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Opinion

Northern Nigeria and the Inevitable Transition

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By Adamu Tilde

Time and tide are two phenomena that can neither be wished away nor dismissed with a wave of a hand. A tide would sweep you away while time won’t wait for you to be ready. It’s on these premises I will proceed to discuss the five phenomena that, for quite a while, I strongly believe, have been strangulating the economic development of the Nigeria’s Muslim North; invariably, until a deliberate, soul-searching, controlled and honest conversation on these phenomena is being organized and debated, the region will continue to lead in posting poor human development indices.

1. Population Explosion and Birth Control

Population, in itself, is not the problem. The problem is when you have an idle, unskilled population fiercely competing for scarce resources. For example, take a father with a monthly income of N100,000 having two children and a wife to cater for. That father, all things being equal, can afford a house rent of, say, N150,000 per annum, moderately feed his family, enroll his kids in a modest primary school, and most importantly, can afford to spare some time to attend to the social and psychological needs of his kids. Not that this is entirely okay, but certainly it’s far better than what is mostly obtained in the region.

Now, imagine another father with equal income but having two wives and ten children. There is no way he can provide for his family like the first father, no matter how much he tries because the resources are not enough, and they can never be. The result is that there is a greater likelihood of the children of the first father growing and becoming responsible adults, thus a high chance of making decent income and better life choices, given the strong correlation between acquiring quality education and economic success. In the case of the second father, the same cannot be optimistically inferred.

But a person can argue that it’s the responsibility of the government to provide free and quality education. Doubtless. However, the government’s irresponsibility isn’t a tenable excuse for one to be irresponsible. One will still have to carry one’s cross.

The truth of the matter is that Nigeria’s Muslim North must arrest its unbridled race of producing ‘needless’ number of children; this in addition to stepping up to the challenge of being responsible to the ones already around. Traditional, religious, and political stakeholders must brace up for the challenge of forcing the bitter pill of birth control down the throats of the population. No economic growth can be achieved with an uneducated, unskilled, and idle population.

2. Bank Interest and Economic Growth

Economic growth and development are tied to the acquisition of capital. There are basically two ways to acquire a capital: inheritance and bank loans. Very few members of the population have rich parents whom they can rely upon for seed capital, so that rules out the ‘inheritance factor’ for most of the population. The ready option is to access loans from banks. But banks charge interest, and interest on bank loan, according to the mainstream interpretation of the Muslim North, is haram (prohibited). This is the dilemma the Muslim North has found itself deep in for years, and has failed to provide a third option.

Bank interest is a reality we have to deal with. The consequence of not doing so may translate into a poverty-ravaged society which will, most certainly, birth all the imaginable societal dysfunctions: banditry, terrorism, violence, maternal mortality, child malnutrition, diseases, VVF, etc. Our best bet is to reinterpret the position of interest on bank loans. If no doctrinal reconciliation can be made, alternatively, the likes of Taj Bank and Jaiz Bank should engage in massive expansion and aggressive promotion. At the moment, they are doing very poorly.

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3. The Challenge of Socialist Orientation and Excessive Fatalism

The historical connection of the Muslim North to slavery had, subconsciously, produced a huge amount of population that believes free lunch is a birthright on one hand. On another hand, a skewed understanding of Islam produces a population with uncommon romance with excessive fatalism all in the name of belief in predestination (qadr). To be fair to the early Islamic scholars of the region, the fatalistic orientation was not entirely theirs; people have this tendency of always attributing their failures and carelessness to the softest and easiest doctrine they can relate to.

Notwithstanding, the triple effects of the remnants of slavery, socialist orientation, and influence of the [distorted] belief in predestination have, in no small measure, helped in creating people with a chronic sense of entitlement and fatalistic tendencies. A person would get his wife pregnant and be expecting his brother working in Abuja to foot the bills of the naming ceremony and whatnot. Nephews would be insulting and cursing uncles for their failures to give them (free) money. Younger and, sometimes, older siblings would be cursing and slandering a successful brother for not doing enough in giving them money to discharge their personal responsibilities. Students would not read very well or study courses that demand serious effort and longer duration, only to graduate with the wrong belief that “it isn’t about what you study, but it’s ‘albarkan karatu’ (‘the blessing in what you have studied’)”.

