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The 18th Daily Trust Annual Dialogue: Where Sardauna was sealed an Orphan and Thrown into the Debris of History

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By Ibraheem A. Waziri

What happened at the Daily Trust 18th Annual Dialogue of the 21st January, 2021 was really interesting. The Southeast remembered the colonial legacy; the structures it left at independence before the 1966 coup that toppled it by some – largely their own – very ambitious and adventurous youthful military officers, with nostalgia.

They think the structure was the best thing that ever happened to them! John Nwodo, the president of the apex sociocultural group of the third largest ethnic collective in Nigeria, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was high on this position.

Throughout the sessions and very articulate so. The solution for a better Nigeria, he constantly reiterated, is only to find a way of dismantling the present structure, write a freshly minted constitution; disregarding the mandate and authority of the present National Assembly as is composed now, after all, according to him, everything about this country since 1966 was built only “on a quicksand”. What trampled the old order and the baggage it came with, in the name of a new and present order, even after nearly six decade now, is still democratically illegitimate. He implied.

Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

For the Southwest through the sharp tongue and the profound insight of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, fire or brimstone, we must return also to pre 1966 regional arrangement where Yoruba ethnic nationality in particular can relatively take its destiny onto its own hand and the other parts of the country too, for their own good and needed comprehensive progress. Ayo is a nonagenarian and a founding father of the apex Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere.

He believes either, restructuring is actually not a constitutional matter and therefore its processes can bypass the present National Assembly as is composed. The foundation of a solid national prospect and prosperity must be built on the over bearing influence of cultural sentiment as the case was with the different regions of Nigeria before 1966. Subversion of that arrangement from the onset was the origin of negative narrative that is associated constantly with Nigeria now.

What is very interesting is the position of Northern Nigeria. It claims now and then –everywhere before and outside the Trust dialogue – to be the worst victim of the events of 1966 with its best of leaders, since Nigeria, literally wiped out. However away from the Southwest’s and Southeast’s positions; and during the dialogue, the Northern position seems to be, the best governing structure that Nigeria should continue on, is this present structure that toppled the legacy of the British colonial masters in the North that was a hybrid between the old Sokoto Caliphate/ Kanem-Bornu and the then colonial thoughts and experience. The North suddenly don’t want anything to do with the past structure that they claim gave them the best in terms of leaders, leadership and fruits of governance through the impeccable and unrivalled wisdom of our darling Sardauna!

The North was shown to prefer, what succeeded the 1966 – the legacy of the coupists – 12 states structure of General Gowon, the 1976 governance command line ratified by General Murtala, which completely did away with the local institutions Sardauna worked with to deliver the much appreciated and remembered good governance. They substituted them with free for all agencies that were newly experimented in the name of Local Governments; the subsequent 19 to 36 states structure that will continue to deliver the fruits of ‘good’ governance, still, further away from the kind of institutions the mighty, selfless, angel like Ahmadu Bello used to deliver the fruits of governance.

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Prof. Attahiru Jega, an accomplished academic and a veteran NEPU ideologue. NEPU, we must not forget, was Anti-Ahmadu Bello’s thoughts and ideals of the institution he worked with to deliver the trumpeted untainted fruits of good leadership. Jega stood tall to present what seemed to be the unanimous position of Northern Nigeria’s apex sociocultural group, Arewa Consultative Forum.

He wants the present structure retained but power devolved down to the states or state governors and this should be accomplished using the same National Assembly that is the ultimate product of the 1966 coup that killed the very best of Northern leadership. The National Assembly that both Southwest and Southeast regard presently as not a product of people’s will and as such not far from being fraudulent.

This raises in the mind of spectators and historical events surveyors of Northern Nigeria like yours sincerely questions like these: are the Northern Nigerians the ultimate beneficiaries of the events of 1966? Did Generals, Murtala, Gowon and TY Danjuma who over saw the counter coup of 1966 really avenged or even wanted to avenge Ahmadu Bello and his killed colleagues or they subsequently helped completely murdered and permanently buried his legacy as is obvious? Is it true as Reverend Matthew Kukah often say that Sardauna’s children only paid and still pay lip service to his legacies in a manner typical of hypocrisy?

Where are the true representatives of the institutions Sardauna used to deliver the much celebrated good governance we so much like to hail? Why are they silent? Do they too no longer believe in themselves? Is the North confused or lying to self that it still loves what Danfodio/Elkanemi left to them as modified by the British and Ahmadu Bello and Wazirin Borno, Sir Kashim Ibrahim? Was Rev. Matthew Hassan Kukah truly nostalgic about Sardauna’s Northern Nigeria as in his letter to Ahmadu Bello written six years ago and virally republished by many online Nigerian Newspapers last week (19th January, 2021); when he wrote to him in his grave or being merely tongue-in-cheek, sarcastic, mocking him as the ultimate loser as already proven by the actions of the present Northern elites? After all his grandchild is basking in the lavish comfort afforded by the status quo, grown bigger in prism without the ability to even keep fit to play fives like the Sardauna used to as a sign of determination and strength of will to make useful his times in life, as Kukah reported?

Whatever the case maybe and as observed in the same letter by Kukah, all these years after Ahmadu Bello, the supposed claimants of his true legacy, have failed in the simple task of endowing a single Chair for Sardauna studies in any of the universities in or outside the country. Had there been one, probably the Sardauna legacy would have remained looming large in the air with scholars constantly conducting synthesis over time between his enduring legacies and contemporary exigencies, to keep his ideals relevant at any time, when discussing the future fate of Nigerian nation state. Had there been such, certainly there wouldn’t have been the sad event of last week where a monumental step was taken dialoguing, without any wide idea presented amidst applause making adequate case for neo Sardaunism as the eternal panacea to the troubles facing the 21st century Nigeria; even if side by side the neo NEPU bone prone but flesh barren, articulated presentation of Prof. Jega.

It would have been two positions from the North as it used be always from two different political paradigms, instead of one. But contrary to that as we have seen, the Northerners went to the event to complete the funeral prayer for Sardaunism and declare the Sardauna loudly and forcefully an orphan _non grata._ They failed to remember that Sardauna didn’t do that to Dan Fodio. Had he done so we would have had those miscreants claiming to be his representatives, instead, on our shores long before now that we have them in the Boko Haram claiming to be the best of Danfodio and El-amin Elkanemi. However, if we continue to neglect Sardauna, walk away from the grave ,the 18th Annual Daily Trust Dialogue, dug for him and buried him – without waiting to exhume him, and place him on the right stable of our national life- it wouldn’t be long before we have another militant group coming up on these coasts claiming to represent him best. And it will not be good to Nigeria or Northern Nigeria. History or prominent historical figures are a burden to their succeeding generations. It is either they embrace them, garb them well and use them for good ends or throw them aside as wastes for others to pick, mould in ugly muds and use them effectively against contemporaries!

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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