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Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II, A Phoenix Rises

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Khalifa Muhammadu Sunusi II

 

 

By Muhammad Abu Ihsan

 

The news has just come this morning, of the installation in Sokoto yesterday, of His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II as the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria, after the reign of late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, who had risen to the position after the demise of HH MSII’s grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I. Maasha Allah.

 

This is a very powerful spiritual and political position. Extremely so. It also comes with serious implications for the new Khalifa, and for governments, as well as for traditional leaderships around the country.

 

It compounds the Kano problem because Tijjanawa always projects their loyalty to the Tijjaniyya leadership, transcending all political and administrative boundaries. Since Kano is still a home of Tijjaniyya (as it is of Izala, and of Qadiriyya) the ascension of HH MSII to the leadership of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria seriously erodes the influence of Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado Bayero, and of any governor in Kano, as religious and political loyalty now go first to MSII.

 

Also, nationally, since Tijjaniyya is still the Islamic sect with the largest following in the Muslim North, and certainly the dominant theology in the Yoruba West, the religious and political influence of a dethroned emir, HH MSII, in Nigeria today, has grown substantially larger than it was when he was the Emir of Kano. His dethroned grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I, although the leader of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria during his lifetime, had become ascetic after dethronement in 1963, and restricted himself, until his death, to personal spiritual asceticism without any public activity, even after the PRP government of Abubakar Rimi had made serious attempts to draw him out, after returning him into Kano territory (he chose Wudil) from exile.

 

However, with MSII active nationally and internationally in general public issues, in religious matters, in academic and intellectual engagements, and incorporate, as well as in multilateral engagements, his very high visibility, despite the limitations dethronement could have imposed on him, has just hit the stratosphere, and this is no exaggeration. For starters, elderly and revered Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi, a Tijjaniya behemoth who was in serious rivalry with the late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, has no such issues with the new Khalifa MSII. If anything, HH MSII is regarded as a student and son by Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi. Similarly, another great Tijjaniyya leader of far-reaching influence all over Africa and the Middle East, Sharif Sheikh Ibrahim Saleh, Nigerian Muslim’s Grand Mufti, plays a father role to HH MSII. It then means that the new Khalifa leads a fully unified Tijjaniya, whose call can pull both the Isiaka Rabi’u and Dahiru Bauchi millions into Kano Race Course, Murtala Square Kaduna, or the Eagle Square in Abuja.

 

Additionally, HH MSII has over the years, been quite close to the key ulama and followers of the Ahlus Sunnah side (Izala and Salafiyya), such that their continued cooperation and partnership can be taken as guaranteed. His strong disapproval for Shi’a and Shi’ism further enhances this relationship and partnership with the Ahlus Sunnah (Izala and Salafiyya).

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It is also worth noting that the investiture of the Khalifa position, instead of holding in Kano, due to current constraints, but could have held in Kaduna, Abuja, Ilorin, or Ibadan, took place instead, in Sokoto. This is highly significant. The support of His Eminence the Sultan, while a boon, creates further problems because Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, although hierarchically number three in the Sokoto Caliphate, and by protocol number four in Northern Nigeria, the recent butchering and subinfudation of Kano Emirate by Governor Ganduje has substantially diminished the current Emir, while the ascension of MSII to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjanniyya has compounded that problem. The excellent personal relationship between His Eminence the Sultan with MSII, something the dethroned Emir also has with quite a number of senior emirs, obas and obis around the country, all further elevate the status of MSII and unfortunately diminish the current Emir of Kano. This is potentially problematic and must be handled with extreme care.

 

Yesterday’s event in Sokoto may have been understated and deliberately underreported, but it registers very high on the Nigerian political Richter Scale. Tijjaniyya is a monolithic political force in West Africa, from Yoruba land, through Hausaland, into Ghana, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco. It goes through Algeria, Tunisia, troubled Libya, Egypt, down into Sudan and Chad, and other parts of Muslim East Africa. The prestige and influence of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya extend into these territories.