This cannot continue. Everyone must carry his own cross. People must learn to take personal responsibilities and appreciate the relationship between cause and effect, effort and reward. Prayer is not a substitute for hard work, and it never will be. [Caveat: this is not to discourage supporting those who genuinely deserve to be supported.]

4. Women Participation in the Economy

There is just no way Nigeria’s Muslim North can make meaningful strides in modernity, economic growth and development when half of its population is caged and denied reasonable participation in the region’s economic activities. The culture that sees women as mere appendages of men, whose raison d’être is to attend to the dictates of men is archaic, nihilistic and incompatible with reality. Not only that we must take the responsibility of educating our womenfolk very seriously, but we must also ensure that, after being educated, they also participate in the economic activities of their choices, and be adequately rewarded for their contributions. We cannot continue with the obsolete, retrogressive culture of locking our womenfolk at homes. One half of the population cannot salvage the whole alone, and that we know from firsthand and secondhand experiences. By the way, why should a woman’s success be a threat to a man?

5. Investment in Education

After all said and done, nothing — I repeat, nothing— can be achieved without a deliberate, massive, and continuous investment in education by individuals and governments. At the moment, we are doing very poorly in that regard. Modern economy is built on the tripod of good governance, quality education, and relevant skills. The last two can only be acquired through standard schooling on which, at the moment, we have very little to brandish. Northern Nigeria as a region of over 100 million people has only two business schools, ten medical schools (of which two were recently established), five veterinary schools, one agriculture-based university, three technology-based universities. This is not normal. No region can compete while recording this abysmal performance in knowledge production.

No doubt, the world is a spectrum for endless possibilities. But possibilities remain what they are: possibilities. Without the knowledge and skill sets to harness and maximize the opportunities that abound in the region and beyond, nothing would happen. That’s why the North, and by extension Nigeria, is littered with the presence of Indians, Chinese, Lebanese making a killing from the economy while native Nigerians are neck-deep in poverty, penury, and perpetual anger.

The five phenomena highlighted above are, by no means, exhaustive. The Muslim North of Nigeria has two fight-or-flight options from which cue can be taken. One, the North must begin to hold critical, soul-searching, and honest conversations on the inevitable transition to modernity so that the changes anticipated can be controlled and determined, where cultural peculiarities and religious sensibilities can be taken into account. Two, the transition and changes will inevitably and assuredly happen, but at a pace the region cannot control, and with consequences better imagined. The Muslim North must choose its battle. And to choose not is also a choice. At the end, the choice and the cross are North’s to make and carry respectively.

Opinion

The Cap That Stopped a Boy’s Tears: Remembering Sadiq Modibbo

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By Sanusi Bature Dawakin Tofa

Fifteen years have passed since I last held my son, Sadiq Modibbo, in my arms. Even now, the memory of his laughter and the warmth of his tiny hand remains vivid in my mind. There was something remarkable about him, a light that shone through even in moments of fear or pain.

I remember the first time I realized how deeply he loved the simple things that connected him to me.

Whenever he cried, I would gently remove my cap, and just like that, his tears would stop. It was as if the gesture spoke to him in a language only he and I shared—a language of love, trust, and comfort.

Sadiq was often unwell, and our visits to the hospital were frequent. Yet, despite his fragile health, he carried himself with an unusual courage. The doctors, nurses, and other caregivers grew to know him well. They would smile at his little jokes, or nod knowingly when he quieted at the sight of me.

In those hospital rooms, I learned to see him not just as my son, but as a symbol of resilience. Every day, I watched him endure injections, treatments, and long hours of discomfort, yet he faced it all with a quiet strength. Even then, the cap—the small, unassuming piece of cloth—became a tool of love, a reminder that he was never alone.

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Sadiq’s love for Kwankwasiyya was another remarkable part of his personality. It was a fascination that seemed larger than his years, and it sparked countless conversations between us. I would watch him with wonder, seeing how a young boy could find joy and meaning in something so vibrant, even in the midst of illness.

