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CISLAC/TI-Nigeria Raises Alarm Over Persistent Corruption in Nigeria’s Defence Sector

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The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), in collaboration with Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS), today presented a press statement at the North-West Regional Press Conference held at Porto Golf Hotels in Kano, calling attention to the alarming state of Nigeria’s defence and security sector. The event was led by Jimoh Abubakar from the CISLAC Communications Department.

The press conference was organized to disseminate a policy brief titled “Nigeria’s Defence Sector: Persistent Corruption Risk Amidst Escalating Security Threats,” published by TI-DS in collaboration with CISLAC/Transparency International in Nigeria (TI-Nigeria).

The policy brief draws on the 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI), policy literature, news reports, and extensive analyses by CISLAC. It presents a comprehensive overview of systemic issues affecting defence governance in Nigeria and highlights the urgent need for institutional reforms.

Key Findings:
1. Nigeria’s defence and security sector is plagued with systemic corruption, a major hindrance to the effective provision of defence in a country facing serious security challenges.
2. Corruption enmeshes the ever-increasing defence sector expenditure and procurement – activities with little oversight and transparency mechanisms.
3. To remedy this, Nigeria’s defence institutions should prioritize transparency and access to information – with a focus on defence budgets and disaggregated expenditures.
4. Strengthening accountability and civilian oversight will be critical to building and sustaining effective institutional resilience in the country’s defence sector.

Key Observations from the Policy Brief

Nigeria’s defence and security sector is deeply entangled in systemic corruption, which continues to aggravate the country’s worsening security situation. The failure of state security forces to adequately protect local populations has led to a proliferation of self-defence militias and the increasing militarization of communities. As a result, the country’s capacity to address violent conflict is significantly undermined.

Corruption has long affected Nigeria’s public finances, business environment, and citizens’ quality of life. Nigeria ranked 145th out of 180 countries in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI) and 140th in 2024, with a score of just 26 out of 100, indicating a high perception of public sector corruption.

A report by PricewaterhouseCoopers warns that corruption could cost Nigeria up to 37% of its GDP by 2030 if left unchecked. Despite some progress in reducing bribery since 2016, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that about 117 million bribes are still paid annually in Nigeria.

The policy brief highlights that Nigeria is experiencing a significant rise in insecurity, driven in part by the widespread availability of illicit weapons. In 2021, it was estimated that Nigeria housed approximately 70% of all illicit small arms in West Africa. This proliferation has fueled increasing rates of kidnapping, banditry, gender-based violence, killings, and other violent crimes across the country.

The northeast, a region at the heart of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts, faces especially dire conditions. In the last 19 months alone, violent incidents have resulted in approximately 14,400 fatalities. Notably, Kaduna State alone accounted for 30% of militia-related violence in 2021, including cattle rustling, village attacks, and kidnapping for ransom. The armed forces are stretched thin, tasked with defending national borders while simultaneously addressing internal security threats.

As of 2023, Nigeria had approximately 135,000 active-duty personnel, which amounts to just 1.1 military personnel per 1,000 citizens. Soldiers are deployed on multiple fronts, including battling Boko Haram in the northeast, tackling banditry in the northwest, managing communal crises in the Middle Belt, and protecting oil assets in the Niger Delta and Gulf of Guinea. Reports of desertions and corruption in the supply of arms and protective equipment have further endangered frontline troops.

Between 2016 and 2022, Nigeria spent over US$19.9 billion on security, with the military budget rising from US$2.4 billion in 2020 to US$4.5 billion in 2021, and dropping slightly to US$3.2 billion in 2023. Despite this high expenditure, Nigeria remains the largest arms importer in sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for 16% of the region’s imports between 2019 and 2023. However, outcomes have been minimal, with investigations revealing that about US$15 billion was lost to fraudulent arms procurement over the past two decades. Most of these dealings remain hidden from public scrutiny.

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The policy brief also points to a lack of fiscal accountability. The Excess Crude Account, established to stabilize government budgets during oil price fluctuations, was depleted under the Buhari administration, falling from US$2.1 billion in 2015 to just US$376,000 in 2022. In 2017, US$1 billion was withdrawn from this account for security purposes, but half of this amount remains unaccounted for, reportedly absorbed into opaque “security vote” expenditures.

