

6
Ruth Stephen
Touch and Care Foundation (TOCAF)

7
Maimuna Shuaibu
Muna Helping Hand Foundation (MHHF)

8
Amb. Lami Bako Yakasai
Enlightenment And Empowerment Of Northern Women Initiative

9
Abdulrahman Uba Daushe
Spinal Cord Injuries Association Of Nigeria (SCIAN)

10
Ahmad Tijjani
Alkali Ahmad Center For Development

11
Sunusi Hashimu
Society For Child Support And Economic Empowerment (SOCSEE)

12
Hassan Musa Yaro
Cardinal Aid Development Support Initiative

13
Nworisa Michael
Stand For Peace Initiative

14
Aisha Ahmed Abdulkadir
Sustainable Dynamic and Human Development Initiative

15
Khadija A. Muhammad
Nana Aisha Development Initiative (NADI)

16
Halima Suleiman ESQ
Advocacy on Human Rights and Equal Opportunity (AHREO)

17
Dr. Kabir Hamisu Kura
Community Development Initiative

18
Halima Titi Bello
Women Gender Developers (WOGEND)

19
Rakiya Ladi Musa
Ansar Women Development

20
Amina Ali Alhassan
Be My Guide Development initiative.

21
Amb. Rabi Yusuf Gezawa MON
Center For Empowerment Of Older Persons And The Vulnerable (CEOPAV)

22
Comrade A.A Haruna Ayagi
International Human Rights Network IHRN-Nigeria

23
Tijjani Sarki
Human Rights Watch And Youths Empowerment Foundation, Nigeria.

24
Ola Taiwo
Mari-Care Foundation for Widows, Single Parents, Orphans and Vulnerable Children Nigeria. (MARI-CARE)

25
Solomon Samuel
Mercy Helpline Initiative

26
Sheriff Abubakar
Sheriff Orphanage and Charity home foundation (Sheriff foundation)

27
Salmanu Muhammed
WAZOBIA International Women and Children Foundation, Kano

28
Amb. Hadiza Abdullahi kishimi
Women’s Social and leadership Development initiative ( WSLDI )

29
Grace Musa
Standup for Women Society

30
Dr. Ramatu Garba
Support For Women And Teenage Children (SWATCH)

31
Amina Aliyu Dogarai
Women and orphans charity initiative

32
Surayya Ado Salisu
ABC Road Safety Project Initiative

33
Barr. Aisha Ali Tijjani
Sayyidatu Wal adfal Foundation (Women and Children Foundation)

34
Murjanatu G. Umar
Women Empowerment, Leadership, Education, Advancement And Development Initiative (WE-LEAD)

35
Amb. Maryam Hassan
League for Societal Protection Against Drugs Abuse (LESPADA)

36
Wali Ado Rano
Voice Of The Hopeful Enlightenment And Development Initiative (VOHEDI)

37
Saratu I. Maigida
Lifeline Initiative For Widows Empowerment And Economic Development (LIWEED)

38
Sagir Salihu Chedi
Voice And Accountability Platform (VAP)

39
Barr. Mustapha Idris
Human Right and Community Initiative

40
Gharzali Ibrahim Ungogo
Ummatee Centre For The Promotion Of Public Education, Accountability And Social Safety (UMMATEE-C4PASS)