I often imagined what he would be like today if he were still alive. Would he be arguing with me as passionately as ever? Would his laughter fill our home in the way it did when he was a boy? The “what ifs” are endless, but in my heart, I carry the certainty that his spirit lives on in every memory, every smile, every small gesture of love that he shared.

Birthdays were special for Sadiq. He would light up at the smallest celebration, reminding us all of the beauty in simple joys. Even as a child who faced health struggles, he found light in each day. I can still see him running toward me, his eyes shining, his cap slightly askew from excitement.

Mourning him has been a lifelong journey. The world continued around us, but I learned that grief is a quiet companion. It is in the small moments—the empty chair at the table, the quiet hospital rooms, the cap that no longer needs to be removed to stop tears—that his absence is most felt.

Yet, even in sorrow, there is comfort. I tell myself that Sadiq’s courage, his love, and his laughter have left a lasting imprint. The lessons he taught me—about patience, joy, and unconditional love—remain guiding lights in my life. Every time I see a child comforted by a parent, I am reminded of him.

Today, I remember Sadiq not with despair, but with gratitude. The cap that stopped his tears symbolizes so much more than a simple gesture; it is a testament to the bond between father and son, to the small acts of love that shape a life. May Allah grant him eternal peace, and may his memory continue to inspire those who knew him—even for just a moment.

Sanusi Bature Dawakin Tofa is the Director General Media and Spokesperson to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

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Opinion

Restoring the Dignity of the Kano Emirate

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Two Prince of Kano Emirate and Emirs

 

By Muhammad Bello, Dutse, Jigawa State

The lingering power tussle between His Highness Aminu Ado Bayero and His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II over the revered throne of the Emir of Kano has continued to generate intense public debate and concern across Northern Nigeria and the country at large. For an institution that has historically commanded immense respect, influence, and cultural significance, the prolonged dispute has unfortunately diminished the prestige and moral authority associated with the Kano Emirate.

The Emirate of Kano is not just a traditional stool; it represents centuries of history, leadership, and cultural identity. As one of the most respected traditional institutions in Nigeria, the stability of the throne is crucial not only for Kano State but also for the broader traditional governance structure in the North.

In view of this reality, urgent and sincere efforts must be made to resolve the crisis in a manner that restores dignity, unity, and respect to the institution.

As part of the Kano First Agenda of His Excellency Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, there is a timely opportunity to take bold and statesmanlike steps toward resolving the impasse. One practical approach would be for the state government to constitute a high-level reconciliation committee made up of respected traditional rulers, eminent Islamic scholars, religious leaders, and elder statesmen from within Kano State and across the country.

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Such a committee would carry the moral authority and neutrality required to engage all parties involved and recommend a sustainable solution.

In my humble opinion, the committee should consider the following options:

First, both contending Emirs should be encouraged, in the interest of peace and the preservation of the dignity of the Kano Emirate, to voluntarily step aside by tendering their resignations. While this may appear difficult, history has shown that sacrifices made for peace often preserve institutions for future generations.

Second, the Kano State Government should allow the kingmakers to conduct a fresh and transparent nomination process for a new Emir. Transparency and adherence to tradition will help restore public confidence in the institution.

Third, in order to ensure neutrality and avoid further controversy, both current claimants to the throne should not be part of the new selection process.

The objective of these recommendations is not to undermine any individual but to safeguard the long-term stability, unity, and honour of the Kano Emirate. Institutions of such historic importance must be protected from prolonged political and legal battles that could erode their legitimacy.

Ultimately, wisdom, patience, and a spirit of sacrifice are required from all stakeholders. The people of Kano and indeed Nigerians hope to see a peaceful resolution that restores the dignity of the throne and preserves the rich heritage of the Emirate for generations to come.

May Almighty Allah continue to guide our leaders toward decisions that promote peace, justice, and unity.

