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OPINION:Bauchi ,A Paradise for Immunity Seekers? How Alleged Corrupt Politicians Are Eyeing Government House

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By Haroon Mustapha

For the attention of His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
If two-term presidential politics is a game of two halves, then the first term is when a President sets direction, lays foundations, and begins to redirect the country toward a brighter future. The second term is when those gains are consolidated, the larger vision is executed, and a lasting legacy is secured. The ‘BAT’ are positioned to become the halcyon period that repositions Nigeria regionally and internationally: no longer the tired story of a nation defined only by potential, but the 21st-century story of a country that converts potential into tangible national benefit.

That is precisely why Bauchi, like every other state in the federation, must not be allowed to become a paradise for immunity seekers. Past executive failure must not be recycled. Allegations of criminality must not be politically laundered. Questions over allegedly siphoned NNPC funds, allegations of procurement abuse, and claims touching on banditry or terrorism financing must not simply be brushed aside while Bauchi misses a genuine opportunity to reposition itself as a hub for tourism, agricultural investment, and strategic solid-mineral development under your second term.

Few tactics in politics are as cynical as the rush for constitutional immunity. Under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, governors are protected from civil and criminal proceedings while in office. For some Bauchi politicians, the timing of their ambition raises serious questions. With lingering allegations from their time in the civil service or in federal appointments, the governorship can appear less like a platform for service and more like the ultimate constitutional shield. Reports in the public domain describe individuals investigated or charged by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) or the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) repositioning themselves as leaders seeking the people’s mandate not necessarily to serve, but, critics argue, to evade accountability. Whatever language such actors now deploy, the public record cannot simply be wished away. This playbook risks turning Bauchi into a haven for immunity seekers, weakening public trust, undermining good governance, and damaging the wider reform legacy your administration seeks to build.

The most obvious example is the current governor, Senator Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. Before his election in 2019, Mohammed, a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, had faced EFCC scrutiny. The anti-graft agency publicly stated that he “was standing trial for money laundering at the time he won election as governor of Bauchi State. Only the constitutional immunity from prosecution, which his current office attracts, has put that case in abeyance.” EFCC statements issued earlier this year reiterated that position and linked the matter to his prior public roles. More recently, his administration has also come under fresh EFCC scrutiny involving aides charged with money laundering and terrorism financing, with his name reportedly appearing in court filings. Governor Mohammed has dismissed these developments as political persecution. Critics, however, argue that his 2019 governorship bid was timed, at least in part, to take advantage of constitutional immunity. Whether one accepts the EFCC’s account or the governor’s defence of a witch-hunt, the optics remain troubling: public office appears, at minimum, to have functioned as a route away from immediate accountability.

 

Now a section of Bauchi’s political elite is reportedly positioning Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti as Governor Mohammed’s preferred successor ahead of the 2027 elections. That prospect raises a profound question: is this confidence, or the entitlement of a political class that believes public memory is short and can be manipulated? In today’s world, alleged misconduct in public office does not remain hidden. It is documented, debated, and permanently available for scrutiny. Public commentary on social media, local reporting, and Wunti’s own political signals increasingly frame him as Mohammed’s preferred successor, with consultations inside APC structures reportedly already under way. Some accounts further suggest a wider political bargain in which Governor Mohammed could defect from the PDP to the APC, secure the APC senatorial ticket for Bauchi South, and see his Commissioner of Finance, Yakubu Adamu, who is currently facing EFCC charges of money laundering and terrorism financing at the Federal High Court, emerge as Wunti’s running mate. If such a transition were realised, it would align Bauchi’s leadership succession with the ruling party, smooth Wunti’s path, and preserve Mohammed’s political relevance.
Dr Wunti is a career public servant who served in the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited. He joined in 1994 and rose through the ranks to hold several senior positions, including Production Programming Officer, Group General Manager of Corporate Planning and Strategy, Managing Director of the Petroleum Products Marketing Company, and, crucially, Group General Manager of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services from 2020 to 2025.