41
Aisha Halliru
Halliru Memorial Youth Development And Empowerment Initiative (AYDI)

42
Mrs. Esther Abdulahi Kingsley
Inter-tribe Community Support Forum

43
Auwal Idris Dorayi
Center For Peace And Environmental Justice CEPEJ

44
Mariya Ishaka
Albino Cluster Association

45
Sani Shuaib Rogo
Rogo Concern Citizens

46
Abubakar Shuibu Maitumaki
Youth Awareness Foundation On Drug Abuse (YAFODA)

47
Dr. Mustapha Mukhatar
Danbatta Development Forum (DDF)

48
Musa Muhammad Khaila
Community Support for Social Accountability Initiative (COMSSI)

49
Haj. Habiba Mijinyawa
Federation of Muslim Women Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN) Kano

50
Abbas Abdullahi Yakasai CISSP, IPMA
One Kano Agenda

51
Comrade Ali Wali
Network for Environmental Safety and Society Development (NESSD)

52
Hadiza Bala Fagge
Women Widows And Orphans Development Initiative (WWODI)

53
Farida Ahmed Tahir
Mata Iyayen Al’umma Foundation

54
Bello Abdulkadir Yusuf
Karaye Community Development Association

55
Badiya Aliyu
Sustainable Dynamic Human Development Initaitive (SDHDI)

56
Ruqayya Bello
Women for Women Initiative

57
Sabo Bello Madaki
Kiru Community Development Association

58
Sunusi Mamuda Wudil
Wudil Association Cooperative

59
Zubaida Umar Gashash
Youths And Women Sustainable Development Initiative (YASDI)

60
Ibrahim H. Sale
Habib Community Education Initiative

61
Khadijah Ibrahim
Adolescents Girls, Children And Research Project – GCRP

62
Sumaila Namadi Ahmad
Yadfulde Kiru Local government Association & Dev.

63
Abdulaziz Habibu Bello
Yanoko Youth Development Association

64
Umar Ibrahim Umar
War Against Injustice

65
Maimuna Umar Sheriff
Centre for Gender Base Violence Advocacy

66
Kola Samuel Asaju
KAF Care Foundation

67
Ali Suleiman
Masses First International Organization –MFI

68
Muhammed Yusuf Gama
Global Youth and Women Support Initiative – GLOYWSI

69
Abubakar Shariff Jaddah
Society for Women and Child Health Initiative (SWACHI)

70
Abdussalam Haruna
New Turn for Youth Enthusiasm & Dev. (N-YED)

71
Dalhatu Jibrin Dalhatu
Karaye Initiative Forum

72
Mohammad Lawal Datti
Initiative for Health Rescue & Risk Reduction (IHRAR)

73
Amb Dr Abdulrahman Kitilly Hudu ( Phd)
Empowerment For Vulnerable Women And Children International (EVWACH International)

74
Fatima Umar
Albarka Women Development Association

75
Mahmud Hashimu
Community Health I Initiatives and society development – CHISOD

76
Suyudi Isa Jibril
Media Advocacy for Accountability Sustainable Initiative –

77
Lukman Dayyab
Public Health Promotion Initiative

78
Amb Maryam Ibrahim Sani
Nigerian Coalition on youth,peace and security Agenda,Kano.

79
Haj. Safiyya Salisu Abdul
Support Group For Good Governance Organisation (SG3)

80
Sagir Saidu
Gyarakayanka Development Association

81
Sani Muhammad.
Annur Health And Peace Community Development Initiative

82
Ahmad Tijjani Yau
Development Insight Hub

83
Comrade Garba Suleiman Marafa
WAZOBIA Conflict Resolution And Peace Advocacy Initiative (WACORPAI)

84
Dr. Auwalu Halilu
Non-Formal Development for Education and Health Initiatives (NDEHI)

85
Yahaya A. Yahaya
National Association Of Persons With Physical Disabilities Kano Chapter (NAPWPD)

86
Dr Abubakar Ibrahim Hassan
Community Education and Health Promotion Initiatives (CEHPI)

87
Hajiya Saadatu Hashim
Concerns Mothers Association of Kano

88
Aisha Shatima
Joint Action Campaign for development

89
Najib Nasir
Northern Youth Concerned

90
Dr. Tanimu Adam Ibrahim
Gwarzo Initiative Forum

91
Aminu Sa’ad
Consolidated Ajingi Development Association.

92
Umar Iliyasu Madobi
Madobi Youth Development Forum

93
Barrister. Badamasi
Kano First Forum

94
Salamatu Sulaiman Mustapha
Salmah Africa Rescue Initiative

95
Garba Musa
Save Girls Initiative

96
Murtala Muhd Rabiu
Hannu Dayawa Youth development Association Bachirawa

97
Maryam Muhammad
Indigent Youth Education And Care Foundation (IYECF)

98
Rakiya Abba Tahula
Interfaith Peace Foundation

99
Nafisa Muhammad Ado
Anniswan Women Health Initiative (AWOHI)

100
Mohammed Hussaini
Nigerian Democracy Working Group

 

