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The 18th Daily Trust Annual Dialogue: Where Sardauna was sealed an Orphan and Thrown into the Debris of History

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By Ibraheem A. Waziri

What happened at the Daily Trust 18th Annual Dialogue of the 21st January, 2021 was really interesting. The Southeast remembered the colonial legacy; the structures it left at independence before the 1966 coup that toppled it by some – largely their own – very ambitious and adventurous youthful military officers, with nostalgia.

They think the structure was the best thing that ever happened to them! John Nwodo, the president of the apex sociocultural group of the third largest ethnic collective in Nigeria, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was high on this position.

Throughout the sessions and very articulate so. The solution for a better Nigeria, he constantly reiterated, is only to find a way of dismantling the present structure, write a freshly minted constitution; disregarding the mandate and authority of the present National Assembly as is composed now, after all, according to him, everything about this country since 1966 was built only “on a quicksand”. What trampled the old order and the baggage it came with, in the name of a new and present order, even after nearly six decade now, is still democratically illegitimate. He implied.

Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

For the Southwest through the sharp tongue and the profound insight of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, fire or brimstone, we must return also to pre 1966 regional arrangement where Yoruba ethnic nationality in particular can relatively take its destiny onto its own hand and the other parts of the country too, for their own good and needed comprehensive progress. Ayo is a nonagenarian and a founding father of the apex Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere.

He believes either, restructuring is actually not a constitutional matter and therefore its processes can bypass the present National Assembly as is composed. The foundation of a solid national prospect and prosperity must be built on the over bearing influence of cultural sentiment as the case was with the different regions of Nigeria before 1966. Subversion of that arrangement from the onset was the origin of negative narrative that is associated constantly with Nigeria now.

What is very interesting is the position of Northern Nigeria. It claims now and then –everywhere before and outside the Trust dialogue – to be the worst victim of the events of 1966 with its best of leaders, since Nigeria, literally wiped out. However away from the Southwest’s and Southeast’s positions; and during the dialogue, the Northern position seems to be, the best governing structure that Nigeria should continue on, is this present structure that toppled the legacy of the British colonial masters in the North that was a hybrid between the old Sokoto Caliphate/ Kanem-Bornu and the then colonial thoughts and experience. The North suddenly don’t want anything to do with the past structure that they claim gave them the best in terms of leaders, leadership and fruits of governance through the impeccable and unrivalled wisdom of our darling Sardauna!

The North was shown to prefer, what succeeded the 1966 – the legacy of the coupists – 12 states structure of General Gowon, the 1976 governance command line ratified by General Murtala, which completely did away with the local institutions Sardauna worked with to deliver the much appreciated and remembered good governance. They substituted them with free for all agencies that were newly experimented in the name of Local Governments; the subsequent 19 to 36 states structure that will continue to deliver the fruits of ‘good’ governance, still, further away from the kind of institutions the mighty, selfless, angel like Ahmadu Bello used to deliver the fruits of governance.

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Prof. Attahiru Jega, an accomplished academic and a veteran NEPU ideologue. NEPU, we must not forget, was Anti-Ahmadu Bello’s thoughts and ideals of the institution he worked with to deliver the trumpeted untainted fruits of good leadership. Jega stood tall to present what seemed to be the unanimous position of Northern Nigeria’s apex sociocultural group, Arewa Consultative Forum.

He wants the present structure retained but power devolved down to the states or state governors and this should be accomplished using the same National Assembly that is the ultimate product of the 1966 coup that killed the very best of Northern leadership. The National Assembly that both Southwest and Southeast regard presently as not a product of people’s will and as such not far from being fraudulent.

This raises in the mind of spectators and historical events surveyors of Northern Nigeria like yours sincerely questions like these: are the Northern Nigerians the ultimate beneficiaries of the events of 1966? Did Generals, Murtala, Gowon and TY Danjuma who over saw the counter coup of 1966 really avenged or even wanted to avenge Ahmadu Bello and his killed colleagues or they subsequently helped completely murdered and permanently buried his legacy as is obvious? Is it true as Reverend Matthew Kukah often say that Sardauna’s children only paid and still pay lip service to his legacies in a manner typical of hypocrisy?