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In his final stint at NNPC, he served as Chief Health, Safety and Environment Officer before retiring in June 2025. Since then, he has increasingly been mentioned as a leading contender for the governorship of Bauchi State.
However, as in the case of Bala
Mohammed in 2019.

 

Groups such as the Concerned Citizens of Nigeria, the Community Development Committee, and the Citizens Watch Coalition petitioned the EFCC and the National Assembly for investigation, citing what they described as more than 10 incidents of fraud and abuse of office. A 2025 petition to the EFCC reportedly renewed demands for a formal probe. Wunti has not been convicted of any offence, and his defenders have dismissed the allegations as blackmail and baseless claims unsupported by probative evidence. Even so, the accumulation of petitions and media reports has kept the allegations in public view. As he is now discussed as a possible APC governorship candidate in Bauchi, critics see a familiar pattern: a senior federal technocrat under heavy public scrutiny moving toward an office that carries constitutional immunity.
Mr President, you have presented yourself as a bold reformer willing to take difficult decisions that previous administrations avoided. Your economic reforms have marked a clear departure from decades of fiscal complacency. The removal of the fuel subsidy shortly after your inauguration in 2023, though politically risky, ended a long-standing drain on public resources and will remain one of the defining decisions of your presidency.

The unification of exchange rates and the floating of the naira signalled a return to market discipline. Non-oil revenue performance, debt-service relief, GDP recovery, and rising external reserves have all been cited as evidence that your administration is pursuing a serious reform agenda. Additional efforts in civil-service reform, institutional restructuring, regional security cooperation, and infrastructure build-out have reinforced the image of a government trying to reset the Nigerian state. That is precisely why the company your administration keeps matters so much.

The people of Bauchi are tired of unrealised potential. They are tired of youth unemployment, weak primary healthcare, underdeveloped tourism assets, and a state economy that has not matched its promise. Bauchi can be a food basket for the North. It can become an engine room for value-added solid-mineral development. It can attract investment in agriculture, logistics, and tourism. These aspirations fit naturally within your stated vision of a stronger, more economically stable Nigeria built on sustainable growth, institutional integrity, and reduced corruption. But they cannot be realised if the state is captured by political actors whose primary instinct is self-preservation rather than public service.

Mr President your brand rests on reformist credibility: ending unsustainable subsidies, blocking fiscal leakages, and projecting administrative seriousness. Embracing figures with unresolved EFCC-level baggage carries obvious reputational risks. Public perception matters. Global perception matters. If Bauchi’s succession narrative hardens around Wunti amid contract-fraud petitions, and if that process is linked to a wider political accommodation involving Governor Mohammed, it will invite the charge that the ruling party is providing political cover to individuals facing grave allegations. In that scenario, isn’t Bauchi being conned once again?

 

Mr President, your legacy is not to be built on GDP numbers alone. It is also built on the company one keeps and the precedents one sets. Any association with politicians who appear, in the public mind, to treat the governorship as a get-out-of-jail card risks diluting the narrative of national renewal. It would also feed the perception that the APC is becoming a vehicle for elite protection rather than public service. In Bauchi specifically, the elevation of Wunti despite the allegations tied to his NAPIMS years, even if those allegations have not been proven in court, would send a dangerous signal: that political usefulness can override transparency concerns. Nigerians across the country would then be entitled to ask whether this is truly the new Nigeria your administration promises, or merely the old order dressed in reformist language.

Bauchi State’s political elite must decide whether shielding individuals facing serious public allegations serves the people or merely perpetuates a cycle of impunity. The impunity of the entitled. Mr President, you have staked your place in history on economic courage; you now face a parallel test of political consistency. Enduring legacy demands reform without selective blindness to corruption. Allowing Bauchi to become an immunity paradise would not only betray the people of the state; it could also stain the broader reform project your administration has diligently advanced. The 2027 contest will test whether substance prevails over political shelter, or whether the governorship remains a golden ticket for those with unfinished business before anti-corruption agencies. Nigerians deserve better than a state run as a refuge from accountability.