CC:
– The National Security Adviser (NSA), Federal Republic of Nigeria
– The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Nigeria Police Force
– The Director-General, Department of State Services (DSS)
– The Director-General, National Intelligence Agency (NIA)
– The Commandant-General, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC)
– The Commissioner of Police, Kano State Command
– The Director, State Security Services (SSS), Kano State
– The Kano State Commandant, NSCDC

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Opinion

Muhuyi Raided Our Area: Encomiums, Prayers and Solidarity Trail Operation

Published

2 weeks ago

on

October 3, 2026

By

Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Abba Anwar

A few days ago, Sheikh Salga Street, the stretch from Goron Dutse to Jakara, was a haven for Yandaba and drug addicts. They terrorized residents in broad daylight without fear, and at night, it was even worse. The Jakara Divisional Police did their best to curb the menace, but the challenge was beyond a single station.

The real game-changer came when the Inter-Agency Task Force Against Drug Abuse and Other Related Crimes, under the fearless Barrister Muhuyi Magaji Rimingado, stormed the area. It was a thorough, house-to-house operation that combed every nook and cranny.

This is my area. I was born and raised in Bakinruwa quarters, and I have friends across all the adjoining neighborhoods. When Barrister Rimingado led his men in a Rambo-style raid, calls started coming in. Many residents told me that this single operation alone has convinced every right-thinking person in the area to vote for the present administration under His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, in the 2027 election.

Interestingly, a greater percentage of those I spoke to do not belong to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress, APC. Yet they insisted that this intervention is the best thing that has happened to them in recent times. They promised to pay back with their votes in 2027.

Politics aside, when these criminal elements forced people to run for their lives, they did not ask whether you wereAPC, ADC or any other party. Several people were severely injured. Some were alleged to have lost their lives.

What made this raid more strategic and successful was how the Task Force worked hand-in-hand with traditional community leaders, the Masu Unguwa. These are leaders who know the suspects by name, who know their parents, their houses and their hideouts. That is why the operation succeeded.

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This is a smart application of community policing. Beyond intelligence from security agencies, bringing in community leaders was a vital, creative and strategic move by the Chairman of the Task Force.

The raid was not a one-day show. It continued up to yesterday. Coincidentally, there was a Maulud gathering on the road between Durumin Kaigama and Yar Kasuwa. I learnt that immediately after the Maulud, a special prayer session was held. They prayed for Governor Yusuf to secure another term, and they prayed for Allah’s protection and guidance for Barrister Rimingado and his dedicated team.

What the Task Force did was appreciated by thousands of residents. From what I gathered, some youth have even started organizing a movement to support Governor Yusuf’s re-election bid. The movement, I learnt, has nothing to do with party affiliation.

I was briefed that youth from all walks of life are involved – students, artisans, members of community-based organizations, business people, women groups and civil servants.

What Barrister Rimingado did has opened the eyes of many apolitical people. These are hundreds of people who do not belong to any political party, but who have now resolved to do everything possible to ensure Governor Yusuf returns in 2027.

This vindicates what I wrote earlier, that politics aside, if properly handled, the activities of the Task Force could be one of the most fundamental efforts capable of giving APC more votes in Kano in all elections, especially the gubernatorial contest.

Alhamdulillah, rules of engagement were professionally adhered to during the raid. About 80 suspected criminals were arrested. Some fled out of the state, but I was reliably informed they will be trailed to wherever they hide. This is what we call patriotic commitment.

Let me use this platform to convey the thank-you message of our people to the Governor of Kano State and the Task Force under Barrister Rimingado for this timely intervention and show of concern and seriousness.

One Malam Ahmad Dahawi, who leads an umbrella body of community associations in the area with thousands of members, confirmed that peace has now returned to the affected areas. He assured that although their umbrella body comprises people across different political parties, they have resolved to support Governor Yusuf in 2027, while members are free to vote for whoever they like in other elections.

More grease to your elbow, the people’s Governor. More courage and fearlessness to Barrister Rimingado and his unwavering team. With this kind of teamwork and community support, the days of these criminals are numbered.

What is most interesting is the political will of the Governor and his unwavering support for cleansing our state of criminal activities.

I suggest other areas within the metropolis and rural communities, should copy from our people in supporting the operation of the all-important Task Force. It is for the good of all of us.

Anwar writes from Kano
Saturday, 3rd October, 2026

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