Human rights abuses by state security forces further complicate the security landscape. These include civilian casualties from airstrikes and allegations of sexual and gender-based violence, particularly in northeastern Nigeria. Displaced women and girls are especially vulnerable, facing survival sex, trafficking, and other forms of abuse. Despite the establishment of the Presidential Investigation Panel in 2017, accountability remains elusive, and impunity prevails.

CISLAC also draws attention to irregularities in personnel management, including flawed recruitment, decentralized payment systems, and non-transparent promotions within the military. These gaps create fertile ground for corruption. Meanwhile, inadequate technical expertise within National Assembly committees undermines effective civilian oversight of defence activities. This leaves critical financial and operational functions exposed to corruption risks.

The policy brief further notes that financial management in the defence sector often bypasses even the limited rules that exist, allowing informal and self-serving practices to flourish. External audits are severely hampered by the Ministry of Defense’s consistent refusal to release necessary documents or grant access to accounts. Additionally, Nigeria’s Audit Act remains outdated, rendering the Office of the Auditor General incapable of properly scrutinizing defence finances.

CISLAC put forward the following Recommendations:

1. In partnership with TI-DS with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Netherlands, we demand continue support to national and sub-national stakeholder platforms that engage with the Nigerian government on key issues related to defence and corruption. This will allow civil society actors and the media to provide input into national security strategy discussions and implementing policies.
2. Adoption of an internationally accepted range of exceptions for defence and security that can be used in the development of legal frameworks, specifically in the right to information (RTI) law or information classification systems. This is also important for regulations governing procurement transparency and budget transparency.
3. We demand adoption of global principles and standards for public disclosure of critical information about the defence sector, including defence budgets, competitive contracting, defence income and foreign assistance, disaggregated expenditures, and asset disposals.
4. We demand establishing guidelines for separating confidential from non-confidential information, similar to the Global Principles on National Security and the Right to Information – The Tshwane Principles, would help limit abuses by setting out what information on budgets and procurements could be disclosed. For genuinely confidential procurements, a separate legal procedure could be designed allowing for monitoring by a confidential senate committee and a unit with suitable security clearance within the Bureau for Public Procurement (BPP).
5. Immediately amend the Audit Act by the National Assembly to address current trends and challenges, while enhancing the effective functioning of the Office of Auditor General of the Federation to fully interrogate financial management in defence and security sector.
6. Advocate for the harmonization of legal and policy frameworks governing defence and security, both through independent analysis and via platforms for direct engagement with government actors. This is particularly relevant for freedom of information and whistleblowing and for public procurement processes and national strategy and policy development.
7. Adequate monitoring mechanisms for gender-related compliance in the Defence and Security sector. This will help to prevent gender-based violence and abuse during operations. It has become imperative to fully implement the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 to adequately integrate women’s participation and representation at all levels of decision making in the defence and security sector.
8. Strengthen civilian oversight of the defence sector, both in the legislature and the administration. Priority areas include:
– Enhance skills within the legislature and parliamentary committee system, particularly regarding oversight of defence strategies and policies, defence budgets and arms imports.
– Administrative oversight of military expenditures through external auditing and improved tracking of financial outlays.
– Administrative oversight of procurement practices through tender board controls and anti-collusion controls.
9. Strengthen personnel management systems for both military and civilian personnel, in collaboration with MOD and Armed Forces. Priority areas are:
– Payment systems, including numbers of personnel, pay rates, and allowances.
– Formalization and oversight of top-level appointments, promotions, and recruitment.
– Integrity standards in defence personnel management (code of conduct, anti-bribery, anti-corruption training, etc).
10. Procurement transparency and oversight; In particular, reviewing the legal exemptions in Section 15 of the Public Procurement Law for military and defence purchases and recommending changes that enhance transparency and accountability.

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Nigeria’s Opposition Coalition: Navigating Leadership Tussles, Candidate Selection, and the Road to 2027

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian political landscape is currently simmering with uncertainty as the country’s embattled opposition coalition grapples with a series of interconnected dilemmas. From internal party squabbles to the high-stakes question of a presidential candidate capable of unseating incumbent Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, the coalition’s path forward is anything but straightforward. This report provides a detailed examination of the key fault lines within the opposition, the strategic calculations underway, and the prospects for a unified challenge against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The Party Allegiance Conundrum: Stay or Abandon the ADC?

At the heart of the opposition’s immediate crisis is the question of which political platform to adopt. The coalition had previously coalesced around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), but the party has since become deeply factionalised, raising doubts about its viability as a vehicle for a credible electoral challenge. Alternatives such as the New Democratic Congress (NDC) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) have been floated as potential replacements.