We remain guided by you, Mr President.
Mustapha, wrote from Bakin Kura Street, Bauchi

Opinion

Persecution of Crimean Tatar Muslims and Russia’s Campaign Against Ukrainian Identity

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By Alhassan Bala

The annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 marked not only a violation of international law but also the beginning of a systematic campaign to undermine the cultural identity of the Crimean Peninsula’s indigenous people.

The Crimean Tatars, who had already endured one of history’s most devastating forced deportations under Joseph Stalin, now face a renewed threat as Russia continues efforts that many observers say are aimed at eroding their language, culture, and religious freedoms.

According to discussions with representatives of the Crimean Tatar community, the current situation goes beyond cultural suppression. It is, they argue, a gradual process of cultural extinction.

The Crimean Tatars have survived persecution before. In 1944, Stalin ordered the mass deportation of the entire Crimean Tatar population from their homeland to Central Asia. Packed into cattle cars and transported under inhumane conditions, nearly half of the deportees died during the journey or in the early years of exile.

It took decades for survivors and their descendants to return to Crimea and rebuild their communities following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

I recently met several Crimean Tatars, and hearing their accounts of how their grandparents endured displacement, hardship, and persecution was deeply moving.

Their stories are a reminder of the resilience of a people determined to preserve their identity despite repeated attempts to erase it.

Today, more than seventy years after Stalin’s deportations, history appears to be repeating itself in a different form. Rather than relying on mass expulsions, Russia is accused of employing more subtle methods, including institutional discrimination, restrictions on religious practice, and the gradual erosion of linguistic and cultural identity.

Language is central to the survival of any people, and critics say Russian authorities understand this well. Since the annexation, Crimean Tatar-language education has reportedly been significantly reduced.

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Schools that once provided instruction in the Crimean Tatar language have been encouraged or compelled to switch to Russian. Crimean Tatar textbooks have become increasingly scarce, while educators who seek to preserve indigenous-language instruction face growing challenges.

The Ukrainian language has faced a similar decline. Prior to 2014, Ukrainian was widely taught and spoken throughout Crimea.

Today, opportunities to study both Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian have reportedly been reduced dramatically. In many cases, Crimean Tatar language instruction is limited to only a few hours per week, while Ukrainian-language education has largely disappeared from public institutions.

Critics describe this as a form of linguistic colonialism. By restricting access to education in native languages, they argue, future generations become increasingly disconnected from their cultural heritage.

Over time, languages that once flourished in Crimea risk becoming marginalized in the very homeland where they originated.

For the predominantly Muslim Crimean Tatar community, concerns extend beyond language to the practice of their faith.

Human rights organizations have documented reports of mosque raids, arrests of religious leaders, and restrictions on religious education.

The Mejlis, the representative body of the Crimean Tatar people, was banned by Russian authorities as an “extremist organization,” a move widely condemned by international observers.

Young Crimean Tatar men have faced particular scrutiny. Many have been detained and prosecuted under allegations of affiliation with Hizb ut-Tahrir, an organization that is legal in Ukraine but prohibited in Russia.

Human rights advocates have questioned the fairness of some of these prosecutions, citing concerns over evidence and due process.

Reports also indicate that religious literature has been confiscated and that Islamic educational activities have been subjected to increased restrictions.

For many Crimean Tatars, these measures reinforce a perception that maintaining their distinct religious and cultural identity has become increasingly difficult under Russian rule.

Crimean Tatar citizen journalists who document human rights abuses face heavily militarized show trials. Many are sentenced to decades in Russian penal colonies. Journalists face forced disappearances, physical violence, and raids on their homes. For example, Iryna Danylovych, a freelance reporter, was abducted by the FSB and transferred to a Russian prison.