Where are the true representatives of the institutions Sardauna used to deliver the much celebrated good governance we so much like to hail? Why are they silent? Do they too no longer believe in themselves? Is the North confused or lying to self that it still loves what Danfodio/Elkanemi left to them as modified by the British and Ahmadu Bello and Wazirin Borno, Sir Kashim Ibrahim? Was Rev. Matthew Hassan Kukah truly nostalgic about Sardauna’s Northern Nigeria as in his letter to Ahmadu Bello written six years ago and virally republished by many online Nigerian Newspapers last week (19th January, 2021); when he wrote to him in his grave or being merely tongue-in-cheek, sarcastic, mocking him as the ultimate loser as already proven by the actions of the present Northern elites? After all his grandchild is basking in the lavish comfort afforded by the status quo, grown bigger in prism without the ability to even keep fit to play fives like the Sardauna used to as a sign of determination and strength of will to make useful his times in life, as Kukah reported?

Whatever the case maybe and as observed in the same letter by Kukah, all these years after Ahmadu Bello, the supposed claimants of his true legacy, have failed in the simple task of endowing a single Chair for Sardauna studies in any of the universities in or outside the country. Had there been one, probably the Sardauna legacy would have remained looming large in the air with scholars constantly conducting synthesis over time between his enduring legacies and contemporary exigencies, to keep his ideals relevant at any time, when discussing the future fate of Nigerian nation state. Had there been such, certainly there wouldn’t have been the sad event of last week where a monumental step was taken dialoguing, without any wide idea presented amidst applause making adequate case for neo Sardaunism as the eternal panacea to the troubles facing the 21st century Nigeria; even if side by side the neo NEPU bone prone but flesh barren, articulated presentation of Prof. Jega.

It would have been two positions from the North as it used be always from two different political paradigms, instead of one. But contrary to that as we have seen, the Northerners went to the event to complete the funeral prayer for Sardaunism and declare the Sardauna loudly and forcefully an orphan _non grata._ They failed to remember that Sardauna didn’t do that to Dan Fodio. Had he done so we would have had those miscreants claiming to be his representatives, instead, on our shores long before now that we have them in the Boko Haram claiming to be the best of Danfodio and El-amin Elkanemi. However, if we continue to neglect Sardauna, walk away from the grave ,the 18th Annual Daily Trust Dialogue, dug for him and buried him – without waiting to exhume him, and place him on the right stable of our national life- it wouldn’t be long before we have another militant group coming up on these coasts claiming to represent him best. And it will not be good to Nigeria or Northern Nigeria. History or prominent historical figures are a burden to their succeeding generations. It is either they embrace them, garb them well and use them for good ends or throw them aside as wastes for others to pick, mould in ugly muds and use them effectively against contemporaries!

Opinion

When Power Meets Purpose: Why Abba Kabir Yusuf’s APC Move Is Kano’s Necessary Turn

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By Abdulkadir Ahmed Ibrahim (Kwakwatawa), FNGE.

In politics, moments arise when loyalty to a platform must give way to loyalty to the people. There are seasons when courage is not found in standing still, but in moving forward with clarity of purpose. Kano State stands at such a moment. The planned defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress is not an act of betrayal. It is a call to responsibility, a deliberate choice shaped by necessity, foresight, and the overriding interest of Kano and its people.

Perhaps power, when isolated, grows weak. Governance, when detached from the centre, struggles to deliver. Since the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as governor, Kano has found itself standing alone in the national space. Federal presence is thin, strategic attention limited. The state that once sat confidently at the table of national influence now watches key decisions pass by without its voice fully heard. This isolation is not a reflection of the governor’s intent or capacity; it is the reality of operating outside the ruling structure in a political environment where access often determines outcomes.

It is common knowledge that governors do not govern in a vacuum. Roads, security, education, health, and economic revival depend on cooperation between state and federal authorities. When that bridge is weak, the people bear the cost. Kano today needs bridges, not walls. It needs inclusion, not distance. It needs a seat where decisions are shaped, not a gallery where outcomes are merely observed.

The internal tension surrounding the emirate question has further deepened uncertainty. While history and tradition demand respect, governance demands stability. Prolonged disputes distract leadership, unsettle investors, and weigh heavily on public confidence. At such a time, a governor requires strong institutional backing and political leverage to navigate sensitive reforms with balance and authority. Standing alone makes that task far more difficult than it ought to be.