14th Emir of Kano set to relocate to Azare

With Buhari’s popularity and support substantially diminished, reinforced by his entry into his lame-duck period before exiting office in 2023, Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II may just have emerged as the most powerful, and influential Nigerian, despite his dethronement as Emir of Kano, just a little over a year ago. Again, while this is significantly positive, it can also be quite problematic, unless those problem areas are carefully managed. Tension within Kano and its subinfudated satellites of Bichi, Rano, Karaye and Gaya, and especially with Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, will continue. Also, for the remainder of his tenure, with Governor Ganduje and his small coterie of contumacious political allies and handlers, one of which, Abbas, is related to MSII.

 

Constitutionally, HH MSII, like every Nigerian, has the freedom of movement. He can therefore travel and move around freely in any part of Nigeria. He can settle and live in any part of the country. The Constitution guarantees him this fundamental right. But for the moment, without and legal compulsion, he has constrained himself to stay away from Kano. This is understandable. But with his ascension to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya, a position based in Kano since its creation, and with the inevitable pull on him of Kano’s majority Tijjanawa for frequent presence and leadership, how long can the Khalifa keep himself away from Kano? And can Kano ever quietly receive Khalifa MSII, and not, literally bring out more than ninety percent of the citizens out into the streets to welcome him? “Ba a sarki biyu a gari daya” – there can never be two kings in one city/kingdom – according to an Hausa dictum. Are we going to see that in Kano?

 

From now on, wherever HH MSII goes in Nigeria and West Africa, he not only attracts bigger welcoming crowds than he did when he was emir, he also gets the reception of a head of state in some of those places. Especially in Ghana, Senegal, Niger, Morocco, and Sudan. Thanks to the spiritual and political power of Tijjaniyya leadership.

 

HH MSII must therefore ponder his new position, power and influence, and also take into cognisance his peculiar position of a dethroned emir of Kano. He should then evolve an appropriate administrative and protocol regimen that lessen, or ideally eliminate all possible jurisdictional conflicts with other leaders in their territories, most especially in Kano. Similarly, the government and traditional leaderships there should also evolve and adopt administrative and protocol flexibilities, accommodation, and general goodwill, for the sake of the people, and for a general peace, progress and security.

 

Wishing the new Khalifa of Tijjaniya in Nigeria a very peaceful and progressive reign.

Opinion

Opinion:The Anatomy Of A Hoax- Setting The Record Straight On Governor Abba Yusuf

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​By Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure

​The recent wave of political “scoops” regarding the purported defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has moved beyond mere speculation into a coordinated campaign of character assassination. Most notably, reports by Daily Nigerian claiming the Governor’s move was “postponed” are masterpieces of fiction, designed to paint a sitting Governor as indecisive and subordinate. As a witness to the political realities in Kano, I find it necessary to dismantle these fallacies with the facts that the purveyors of this rumor have conveniently ignored. In Nigerian politics, defection is a statutory process requiring a formal resignation from one’s current party. To date, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has not submitted any resignation from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). To claim that a “finalized arrangement” for a Monday registration existed is a procedural hallucination; one cannot join a new house without first stepping out of the old one.
​Furthermore, the narrative suggests the Governor’s plans were shelved because he failed to seek the “blessings” of local APC bigwigs. This is a laughable distortion of executive power. History is replete with Governors who defected based on executive conviction without the interference of local APC “big wigs.” We have seen this with the Governor of Delta vs. Senator Omo-Agege, the Governor of Bayelsa vs. David Lyon and Minister Heineken Lokpobiri, the Governor of Rivers vs. Nyesom Wike, and the Governor of Plateau vs. the current National Chairman of the APC. More recently, the defections of Governors like Dave Umahi (Ebonyi), Ben Ayade (Cross River), and Bello Matawalle (Zamfara) proved that when a Governor moves, he does so as the new leader of the party in his state. It is also historically hypocritical to label such a move as “betrayal.” When Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso defected from the PDP to the APC in 2013, he did not seek permission from any person or leadership—he led a rebellion based on his own conviction. If it was “principled politics” for the godfather then, it cannot be “betrayal” for the Governor now.