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Opinion

Restoring the Glory That Was Always There: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the Historical Vision Behind Kano First

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By Saminu Umar Ph.D | Senior Lecturer, Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano

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Kano does not need to be invented. That is a truth so fundamental, so historically self-evident, that it should not need to be stated at all, and yet the circumstances of recent decades have made its restatement not merely appropriate but urgent. There is a tendency, in the discourse of Nigerian development, to treat every governance initiative as a beginning, as though the society being governed had no prior history of achievement, no accumulated wisdom, no tested traditions of institutional excellence on which new efforts might be built. This tendency is not merely intellectually lazy, but it is, in the specific context of Kano, a form of historical injustice, a failure to reckon honestly with the civilizational inheritance that this state carries and that its people have never entirely abandoned, even through the long and painful decades in which their institutions were hollowed out, their values eroded, and their confidence systematically undermined by the combined weight of misgovernance, corruption, and the slow cultural dislocation that follows when a society loses trust in the institutions that are supposed to embody its highest aspirations.
Kano was, long before Nigeria existed as a political entity, one of the most sophisticated and enduring centers of civilization in West Africa. Its greatness was not the greatness of conquest or of externally imposed order. It was the greatness of organic development, of a society that built, over centuries, a coherent and self-sustaining civilization on foundations that were simultaneously material and moral. The trans-Saharan trade networks that made Kano a commercial hub of continental significance were sustained not merely by geography or by the availability of goods, but by a culture of commercial integrity, of trust between trading partners, of contractual reliability, and of the kind of reputational accountability that makes markets function across distances and between strangers. The Islamic scholarship that gave Kano its intellectual authority was not merely a religious tradition. It was a governance philosophy, one that placed knowledge, justice, accountability, and the subordination of personal interest to public duty at the center of what it meant to hold power. The traditional political institutions that maintained Kano’s social order were not instruments of oppression but, at their best, mechanisms of consultation, legitimacy, and the managed resolution of social conflict.
These were not accidental achievements. They were the products of deliberate cultivation, of generations of Kano’s people choosing, consciously and consistently, to organize their collective life around values that made both individual flourishing and communal solidarity possible. That is what a civilization is: not a collection of buildings or a record of territorial expansion, but a living tradition of values, practices, and institutions that enables a human community to achieve, across time, more than any individual generation could accomplish alone. Kano built such a civilization. And the question that every serious governor of Kano must eventually confront, whether they frame it in these terms or not, is whether they are adding to that civilization or subtracting from it.
It is against this civilizational backdrop that the Kano First Initiative under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf must be understood, not as a new idea imported into Kano from outside, not as a political slogan invented to win elections and abandoned when the votes are counted, but as a deliberate act of historical retrieval, an attempt to reach back through the debris of recent decades and recover the foundations on which Kano’s genuine greatness was built. The initiative’s framework document states this explicitly and without embarrassment: Kano’s most persistent challenges are not solely infrastructural or economic in nature. They are fundamentally behavioral, normative, and narrative failures, accumulated over time and reinforced by weak value transmission, fragmented authority, and uncoordinated messaging. This is a diagnosis of remarkable historical honesty, and it is one that only a governor with a genuine understanding of what Kano has been and what it has lost could have authorized.
Governor Yusuf’s historical vision is not nostalgic in the sentimental sense of the word. He is not proposing a return to a romanticized past that never existed in the uncomplicated form that nostalgia requires. He is proposing something simultaneously more modest and more ambitious: the recovery of specific values, specific institutional principles, and specific civic traditions that demonstrably worked, that demonstrably sustained Kano’s coherence and productivity over centuries, and that demonstrably began to break down when they were displaced by the governing logic of extraction, patronage, and the systematic subordination of public interest to private accumulation. Islamic ethical governance, communal responsibility, the dignity of productive labor, respect for legitimate authority, the centrality of knowledge in public life, these are not abstract ideals. They are the operational principles of a civilization that actually functioned, and their recovery is not a romantic aspiration but a practical governance imperative.