More troubling is the visible absence of federal projects and partnerships. In a country where development is often driven by political proximity, Kano cannot afford to remain on the margins. A state of its stature, population, and historical relevance deserves more than sympathetic silence. It deserves action, presence, and partnership.

It is within this context that Abba Kabir Yusuf’s movement toward the APC must be understood. Not as personal ambition, but as strategic realism. Not as political convenience, but as a pathway to unlock opportunities long denied by distance from power.

By extension, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso stands at a defining crossroads. History has placed him in a rare position. He is respected across party lines, commands a loyal following, and remains one of the most influential political figures in Northern Nigeria. Above all, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu holds him in high regard. They share a common political generation, having both served as governors in 1999, shaped by the same democratic rebirth and seasoned by time and experience.

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In addition, one can recall that both Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Bola Tinubu were at the National Assembly under the platform of the now defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP, during the short-lived 3rd Republic. The former was the Deputy Speaker at the House of Representatives while the latter was a Senator together with Late Senator Engineer Magaji Abdullahi who was also elected under the same SDP ticket.

Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi a former Deputy Governor of Kano State (2003 to 2007) and also a former Chief Executive of the State owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency, WRECA, in the 1980s was a benefactor of Engineers Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Abba Kabir Yusuf were they first met as members of staff.

The late successful Kano technocrat, accomplished engineer, career civil servant charismatic and vibrant national politician was a close ally and associate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu starting from the SDP days and the duo was some of the foundation members of the APC.

The President’s repeated extension of an olive branch to Kwankwaso is therefore not accidental. These gestures are acknowledgements of value, respect, and shared history. They signal recognition of Kwankwaso’s political weight and his capacity to contribute meaningfully at the national level. When such calls come consistently, wisdom suggests they should not be ignored. Kwankwaso should heed the call by moving along with the political direction of Kano State.

The truth is unavoidable. The political home Kwankwaso once built no longer offers the shelter it promised. The NNPP is enmeshed in internal crises that threaten its very identity. Court cases over party ownership and recognition pose serious risks. With the Independent National Electoral Commission recognising one faction amid raging disputes, the platform has become unstable ground for any serious electoral ambition. Under these circumstances, entering the 2027 race either with Abba Kabir Yusuf seeking re election on the NNPP platform or Kwankwaso pursuing a presidential ambition would amount to gambling against history and reason.

The alternatives are no better. The Peoples Democratic Party is fractured, weakened by internal contradictions and persistent leadership disputes. Its once formidable structure now struggles to inspire confidence. The African Democratic Congress, on the other hand, is ideologically and historically uncomfortable for Kwankwaso. Many of its leading figures were once his fiercest rivals. They resisted him in the PDP and are unlikely to allow him meaningful influence now. Political memory is long, and grudges rarely dissolve.

Beyond current realities lies a deeper lesson from history. Regional parties, no matter how passionate or popular within their strongholds, have rarely succeeded on the national stage. From the First Republic to the Fourth, the pattern remains consistent. Nigeria rewards broad coalitions, not narrow bases. Power flows where diversity converges.

The APC today represents that convergence. It is not perfect, but it is expansive. It is national in outlook, broad in structure, and firmly in control of the federal machinery. For Kano, aligning with the APC is not surrender. It is strategy. It is an investment in relevance, access, and development.

For Abba Kabir Yusuf, the move is about delivering tangible dividends of democracy. For Kwankwaso, it is about securing a future that reflects his stature and experience. Loyalty, in its truest sense, is not blind attachment to a platform. It is fidelity to the welfare of followers, to the aspirations of a people, and to the demands of the moment.

Politics is not static. It is a living conversation between ideals and realities. When realities change, wisdom adapts. Kano’s future demands bold choices, not sentimental delays. The music is louder now. The moment is clearer. The door is open.

History favours those who recognise when to move. For Abba Kabir Yusuf and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the path toward the APC is not a retreat from principle. It is a step toward purpose. They should go back to where they rightly belong. And for Kano, it may well be the bridge back to the centre, where its voice belongs and its destiny can be fully pursued.

Abdulkadir, a Fellow of Nigerian Guild of Editors, former National Vice President of the NUJ, Veteran Journalist, was the Press Secretary of the former Deputy Governor Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi.

