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CISLAC/TI-Nigeria Raises Alarm Over Persistent Corruption in Nigeria’s Defence Sector

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The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), in collaboration with Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS), today presented a press statement at the North-West Regional Press Conference held at Porto Golf Hotels in Kano, calling attention to the alarming state of Nigeria’s defence and security sector. The event was led by Jimoh Abubakar from the CISLAC Communications Department.

The press conference was organized to disseminate a policy brief titled “Nigeria’s Defence Sector: Persistent Corruption Risk Amidst Escalating Security Threats,” published by TI-DS in collaboration with CISLAC/Transparency International in Nigeria (TI-Nigeria).

The policy brief draws on the 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI), policy literature, news reports, and extensive analyses by CISLAC. It presents a comprehensive overview of systemic issues affecting defence governance in Nigeria and highlights the urgent need for institutional reforms.

Key Findings:
1. Nigeria’s defence and security sector is plagued with systemic corruption, a major hindrance to the effective provision of defence in a country facing serious security challenges.
2. Corruption enmeshes the ever-increasing defence sector expenditure and procurement – activities with little oversight and transparency mechanisms.
3. To remedy this, Nigeria’s defence institutions should prioritize transparency and access to information – with a focus on defence budgets and disaggregated expenditures.
4. Strengthening accountability and civilian oversight will be critical to building and sustaining effective institutional resilience in the country’s defence sector.

Key Observations from the Policy Brief

Nigeria’s defence and security sector is deeply entangled in systemic corruption, which continues to aggravate the country’s worsening security situation. The failure of state security forces to adequately protect local populations has led to a proliferation of self-defence militias and the increasing militarization of communities. As a result, the country’s capacity to address violent conflict is significantly undermined.

Corruption has long affected Nigeria’s public finances, business environment, and citizens’ quality of life. Nigeria ranked 145th out of 180 countries in the 2023 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI) and 140th in 2024, with a score of just 26 out of 100, indicating a high perception of public sector corruption.

A report by PricewaterhouseCoopers warns that corruption could cost Nigeria up to 37% of its GDP by 2030 if left unchecked. Despite some progress in reducing bribery since 2016, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that about 117 million bribes are still paid annually in Nigeria.

The policy brief highlights that Nigeria is experiencing a significant rise in insecurity, driven in part by the widespread availability of illicit weapons. In 2021, it was estimated that Nigeria housed approximately 70% of all illicit small arms in West Africa. This proliferation has fueled increasing rates of kidnapping, banditry, gender-based violence, killings, and other violent crimes across the country.

The northeast, a region at the heart of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts, faces especially dire conditions. In the last 19 months alone, violent incidents have resulted in approximately 14,400 fatalities. Notably, Kaduna State alone accounted for 30% of militia-related violence in 2021, including cattle rustling, village attacks, and kidnapping for ransom. The armed forces are stretched thin, tasked with defending national borders while simultaneously addressing internal security threats.

As of 2023, Nigeria had approximately 135,000 active-duty personnel, which amounts to just 1.1 military personnel per 1,000 citizens. Soldiers are deployed on multiple fronts, including battling Boko Haram in the northeast, tackling banditry in the northwest, managing communal crises in the Middle Belt, and protecting oil assets in the Niger Delta and Gulf of Guinea. Reports of desertions and corruption in the supply of arms and protective equipment have further endangered frontline troops.

Between 2016 and 2022, Nigeria spent over US$19.9 billion on security, with the military budget rising from US$2.4 billion in 2020 to US$4.5 billion in 2021, and dropping slightly to US$3.2 billion in 2023. Despite this high expenditure, Nigeria remains the largest arms importer in sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for 16% of the region’s imports between 2019 and 2023. However, outcomes have been minimal, with investigations revealing that about US$15 billion was lost to fraudulent arms procurement over the past two decades. Most of these dealings remain hidden from public scrutiny.

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The policy brief also points to a lack of fiscal accountability. The Excess Crude Account, established to stabilize government budgets during oil price fluctuations, was depleted under the Buhari administration, falling from US$2.1 billion in 2015 to just US$376,000 in 2022. In 2017, US$1 billion was withdrawn from this account for security purposes, but half of this amount remains unaccounted for, reportedly absorbed into opaque “security vote” expenditures.

Human rights abuses by state security forces further complicate the security landscape. These include civilian casualties from airstrikes and allegations of sexual and gender-based violence, particularly in northeastern Nigeria. Displaced women and girls are especially vulnerable, facing survival sex, trafficking, and other forms of abuse. Despite the establishment of the Presidential Investigation Panel in 2017, accountability remains elusive, and impunity prevails.