The intellectual architecture through which this recovery is being pursued bears the clear fingerprints of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, whose contribution to the Kano First Initiative has been, in every meaningful sense, the contribution of a man who understands both what Kano is and what it needs. The framework he has championed integrates three traditions that, taken together, give the initiative both its cultural legitimacy and its analytical credibility: the Islamic ethical governance tradition that historically underpinned Kano’s stability and justice, Kano’s own sociocultural heritage of communal solidarity and institutional accountability, and the modern behavioral change communication science that provides the methodological tools for translating values into measurable social outcomes. This integration is not accidental. It reflects a deep conviction, shared by both the governor and his commissioner, that genuine renewal cannot be achieved by importing foreign solutions but only by excavating and rebuilding on Kano’s own foundations.
The scale of what has been lost must be honestly acknowledged if the scale of what is being attempted is to be properly appreciated. Kano today carries wounds that decades of misgovernance have inflicted on its social fabric with a thoroughness that cannot be undone quickly or easily. Youth disaffection has reached levels that express themselves in drug abuse, street violence, and the nihilistic political thuggery that represents, at its core, the rage of young people who were promised a future and received instead a void. Institutional trust, once the bedrock of Kano’s civic life, has been so systematically eroded that the default posture of many citizens toward their government is not engagement but cynicism, not participation but withdrawal. The digital media ecosystem, which should be a tool of civic enlightenment, has in too many instances become a vehicle for the amplification of the very misinformation, polarization, and moral dislocation that the Kano First Initiative is designed to address. These are not small problems, and they will not yield to small solutions.
What gives the Kano First Initiative its historical seriousness is precisely that it does not pretend otherwise. The four-phase implementation framework, stretching from 2026 through 2030, is built on the recognition that the restoration of a civilization’s normative foundations is a generational project, not a political campaign. Phase One builds the empirical foundation, the baseline surveys, perception mapping, and narrative architecture that genuine social intervention requires. Phase Two deploys coordinated, multi-channel behavioral activation across youth networks, religious institutions, traditional authorities, and community organizations. Phase Three scales what works and deepens digital engagement. Phase Four embeds the initiative permanently into Kano’s governance architecture through a dedicated directorate and the annual Kano Values Index. This is not the timeline of an administration managing its image. It is the timeline of a government that has looked honestly at the depth of the challenge and committed itself to the depth of response that the challenge demands.
There is an emotional dimension to this story that deserves to be named directly, because it is one that the purely analytical framing of policy discourse tends to obscure. Kano’s people love their state with an intensity and a pride that is, even in a country of fierce regional loyalties, remarkable. They carry within them the memory of a greatness that their grandparents knew and that they themselves have glimpsed, in fragments and in moments, even through the long decades of disappointment. When Governor Yusuf speaks of restoring Kano’s glory, he is not merely making a political argument. He is speaking to something that lives in the hearts of ordinary Kano citizens, something that has survived misgovernance, political manipulation, and cultural erosion with a resilience that is itself a testament to the depth of Kano’s civilizational roots. That emotional resonance is not a weakness in the Kano First philosophy. It is one of its greatest strategic assets, because renewal that connects with people’s deepest sense of identity and pride generates the kind of civic energy that no top-down programme can manufacture.
The work of restoring that glory belongs, ultimately, not to government alone but to every institution, every community leader, every journalist, every religious scholar, every teacher, every trader, and every young person in Kano who chooses, in their daily conduct, to live by the values that made this civilization great. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has provided the vision, the institutional framework, and the personal example of a leader who is willing to pay the political costs that genuine commitment to the public good always exacts. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya has provided the intellectual architecture and the communication infrastructure through which that vision can be translated into civic reality. The rest, as it must always be when a society is serious about its own renewal, belongs to the people.
Kano’s glory was never lost. It was covered over, layer by layer, by the accumulated debris of decades of bad governance, institutional betrayal, and the slow erosion of the values that once made it shine. The Kano First Initiative is not building something new on empty ground. It is clearing the ground of debris so that what was always there can breathe again, grow again, and reclaim the space in Nigeria’s national life and in West Africa’s historical memory that Kano has always, by right of civilization, deserved to occupy. That is the historical vision behind Kano First. And it is a vision worth every effort, every sacrifice, and every ounce of collective will that Kano’s people can bring to its realization.

 

Saminu Umar Ph.D is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano. surijyarzaki@gmail.com

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