The international community must continue to pay attention to the situation in Crimea. The Crimean Tatars survived Stalin’s attempt to destroy their nation and identity.

They rebuilt their communities from the ashes of exile and deserve the opportunity to preserve what they have fought so hard to reclaim—their language, their faith, their culture, and their homeland.

In this regard, the efforts of the Crimea Platform, an international initiative established to keep global attention focused on Crimea and the challenges faced by its people, remain important.

Through dialogue, advocacy, and international engagement, the platform continues to highlight the plight of Crimeans and the need for a peaceful and just resolution.

Alhassan Bala writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

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Opinion

Senator Barau: 3 Years of Meritorious Service to Humanity as DSP

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By Abba Anwar

As a build up to 2023 general election, Senator Barau I Jibrin, was campaigning to become a Senator for another round, in the 10th Assembly. From Kano North Senatorial District. All his campaign promises then were centered around his primary constituency.

Unknown to him, his victory would open door for him and create an opportunity, for him to become, Deputy Senate President. Alas, after the election of His Excellency Senator Godswill Akpabio, as Senate President. Jibrin was elected his Deputy.

His election as DSP, stemmed from so many considerations, of the gentleman. His credentials and his past contributions and engagements in the National Assembly, starting from being a Member of House of Representatives, when he represented Tarauni federal constituency, from Kano Central, were considered. As such his pedigree gave him, not automatic chance, but edge over others to become the DSP.

During his days as a Member of House of Representatives, when late Right Honourable Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba was the Speaker of the House, Jibrin was the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation. The same position he held when he became Senator. Apart from being Chairman Senate Committee on Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund).

His choice or rather election as the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, was hitherto considered and approved by the entire Honourable members, because of his credentials in the field. Not only that, he was one of the best students during his undergraduate days and postgraduate days, in his chosen area of studies. Which gave him so many inches ahead of others, then.

As Chairman Senate Committee on TETFund, the choice was made on the basis of his love for education, education and education. His genuine support for equipping people with education, at all levels, was considered at the same time. No wonder, his constituency, witnessed and are still witnessing his unmatched and unparalleled contributions to the education of his people, under Barau Jibrin Scholarship Scheme. Apart from other areas of intervention in the sector.

His service to humanity cuts across constituencies, party lines, geographical boundaries and ages, in the last three years of his leadership as Deputy Senate President. Even some parts of Nigeria, benefited from his legislative efforts. In his primary constituency, he sponsored hundreds of students for undergraduate studies in some carefully selected Nigerian universities. While dozens were selected, also after diligent screening, for their postgraduate studies outside the country.

Modern fields of study such as Software Engineering, Robotics Engineering, Artificial Intelligence, and Chemical Engineering, in which he sponsored many students, are testament to his legacy and reflect his focus on human development. He believes that education builds capacity, capability, and compatibility in life.

In the education sector he initiated and presented a Bill for the establishment of Federal Polytechnic, Kabo, that was established with 17 approved programmes in Science, Engineering and Health Sciences. He further lobbied and followed-up legislative process; which also provided infrastructure for the Polytechnic to be transformed to University of Science and Technology, Kabo.

He initiated, lobbied and followed-up for the Federal College of Education (Technical) Bichi, to Federal University of Education Bichi. The same effort was applied to the transformation of the Federal College of Education, (FCE) Kano, to Yusuf Maitama Sule Federal University of Education, Kano. He initiated and lobbied for the renaming of the University, after the name of the former Permanent Representative of Nigeria, to the United Nations, Dan Masanin Kano Yusuf Maitama Sule.

He was able to facilitate the establishment of 13 National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) Study Centres, across all 13 Local Government Areas, of his constituency, Kano North. Also facilitated for the establishment of Federal University Dutsin-Ma 6 Satellite Campuses and four (4) more Study Centres facilitated in Gwarzo, Danbatta, Dawakin Tofa, Gabasawa local governments.