CISLAC also draws attention to irregularities in personnel management, including flawed recruitment, decentralized payment systems, and non-transparent promotions within the military. These gaps create fertile ground for corruption. Meanwhile, inadequate technical expertise within National Assembly committees undermines effective civilian oversight of defence activities. This leaves critical financial and operational functions exposed to corruption risks.

The policy brief further notes that financial management in the defence sector often bypasses even the limited rules that exist, allowing informal and self-serving practices to flourish. External audits are severely hampered by the Ministry of Defense’s consistent refusal to release necessary documents or grant access to accounts. Additionally, Nigeria’s Audit Act remains outdated, rendering the Office of the Auditor General incapable of properly scrutinizing defence finances.

CISLAC put forward the following Recommendations:

1. In partnership with TI-DS with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Netherlands, we demand continue support to national and sub-national stakeholder platforms that engage with the Nigerian government on key issues related to defence and corruption. This will allow civil society actors and the media to provide input into national security strategy discussions and implementing policies.
2. Adoption of an internationally accepted range of exceptions for defence and security that can be used in the development of legal frameworks, specifically in the right to information (RTI) law or information classification systems. This is also important for regulations governing procurement transparency and budget transparency.
3. We demand adoption of global principles and standards for public disclosure of critical information about the defence sector, including defence budgets, competitive contracting, defence income and foreign assistance, disaggregated expenditures, and asset disposals.
4. We demand establishing guidelines for separating confidential from non-confidential information, similar to the Global Principles on National Security and the Right to Information – The Tshwane Principles, would help limit abuses by setting out what information on budgets and procurements could be disclosed. For genuinely confidential procurements, a separate legal procedure could be designed allowing for monitoring by a confidential senate committee and a unit with suitable security clearance within the Bureau for Public Procurement (BPP).
5. Immediately amend the Audit Act by the National Assembly to address current trends and challenges, while enhancing the effective functioning of the Office of Auditor General of the Federation to fully interrogate financial management in defence and security sector.
6. Advocate for the harmonization of legal and policy frameworks governing defence and security, both through independent analysis and via platforms for direct engagement with government actors. This is particularly relevant for freedom of information and whistleblowing and for public procurement processes and national strategy and policy development.
7. Adequate monitoring mechanisms for gender-related compliance in the Defence and Security sector. This will help to prevent gender-based violence and abuse during operations. It has become imperative to fully implement the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 to adequately integrate women’s participation and representation at all levels of decision making in the defence and security sector.
8. Strengthen civilian oversight of the defence sector, both in the legislature and the administration. Priority areas include:
– Enhance skills within the legislature and parliamentary committee system, particularly regarding oversight of defence strategies and policies, defence budgets and arms imports.
– Administrative oversight of military expenditures through external auditing and improved tracking of financial outlays.
– Administrative oversight of procurement practices through tender board controls and anti-collusion controls.
9. Strengthen personnel management systems for both military and civilian personnel, in collaboration with MOD and Armed Forces. Priority areas are:
– Payment systems, including numbers of personnel, pay rates, and allowances.
– Formalization and oversight of top-level appointments, promotions, and recruitment.
– Integrity standards in defence personnel management (code of conduct, anti-bribery, anti-corruption training, etc).
10. Procurement transparency and oversight; In particular, reviewing the legal exemptions in Section 15 of the Public Procurement Law for military and defence purchases and recommending changes that enhance transparency and accountability.

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President Tinubu Adds Days to Working Vacation, Returns at Weekend

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will return to Nigeria this weekend after extending his working vacation in Europe by a few days, the State House announced Monday evening.

The President departed Nigeria on August 30 for London to begin the working vacation, which was initially expected to last three weeks. According to a statement issued by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, the President has since relocated to Paris, France, where he held meetings with French President Emmanuel Macron and businessman Mr. Vincent Bollore, whose media group includes Canal+, Multichoice, and Universal Music Group.

Despite his absence, the statement emphasized that President Tinubu has remained actively engaged with domestic affairs, particularly directing an independent panel to investigate the deaths of 37 illegal miners in Minna following their detention by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.

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The President has delegated Vice President Kashim Shettima to represent him at official functions. However, Vice President Shettima departed Abuja on September 20 for New York to attend the 81st United Nations General Assembly. In his absence, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, will continue to represent the President at official engagements.

On the political front, the statement noted that Senator Abubakar Yari, Director-General of the Presidential Campaign Council (PCC), has been leading consultations with prominent traditional rulers across the country alongside other notable party leaders.

The extension comes as the President’s initial three-week vacation timeline elapsed, with the State House confirming he will now return to the country at the weekend.

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Court Adjourns El-Rufai’s N1 billion Suit Against ICPC, AGF, Police

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Federal High Court, Abuja Division, on Monday adjourned a N1 billion rights suit filed by former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and others until October 27 for a definite hearing.