After intense internal deliberations, coalition leaders have resolved not to abandon the ADC at this critical juncture. Their reasoning rests on two pillars. First, they argue that considerable resources—financial, organisational, and political—have already been invested in building the ADC into a formidable opposition force ahead of the 2027 general election. Second, they contend that the ruling APC’s strategy of suppressing opposition platforms is not unique to the ADC. In their view, leaving the ADC for another party without first cleansing it of “bad eggs” would only export the same dysfunction to any new vehicle. Therefore, calls to exit solely because of the ongoing leadership tussle have been firmly rejected.

The Presidential Candidate Puzzle: Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, or Amaechi?

Beyond the party platform issue lies an even more contentious dilemma: who will fly the coalition’s flag as presidential candidate. The quartet of political heavyweights—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP), former Governor of Anambra Peter Obi (Labour Party/ADC), former Governor of Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP), and former Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi (APC defector)—each command significant followings. Yet their rivalry threatens to fragment the coalition before it can even take shape.

The Atiku-Obi Ticket Proposition

Political pundits have suggested that the coalition’s strongest chance lies in reviving the 2019 formula: Atiku as presidential candidate and Peter Obi as his running mate. Proponents argue that this combination balances regional and ethnic considerations—Atiku drawing from the north-east and Obi from the south-east—while leveraging the name recognition of both figures. The ticket would also present a direct contrast to President Tinubu’s southern Muslim identity.

The Kwankwaso-Obi Counterproposal

Observers have countered that the electorate may be suffering from “Atiku fatigue,” noting that the former vice president has contested every election cycle since 2007 without success. These analysts argue that it is time for Atiku to step aside and allow a Kwankwaso-Obi pairing, with Kwankwaso at the top and Obi as his deputy. They believe that Kwankwaso’s northern grassroots appeal, combined with Obi’s youth and digital following, could replicate the “outsider” energy that propelled Obi to third place in 2023.

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The Obedient Movement’s Resistance and Obi’s Stated Position

The permutations become more fraught once the Obedient Movement—the sprawling, youth-led network that propelled Peter Obi to unexpected prominence in 2023—is factored in. The movement has been unequivocal: Peter Obi will not deputise for anyone. Its leaders view Obi not merely as a candidate but as the embodiment of a generational and governance reform movement. Any suggestion that he accept a vice-presidential slot is met with fierce resistance.

For his part, Peter Obi has repeatedly stated that he will be on the 2027 presidential ballot as a flag bearer of a party. Observers have interpreted this stance in two ways. Either he remains committed to his previous political platform—the Labour Party, which gave him the ticket in 2023—or he has prepared an alternative in the event that the coalition’s chosen vehicle (the ADC) becomes unworkable.

Speculation of an Obi Exit from ADC

With the ADC’s leadership crisis now fully manifest, social media and political circles are rife with speculation that Obi may soon abandon the ADC altogether. The most likely destination is a return to the Labour Party, where he still enjoys substantial institutional loyalty. However, other unnamed parties are also said to be under consideration. The coalition’s ability to hold together could hinge on whether Obi decides to remain within the fold or strike out on his own.

The Electability Question: Can Obi Defeat President Tinubu?

Beyond the internal machinations, analysts are divided on whether Peter Obi—even if he secures a presidential ticket—can actually defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

The Case for Obi’s Victory

Proponents of Obi’s electability point to the momentum he generated in 2023, when he captured over six million votes despite running on a relatively unknown party platform. They argue that if that momentum remains intact—and if he selects a northern Muslim as his running mate to balance the ticket—he could defeat Tinubu. The reasoning rests heavily on the north’s growing disillusionment with the president. Tinubu’s economic policies, including the removal of fuel subsidies and unification of exchange rates, have triggered steep inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. Furthermore, political observers note that Tinubu’s administration has engaged in what many northern elites perceive as the political persecution of prominent northern figures, allegedly to neutralise potential challengers from the region. This combination of economic pain and political marginalisation, they argue, could drive a decisive northern rejection of the incumbent.

The Counterargument: Obstacles to an Obi-Led Ticket

Opposing analysts offer a sobering rebuttal. They note that any ticket with Obi at the top would require a northern politician to accept the vice-presidential slot. But among the coalition’s leading lights—Atiku, Kwankwaso, and even Amaechi—none are likely to subordinate themselves to Obi. Atiku sees himself as the elder statesman and natural standard-bearer. Kwankwaso commands his own northern power base and has little interest in playing second fiddle. Consequently, the prediction that Obi could defeat Tinubu, while not impossible, rests on a political alignment that currently shows no signs of materialising. Without a willing and credible northern running mate, Obi’s chances remain speculative at best.

