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Northern Nigeria and the Inevitable Transition

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5 years ago

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By Adamu Tilde

Time and tide are two phenomena that can neither be wished away nor dismissed with a wave of a hand. A tide would sweep you away while time won’t wait for you to be ready. It’s on these premises I will proceed to discuss the five phenomena that, for quite a while, I strongly believe, have been strangulating the economic development of the Nigeria’s Muslim North; invariably, until a deliberate, soul-searching, controlled and honest conversation on these phenomena is being organized and debated, the region will continue to lead in posting poor human development indices.

1. Population Explosion and Birth Control

Population, in itself, is not the problem. The problem is when you have an idle, unskilled population fiercely competing for scarce resources. For example, take a father with a monthly income of N100,000 having two children and a wife to cater for. That father, all things being equal, can afford a house rent of, say, N150,000 per annum, moderately feed his family, enroll his kids in a modest primary school, and most importantly, can afford to spare some time to attend to the social and psychological needs of his kids. Not that this is entirely okay, but certainly it’s far better than what is mostly obtained in the region.

Now, imagine another father with equal income but having two wives and ten children. There is no way he can provide for his family like the first father, no matter how much he tries because the resources are not enough, and they can never be. The result is that there is a greater likelihood of the children of the first father growing and becoming responsible adults, thus a high chance of making decent income and better life choices, given the strong correlation between acquiring quality education and economic success. In the case of the second father, the same cannot be optimistically inferred.

But a person can argue that it’s the responsibility of the government to provide free and quality education. Doubtless. However, the government’s irresponsibility isn’t a tenable excuse for one to be irresponsible. One will still have to carry one’s cross.

The truth of the matter is that Nigeria’s Muslim North must arrest its unbridled race of producing ‘needless’ number of children; this in addition to stepping up to the challenge of being responsible to the ones already around. Traditional, religious, and political stakeholders must brace up for the challenge of forcing the bitter pill of birth control down the throats of the population. No economic growth can be achieved with an uneducated, unskilled, and idle population.

2. Bank Interest and Economic Growth

Economic growth and development are tied to the acquisition of capital. There are basically two ways to acquire a capital: inheritance and bank loans. Very few members of the population have rich parents whom they can rely upon for seed capital, so that rules out the ‘inheritance factor’ for most of the population. The ready option is to access loans from banks. But banks charge interest, and interest on bank loan, according to the mainstream interpretation of the Muslim North, is haram (prohibited). This is the dilemma the Muslim North has found itself deep in for years, and has failed to provide a third option.

Bank interest is a reality we have to deal with. The consequence of not doing so may translate into a poverty-ravaged society which will, most certainly, birth all the imaginable societal dysfunctions: banditry, terrorism, violence, maternal mortality, child malnutrition, diseases, VVF, etc. Our best bet is to reinterpret the position of interest on bank loans. If no doctrinal reconciliation can be made, alternatively, the likes of Taj Bank and Jaiz Bank should engage in massive expansion and aggressive promotion. At the moment, they are doing very poorly.

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3. The Challenge of Socialist Orientation and Excessive Fatalism

The historical connection of the Muslim North to slavery had, subconsciously, produced a huge amount of population that believes free lunch is a birthright on one hand. On another hand, a skewed understanding of Islam produces a population with uncommon romance with excessive fatalism all in the name of belief in predestination (qadr). To be fair to the early Islamic scholars of the region, the fatalistic orientation was not entirely theirs; people have this tendency of always attributing their failures and carelessness to the softest and easiest doctrine they can relate to.

Notwithstanding, the triple effects of the remnants of slavery, socialist orientation, and influence of the [distorted] belief in predestination have, in no small measure, helped in creating people with a chronic sense of entitlement and fatalistic tendencies. A person would get his wife pregnant and be expecting his brother working in Abuja to foot the bills of the naming ceremony and whatnot. Nephews would be insulting and cursing uncles for their failures to give them (free) money. Younger and, sometimes, older siblings would be cursing and slandering a successful brother for not doing enough in giving them money to discharge their personal responsibilities. Students would not read very well or study courses that demand serious effort and longer duration, only to graduate with the wrong belief that “it isn’t about what you study, but it’s ‘albarkan karatu’ (‘the blessing in what you have studied’)”.

This cannot continue. Everyone must carry his own cross. People must learn to take personal responsibilities and appreciate the relationship between cause and effect, effort and reward. Prayer is not a substitute for hard work, and it never will be. [Caveat: this is not to discourage supporting those who genuinely deserve to be supported.]

4. Women Participation in the Economy

There is just no way Nigeria’s Muslim North can make meaningful strides in modernity, economic growth and development when half of its population is caged and denied reasonable participation in the region’s economic activities. The culture that sees women as mere appendages of men, whose raison d’être is to attend to the dictates of men is archaic, nihilistic and incompatible with reality. Not only that we must take the responsibility of educating our womenfolk very seriously, but we must also ensure that, after being educated, they also participate in the economic activities of their choices, and be adequately rewarded for their contributions. We cannot continue with the obsolete, retrogressive culture of locking our womenfolk at homes. One half of the population cannot salvage the whole alone, and that we know from firsthand and secondhand experiences. By the way, why should a woman’s success be a threat to a man?

5. Investment in Education

After all said and done, nothing — I repeat, nothing— can be achieved without a deliberate, massive, and continuous investment in education by individuals and governments. At the moment, we are doing very poorly in that regard. Modern economy is built on the tripod of good governance, quality education, and relevant skills. The last two can only be acquired through standard schooling on which, at the moment, we have very little to brandish. Northern Nigeria as a region of over 100 million people has only two business schools, ten medical schools (of which two were recently established), five veterinary schools, one agriculture-based university, three technology-based universities. This is not normal. No region can compete while recording this abysmal performance in knowledge production.

No doubt, the world is a spectrum for endless possibilities. But possibilities remain what they are: possibilities. Without the knowledge and skill sets to harness and maximize the opportunities that abound in the region and beyond, nothing would happen. That’s why the North, and by extension Nigeria, is littered with the presence of Indians, Chinese, Lebanese making a killing from the economy while native Nigerians are neck-deep in poverty, penury, and perpetual anger.

The five phenomena highlighted above are, by no means, exhaustive. The Muslim North of Nigeria has two fight-or-flight options from which cue can be taken. One, the North must begin to hold critical, soul-searching, and honest conversations on the inevitable transition to modernity so that the changes anticipated can be controlled and determined, where cultural peculiarities and religious sensibilities can be taken into account. Two, the transition and changes will inevitably and assuredly happen, but at a pace the region cannot control, and with consequences better imagined. The Muslim North must choose its battle. And to choose not is also a choice. At the end, the choice and the cross are North’s to make and carry respectively.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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Opinion

Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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6 days ago

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December 7, 2025

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

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