Others named in the suit are the Inspector-General (IG) of police and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as the second and third respondents, respectively.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik adjourned the suit to allow counsel to the former governor, Akinyemi Aremu, to respond to the counter affidavit filed by the AGF opposing the claims.

When the case was called, Mr Aremu informed the court that the matter was scheduled for hearing.

Counsel for the AGF, Maimuna Lami-Shiru, however, told the court that the AGF had filed a counter affidavit.

She prayed the court for leave to move their motion seeking an extension of time to deem their counter affidavit as being properly filed and served.

El-Rufai’s lawyer, Mr Aremu; Ezekiel Rimamsomte, who appeared for the IG, and the ICPC counsel did not oppose the application, and the judge granted it as prayed.

Mrs Abdulmalik then adjourned the case until October 27 for a definite hearing.

Earlier in the suit, the ex-governor sued the ICPC, the chief magistrate at the Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja, the IG, and the AGF as first to fourth respondents, respectively.

He, however, dropped the name of the magistrate from the case following his inability to specify the name of the magistrate who was sued as the second respondent, after the judge made the observation.

Mr El-Rufai is, therefore, demanding N1 billion in damages against ICPC, the IG and the AGF.

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In an originating motion on notice marked FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, dated and filed February 20 by Oluwole Iyamu, SAN, the former governor sought seven reliefs.

He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on February 19 at about 2:00 p.m. by the ICPC and IG amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights.

He said it violated the dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.

He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”

Mr El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.

He sought an order directing the first and third respondents (ICPC and IG) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.

He also sought an order awarding N1,000,000,000.00 (one billion naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages, among others.

In its counter affidavit, the ICPC said it received a petition against Mr El-Rufai and, acting on it, commenced an investigation that led to the search at his residence.

It argued that its operatives acted under a valid search warrant issued on February 18 and executed on February 19 between 1:37 p.m. and 3:56 p.m. at 12 Mambilla Street, Asokoro, Abuja.

The commission said its officials were accompanied by Nigeria Police Force personnel and that the exercise was witnessed by Mr El-Rufai’s wife, Hadiza El-Rufai, and his son, Mohammed El-Rufai.

The ICPC, which urged the court to dismiss the suit, listed the items allegedly recovered from the residence.

The police, also in its counter affidavit deposed to by Ewa Anthony, argued that it had the statutory power to detect, arrest, investigate and prosecute offenders.

It argued that the search at Mr El-Rufai’s residence was carried out pursuant to a search warrant issued by a competent court of law.

The anti-graft agency disagreed with the ex-governor, insisting the search warrant was a genuine court order.

It said its officers who carried out the operation complied with all applicable legal procedures in executing the search warrant.

According to the police, the applicant is trying to use the honourable court to shield him from the security investigation and prosecution in court.

It, therefore, prayed the court to dismiss the suit in its entirety.

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Tinubu Becomes First Post-1999 Nigerian President to Miss Three Consecutive UNGAs

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

President Bola Tinubu has again delegated Vice President Kashim Shettima to lead Nigeria’s delegation to the 81st United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York, marking the third consecutive year he has personally skipped the global summit since taking office in 2023.

The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, said on Monday that Tinubu is “currently on annual leave,” describing the delegation to Shettima as “neither unusual nor a diminution of the country’s diplomatic standing”. Idris insisted Shettima “carries the full mandate of the President and the Federal Republic of Nigeria” and will deliver the national statement.

However, the explanation has done little to quell public scrutiny. Tinubu last personally attended UNGA in September 2023 for the 78th session, shortly after his inauguration. He has since been absent from the 79th session in 2024, the 80th in 2025, and now the 81st in 2026—a pattern unmatched by any Nigerian president since the return of democracy in 1999.

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Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, through his media aide Phrank Shaibu, demanded a “full explanation,” arguing that three consecutive absences “could no longer be dismissed as coincidence or routine delegation” but constituted “a pattern of presidential evasion”. Atiku questioned whether Tinubu’s “documented history with United States law-enforcement agencies has become a burden on Nigeria’s foreign relations”.

At the centre of the opposition’s claim is a long-standing U.S. forfeiture case in which $460,000 was held in an account linked to Tinubu, after American authorities alleged the funds represented proceeds of narcotics trafficking or were involved in prohibited financial transactions. Atiku also questioned why the administration spent up to $9 million on American lobbyists to improve Nigeria’s standing in Washington while the President repeatedly stays away from New York.

The Presidency has not directly addressed the drug-case allegation. A ruling party chieftain, Olatunbosun Oyintiloye, dismissed the claims as “political propaganda,” noting that no U.S. court has reopened a criminal case or pronounced Tinubu guilty of drug trafficking.

Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Jimoh Ibrahim, had earlier announced that Tinubu would attend and that a seat had been secured for him near U.S. President Donald Trump. That seat remained empty.

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