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​What, then, remains for a Governor who already holds the overwhelming mandate of his people? It is a known fact that Governor Abba Yusuf moves with the ironclad support of almost 95% of the Kano State House of Assembly, 50% of the National Assembly members from the state, all 44 Local Government chairmen, and the entire grassroots party structure. The desperate attempt by the NNPP National Working Committee to dissolve the Kano executive committees is a futile, “too-late” maneuver that only confirms their loss of control. When a Governor commands such total loyalty, he does not ask for permission; he leads. The defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is inevitable if he so wishes, as he carries the entire political soul of Kano with him.
​The theory that the APC postponed this move because Senator Kwankwaso is not coming along simply does not hold water. Kwankwaso’s refusal to join the APC is a settled matter; it is alleged the President offered him a ministerial position or the Chairmanship of the soon-to-be resuscitated Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), both of which he rejected after his demand to join the Presidential ticket was denied. Using this stalemate as a pretext for the Governor’s “indecision” is a transparent lie aimed at making the Governor look like a political appendage. It is disheartening to see Daily Nigerian abandon objective journalism to frame the Governor as a “betrayer.” If Governor Abba Yusuf chooses to move, he does so as a leader of a massive political movement. The media must stop concocting stories to mislead the public. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf remains focused on his mandate. These rumors are merely the desperate gasps of those who wish to see Kano in perpetual turmoil.

​Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure writes from Shanono Local Government, Kano State. He can be reached at ahmedtsaure28@gmail.com.

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Opinion

Your Excellency, the Governor of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf: Welcome to APC the People’s Party

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By Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,mti,Kent,UK, former special adviser on public affairs to former Governor H/E Ganduje

It is with a heart full of joy and a spirit of unity that we welcome a true son of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf into the fold of the APC, the people’s political party and the largest political party in Africa.

Governor Yusuf, an‑engineer by profession and the elected leader of our great State since May 2023 has already made a lasting imprint on Kano State. Sir, thanks.

His bold intention to declare a state of emergency on education allocating a remarkable 30 % (more than 26% of prescription by UNESCO) of the state budget to schools has turned the tide for countless children of downtrodden to be educated and enlightened. From solar‑lit streets that brighten our nights to a N50,000 monthly support for 5,200 women entrepreneurs to cushions economic precarity, his initiatives echo the APC’s vision of a prosperous future, inclusive of the benefits of former councillors in the 44 LGA of Kano State. Also, the benefits of pensioners which have not been paid a long time ago. I’m sure that the next special advisers’ benefit will be on the line.

Hence, the countless roads construction and rehabilitation at both metropolitan and rural areas has been going on without delay. Your Excellency, these gigantic policies by His Excellency have been the same with the central government under His Excellency President Bola Tinubu.

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The APC, under the steadfast guidance of Chairman Prince Abdullahi Abbas and the former national chairman His Excellency Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has repeatedly affirmed its readiness to receive Governor Yusuf “with open arms”. This invitation is not a political maneuver but a sincere call for unity, reconciliation, and collective responsibility values that will combine our strengths for the progress of Kano State and the entire nation. Take note that today Nigeria is on the way to political, economic and social reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Nigeria will be on the same pathway with other economic emerging markets of the Global Southern Hemisphere.

As we extend this warm embrace, we also look forward to the synergy of your seasoned leadership and the APC’s grassroots energy. Together, we shall:

*Strengthen our education sector, ensuring every child has a desk, a book, and a future especially on science, technology and innovation

*Boost agriculture, healthcare system, transport, security and strengthen women‑empowerment programmes that lift families out of poverty. Drive infrastructural development that lights up our streets and connects our markets. And again, this writing and understanding that there’s the need to create “New Kano” as has been done in other nations like Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Nigeria and other developing nations of the world.

Governor Yusuf, your presence today is a testament to the power of partnership and with that Kano State will be the next commercial centre of Africa. We pledge to walk hand‑in‑hand with you in APC, to build a Kano that shines brighter than ever before the creation of the State in 1967. With your presence in APC the election year of 2027 will be a work over in Kano State and the nation at large.

Thank you, and welcome home!

Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,pl.sc,political strategy and communications consultant and care taker chairman former special advisers to former Governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje

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Opinion

The Price of Betrayal: How History Caught Up with Kwankwaso

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Kwankwaso

 

By Dr Usman Sarki Madobi

Political power rarely collapses overnight. More often, it unravels slowly, weighed down by history, memory, and the quiet reckoning of past actions. The steady decline of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s once-formidable political dynasty in Kano is best understood not as coincidence or bad luck, but as political payback. It is a reminder that in politics, as in life, those who help you rise matter, and the cost of betrayal is eventually collected.

Kwankwaso did not emerge in a vacuum, his political journey was shaped, guided, and sustained by mentors and allies who believed in his potential long before he became a household name. Among them was the late Senator Hamisu Musa, a crucial figure in Kwankwaso’s early political career. Hamisu Musa mentored him, opened doors, and helped him establish the contacts necessary to enter the House of Representatives before contesting the governorship at later time, and without such foundational support, Kwankwaso’s rise would have been far more difficult. Yet, history records that this alliance ended in bitterness, with both men eventually standing on opposite sides due to what many viewed as Kwankwaso’s betrayal. The same pattern repeated itself with other political benefactors such as late Musa Gwadabe and Engr. Magaji Abdullahi, both of blessed memory who invested their time, trust, and political capital in Kwankwaso. However, instead of being rewarded with loyalty or respect, they were sidelined when their interests no longer aligned with his ambition.

Perhaps the earliest and most symbolic fracture was with Abubakar Rimi. Rimi, being a political heavyweight, expected to play the role of godfather and chief conductor of the Kwankwaso administration and this was not unusual in Nigerian politics, where senior figures often guide protégés from behind the scenes. Kwankwaso, however, asserted his independence and insisted on running the government himself. While this stance earned him admiration from some quarters, it also marked the beginning of a reputation for political ingratitude and intolerance of shared power. Rimi’s eventual withdrawal of support was not just personal; it signaled to others that alliances with Kwankwaso were conditional and expendable.

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Moreover, the rivalry between Kwankwaso and Alhaji Musa Gwadabe further deepened this narrative. Both of them were influential figures within the PDP in the early 2000s, and their conflict over party leadership, candidacies, and control of the party structure became one of Kano’s most defining political battles. Allegations that Kwankwaso sought Gwadabe’s removal from ministerial office only reinforced perceptions of intolerance and power consolidation. What could have been managed as internal party disagreement instead became another chapter in a growing list of broken relationships.
Ironically, at his lowest point, when Rimi, Musa Gwadabe, and Dangalan distanced themselves due to what they described as Kwankwaso’s political excesses and constant crises, one man stood firmly by him. Ambassador Aminu Wali became the only leader among the Kano PDP conveners that remained loyal, and helped Kwankwaso during the turbulent times. History, however, shows that even such loyalty did not translate into lasting trust, as Kwankwaso later fall out with many who once defended him against the odds.

The Ganduje episode provides perhaps the clearest illustration of history coming full circle. In 1999, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje won the PDP gubernatorial primaries but was persuaded by party stakeholders to accept Kwankwaso as his running mate in the interest of unity. Years later, when Ganduje became governor in 2015, Kwankwaso attempted to exert control over his administration. Ganduje’s refusal to submit led to a dramatic and bitter split. Today, critics argue that Kwankwaso is repeating the same controlling approach with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, reducing him to a political puppet in pursuit of personal interests again, at odds with the wishes of many in Kano State.

Recent defections within the NNPP appear to be the final confirmation of a long-standing pattern. The departure of figures such as Hon. Aliyu Madakin Gini, Hon. Kabiru Alhasan Rurum, Secretary to the Kano State Government Dr. Baffa Bichi, and other key stakeholders is widely seen as vindication for those who left Kwankwaso years earlier. Leaders like Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, Arch. Aminu Dabo, and others had warned of Kwankwaso’s autocratic and self-centered leadership style long before it became publicly undeniable but Kwankwaso remained adamant.

In the end, the collapse of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is less about external opposition and more about internal erosion. A movement built on personal control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung, not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

Politics never forgets. And in Kano, history has finally returned the favor.

*Usman Suleiman Sarki Madobi, Ph.D.*

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