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Opinion

Legislative Brilliance : DSP Barau Lights Up Al-Hikmah University

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By Abba Anwar

The management of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara state, shopped for an individual politician, whose intervention cuts across all sections of the country, with vigor, informed scholarship, skilful understanding of democracy and a patriotic contributor for national development. In their search, they stop on the table of the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, as they invited him to deliver the Convocation Lecture during the 15th Convocation Ceremony of the University, Wednesday.

Looking at the title of the lecture, “Managing Executive–Legislature Relations towards Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic,” it is glaring that, only informed political leaders, with the needed exposure, could add value to the discussion. Not vague and fairy tales tellers.

Amidst scholars, democrats and activists, Senator Barau explores legislative expertise and scholarly advancement of discussion about genuine democracy around national development. A position that underscores the imperative of harmonious executive-legislative relations for Nigeria’s democratic consolidation.

While the lecture did not focus “… on the evolving relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999,” only, the lecture positions the DSP as a scholarly voice of governance.

Being a member of the House of Representatives in 1999 and now a Senator, Deputy Senate President, to be precise, and looking beyond his state or any micro political entity, he believes, profoundly that, the executive and the legislature must work together to address the challenges plaguing the nation.

As he delved into figurative identification of the productive and close nexus relationship that exists between the National Assembly and the executive arm under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, he enunciated that, only collaborative effort, amongst the two arms, could save the country. Hence, in his own terms, both executive and legislature are unarguably on the same page, of making Nigeria great again.

Apart from his scholarly discussion on the theme, his interventions in the education sector, back home in Kano and the nation in general, informed all decisions across the academic environment, there, and students’ bodies, to present to him Awards of Excellence. To officially recognize him as an icon for the development of the education sector in the land.

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They all appreciated his contributions to students through scholarships scheme, for studies in different fields of study. Both within and outside the country. As thousands get access to his scheme. He was identified as one of the leading national politicians whose contributions to education are immensely spotted and glaring. Some defined him as a National Messiah for Education.

Many Professors and academics, who attended the lecture, described him as a scholar in his own right. Whose arguments in the paper he presented, showcase how deeply rooted he is in the art of governance, legislation and engaging democratic activism.

The Deputy Senate President believes that, “A consolidated democracy is one in which political actors, institutions, and citizens internalise democratic norms, and where the probability of democratic breakdown becomes remote.”

He got standing ovation when he paraphrased, Diamond’s (1999) argument that, “In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, democratic consolidation extends beyond the regular conduct of elections. It encompasses adherence to constitutionalism, respect for separation of powers, accountability, rule of law, and effective inter-institutional collaboration.

The Executive-Legislature relationship therefore constitutes a critical arena in which democratic values are either strengthened or undermined.”

DSP’s deeper knowledge of national democratic structure and his patriotic engagement for national cohesion and adherence to global experience, came on board when he posits that, “Early years of the Fourth Republic were marked by frequent conflicts over leadership of the National Assembly, budgetary processes, impeachment threats, and oversight functions which constitute impediments towards democratic consolidation after prolonged military rule.”

All the bottlenecks in his classical analysis stem from “Executive dominance inherited from prolonged military rule, weak institutional capacity within the Legislature, partisan competition overriding constitutional responsibility and
personalisation of power rather than institutional governance.”

Distinguished Senator Barau’s Al-Hikmah University’s presentation of Convocation Lecture, pushed many to accept the fact and the obvious that, he is indispensably a rare gem in legislative environment and a political stretcher in the national scheme of things. A national figure with global outreach. A gentleman with informed mind, capable hands and coordinated brain. Whose silence and humility are not defeatist, but calculative strategy.

One of the things that you cannot take away from him is, he is a political figure with thoughtful approach to politics.

In his elderly advice to the graduands he said, “As graduands of Al-Hikma University step into society, I urge you to uphold democratic values, demand accountable governance, and contribute intellectually and ethically to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Democracy is not sustained by institutions alone, but by enlightened citizens and principled leaders.”

The concluding part of his paper, speaks volume about his unwavering belief in democratic process, patriotic leadership style and informed understanding of national politics devoid of ethnic chauvinism. Hear the gentleman, ” Distinguished audience, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has endured longer than any previous democratic experiment in our history.

This endurance, however, must be matched with qualitative democratic deepening. Managing Executive–Legislature relations with wisdom, restraint, and constitutional fidelity is central to this task.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Thursday, 8th January, 2026

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Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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