 

The Nigerian opposition coalition stands at a defining moment. It has chosen to stay and fight for control of the factionalised ADC, rejecting the easier path of switching to a new platform. Yet that decision may prove pyrrhic if the leadership tussle continues to drain energy and credibility. Simultaneously, the unresolved question of a presidential candidate threatens to fracture the alliance before it can present a united front. Peter Obi’s unwillingness to play a subordinate role, coupled with the Obedient Movement’s intransigence, creates a high-stakes bargaining environment. Meanwhile, the coalition’s ultimate viability depends on whether it can translate anti-Tinubu sentiment—particularly in the north—into a coherent electoral strategy.

As 2027 approaches, the opposition would do well to remember that Nigerians are watching not only for charisma but for competence, unity, and a credible plan to address the nation’s deepening economic and security challenges. The current web of dilemmas, if left unresolved, may hand President Tinubu a second term by default.

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INEC Urges Broadcasters to Uphold Fairness Ahead of 2027 Elections

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Independent National Electoral Commission has underscored the critical role of broadcast media in safeguarding electoral integrity, urging broadcasters to uphold fairness, professionalism, and accuracy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Addressing the 81st General Assembly of the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria on Wednesday in Abuja, the INEC chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan, stressed that the management of the airwaves under the Electoral Act 2026 would be decisive in shaping public trust and democratic outcomes.

Amupitan noted that the growing influence of broadcast platforms has made it central to political communication.

He warned, saying, “Your airwaves have become the primary infrastructure of our democracy. If they are clear, the nation sees the truth; if they are clouded by misinformation, the sovereign will of the people is threatened.”

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Amupitan highlighted key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, particularly those mandating equal access to media platforms and prohibiting the misuse of state-owned media.

He explained that “state apparatus, including the media, shall not be employed to the advantage or disadvantage of any political party or candidate at any election”.

He also emphasised that media time shall be allocated equally among the political parties or candidates at similar hours of the day.

Amupitan further cautioned against inflammatory political messaging, citing the law, which states that “a political campaign or slogan shall not be tainted with abusive language directly or indirectly likely to injure religious, ethnic, tribal or sectional feelings.”

The commission also reiterated restrictions on campaign broadcasts close to election day, noting that “any person, print or electronic medium that broadcasts, publishes, advertises or circulates any material within 24 hours immediately preceding or on polling day commits an offence under this Act.”

While acknowledging the reforms introduced by the new law, the INEC chairman raised concerns over enforcement gaps, regulatory overlap, and the growing influence of digital media, warning that these challenges could undermine the effectiveness of the legal framework.

He called for stronger collaboration between regulators and industry players, proposing an alliance involving INEC, BON, security agencies, and the judiciary to ensure compliance and accountability.

With the countdown to the 2027 elections underway, the Commission disclosed that “283 days remain until the Presidential and National Assembly Elections on January 16, 2027,” and “304 days to go” before the governorship and state assembly polls.

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

A Delta South Senatorial candidate in a desperate bid to garner endorsements has made an offer of a whopping N250 million to Isoko Traditional Rulers for conferment of an omnibus Chieftaincy Title on him, insisting that he had never had one.

The offer is however been rebuffed by some of the notable Kings, who view the offer as a “Greek gift”, and vowed to stonewall it, while the other group is desperate to have their hands in the bounty.

A traditional ruler, who crave for anonymity said: “you are offering a hefty N250 million for a chieftaincy title at the eleventh hour when in normal circumstances it should be free based on your performances while in office.

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Frantic efforts are being made to get the integrity group of traditional rulers on board to grant the Senatorial Candidate his wish through intensive lobbying.

The traditional rulers are said to be consulting amongst themselves whether to accept the offer.

Isoko is made up of 17 autonomous clans, each with its own authority to confer chieftaincy on deserving sons and daughters.

Last week Saturday, Senator Joel Onowakpo Thomas, representing Delta South gathered some traditional rulers, politicians and Isoko Development Union (IDU) at his country home, Emede in Isoko South and got an endorsement for a second term come 2027.

The endorsement had not gone down well with the generality of Delta South, especially the people of the two local governments in Isokoland as it has been heavily criticized.

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