His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, constructed blocks and made renovation of many primary and secondary school in Kano North. Apart from helping teachers and students with the means of transportation to schools for teaching and learning.

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Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Under security sector, more specifically his direct support to Nigeria Police Force, the Distinguished Senator donated One thousand (1,000) operational motorcycles. The handing over of the motorcycles took place at Bompai Police Headquarters, Kano. Of which the distribution was at 700 for Kano North Senatorial Zone and the remaining 300 for State Command Headquarters. The donation was purposely made to enhance mobility, rapid response, and reach hard-to-access areas by our Police officers.

He donated other operational vehicles to the Police Command, Bompai, among other donations of vehicles to other police formations, particularly, in Kano North. As he renovated parts of Kano State Police Headquarters. As he further constructed many police stations in different parts of the state.

Our able DSP constructed a modern Police Secondary School in Kabo, his hometown. He is not only concerned with operational vehicles and infrastructure, he is mindful of aiding his people to get recruited into the available spaces under our security system.

Hence he facilitated the recruitment of 120 security personnel as Police Cadets, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) officials, and Federal Fire Service officers from Kano North. After the completion of their training, he hosted them at a dinner in their honor, at Bristol Palace Hotel, Kano. As he charged them on integrity, patriotism, service to the nation and loyalty to their respective formations.

To further enhance security in the streets across his constituency, he helped in the installation of one thousand (1,000) solar-powered streetlights across Kano North, to improve nighttime patrols. As he rushed to Kano Central donating for market security, where he donated Hilux, 5 motorcycles for patrol at Farm Centre phone market.

As our Distinguished Senator believes in re-positioning of our security system and architecture, he sees reason in security infrastructure development. This informs his patriotic decision in facilitating for the establishment of
NSCDC Training College, in Gwarzo, Nigeria Police Service Commission Training Institute, in Kabo and Nigeria Immigration Service Training School, in Bichi.

Under agriculture the biggest project is the long awaited programme on maize and rice cultivation to boost food security, under Barau Initiative for Agricultural Revolution in the Northwest (BIARN), that was launched in April 2025. With the intention of the distribution of about Three Billion Naira (N3b) interest-free loan scheme for 558 young farmers across the 7 states of the North West.

As beneficiaries would get access to, ranging from One Million Naira (N1m) to Two Million Naira (N2m) up to Five Million Naira (N5m) per individual beneficiary. What is delaying the implementation of the programme is the paucity of Funds from the partner organization, Bank of Agriculture (BOA).

Under nfrastructural development, road construction and rehabilitation
specifically, he lobbied for Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi federal road among others. Other infrastructure in Gwarzo, where roads, bridge, water projects and installation of solar lights, became the order of the day, under his interventions. So also hospital construction and upgrades, in the same Gwarzo local government.

Community projects like construction and rehabilitation of Mosques, Palaces and training institutes are all over.

Under Youth and Women Empowerment for economic development, he initiated the distribution of Twenty Thousand Naira (₦20,000) only. For 10,000 less-privileged across all the 44 LGAs in the state. With Kano North taking the largest share of 6,500 beneficiaries, at 500 per LGA.

Just recently DSP launched monthly One Hundred Thousand Naira (₦100,000) only, capital support, for 1,300 beneficiaries, from the Month of February 2026 to December 2026. A year round project. A total of 18,200 beneficiaries, will benefit from the sum of Two Hundred and Eighteen Million, Two Hundred Thousand (₦218.2m) only.

Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Sports & Community Development are not left behind. As 150 football teams per local government benefited with Jerseys and balls. Totaling 1,950 teams across Kano North.

It is on record, as many people, especially those from Kano North, know, DSP did more than what I listed here. One piece of material cannot encapsulate all this contributions and speak out at a time. But this gentleman did a lot and is committed to step further.

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 7th June, 2026

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Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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