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Opinion

Why All Hues, Cries Against Garo?

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By Abba Anwar

First and foremost, it is against the very philosophy and principle behind the formation of All Progressives Congress (APC), from day one, an amalgamation of different political interests coming together with a common goal and purpose. To uproot the then party in power, People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

That philosophy, that principle, should be maintained across board, as the party, APC, has been on the throne for over a decade now. It was the breakaway from the original philosophy, that played an important role in pushing the party to where it is now, in Kano state.

It was made public that there were controversial allegations of diverting public funds between 2020 and 2023, totalling N57,433,981,816.00, which subsequently led to the prosecution of the former Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, and Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for 2023 election in Kano, His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo, by the Kano State Public Complaints and Anti-corruption Commission before a Kano State High Court.

It was in the charge sheet, dated 29th July, 2024. The act, according to established laws is contrary to the provisions of Sections 97, 309 and 315 of the Penal Code (as amended), Cap. 105, Vol. 2, Laws of Kano State, 1991. And as cited by the complainant, it was a breach of Section 26 of the Kano State Public Complaints and Anti-corruption Commission Law 2008 (as amended).

Let me go to the technicalities of the matter at hand, before advancing my argument, not on the issue in court, by on the political circumstances massaging the process of our political realities here in Kano.

But before delving into that, show me a prominent politician in Nigeria, yes across all the six geopolitical zones, who has no corruption allegations hovering around his or her neck, I will show you a liar. It has been a common principle, known to all that, an accused is innocent until proven otherwise by competent court of justice.

In the Kano State High Court, before Hon Justice Sanusi Ado Magaji of High Court No. I5 Miller Road, Complex, Kano, in a ruling dated 30th June, 2025 and as issued as a True Certified Copy, also dated 4th February, 2026, on an issue before the High Court between Kano State Government as the Complainant and Murtala Sule Garo and others as Defendants, after stating the historical content of the issue at hand and after depending on several authorities, judgements /rulings in previous circumstances and references, the Hon Justice ruled that,

“I must humbly adopt the profound statement of the law as mine in respect of this instant case. I hold that the Complainant, herein cannot investigate any issue that borders on corruption or corrupt practices. Predicated of the above statement the charge herein filed by the Complainant is HEREBY STRUCK OUT (emphasis mine). The Defendants are accordingly DISCHARGED (emphasis mine).”

Though there is an appeal of the ruling by the state, but as some observers argue or assess, it could be possible and easy to say the case, as it stands before the state government, is not seriously handled. May be another way of saying, it looks as if the state is contemplating of withdrawing the case, because of reasons best known to the state. This is the legal aspect of Garo’s issue at hand.

Coming down to other aspects or areas, it still sounds odd and strange to see that, APC people or at best heavyweights in Kano, are still in the stone age of political practice. Before His Excellency the Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf joins APC, there were serious crises amongst leadership and followership. Within the leadership circle and within the followership circle, there were internal face-offs, fracas, which necessitated a well positioning of the party into another round of political waterloo.

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I wonder the kind of hateful and destructive political practices, old APC members are engaged in. If and only if, old APC people will continue this way, what can stop Governor Yusuf from treating them as political toys. Fortunately for APC, Governor Yusuf isn’t an autocratic leader. Neither is he a dictator. If I were the governor, I will still help the party, especially the old circle, to be one and indivisible. Your Excellency Sir if you do that, history will not forget you forever.

After all the necessary assessments and closer observation of the APC juggernauts, Presidency believes that, at this era of political alignment and realignment, especially when the vacancy of a Deputy Governor, emerges in Kano, there are potential suitors, but the best of them all, is Murtala Sule Garo.

Hence, I heard it from a very reliable source that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, pleaded with the Governor Yusuf to accept Garo as his Deputy. If I were the Governor, henceforth I would not spend more than 24 hours without Garo’s nomination to the State House of Assembly. Presidential request na whose mate? Laughter. My able governor is aware that, he has many requests to be forwarded to Presidency from now to election period and beyond. Dabara ta rage ga mai shiga rijiya.

It sounds odd and sometimes unbelievable to say His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, is principally a force behind the delay. It doesn’t sound musical to ears. I said this because I knew what the relationship between Garo and the Senator was at the early days of the current political dispensation. Very cordial and healthy. From the beginning of this fourth republic, which started from 1999.

Before his Senatorial seat, Jibrin was a member House of Representatives, from Tarauni federal constituency. After that, he followed his ancestors from paternal side and traced back to Kabo local government, from where he got the right and the advantage to contest for Kano North Senatorial zone and later became a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

When Garo was the Chairman of Kabo local government, he facilitated and issued the Senator with an indigene Certificate of Kabo local government. Since then, there was a gentleman arrangement between the two, that Jibrin would contest for gubernatorial position and Garo would contest for Senatorial seat. But as Allah planned hitherto, Jibrin contested for the Senatorial seat and won. I can still remember vividly clear that, then I was with the Hotline Magazine and Pan African News Agency.

Garo was Jibrin’s Director General of Campaign in two different elections, 2015 and 2019. So I am utterly confused when I heard that Senator Jibrin is presently against Garo’s nomination as a Deputy Governor. Looking at the antecedents, it could be much proper to see DSP in the forefront lobbying for the seat for Garo. Without even the involvement of Mr President. This should be the practice, in a normal and healthy political practice. Anything short of this, to me, is a negation of many good things. I am still in a state of mental confusion. Still asking myself, can the DSP be that low?

For the Governor, yes he has all the right to chose from many interested individuals, yet he should take it at the back of his mind that, whatever choice he makes, the result, output and repercussions, will definitely bounce back at him. He either gets apple or bitter lemon after cultivation. This is the fact and this is the comfortable or uncomfortable reality.

And the way I see it, Garo is not desperate about it. He isn’t so desperate to become a Deputy Governor. My view, I stand to be corrected. As it is now, former Governors and former Deputy Governors, are still benefiting from him, from many standpoints.

Garo, unlike former Deputy Governor and Gubernatorial candidate under the platform of APC in 2023 election, His Excellency Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, who after he lost 2023 election was appointed, Chairman Governing Board, Bayero University, Kano and Chairman Board of Directors of Mortgage Bank, exited from APC recently to African Democratic Congress (ADC), in search of more political breathing space, Garo remains in the party without any appointment, whatsoever.

All along, nowhere was it reported that Garo was castigating the party at either state or national level. Now a vacancy arises, and the space is naturally available without any effort from anybody. Who then is in the best position to be compensated? If not Garo, who?

What I suggest our leaders should bear in mind is the fact that, so long they will continue to be in disarray, deconstructing each other, forgetting the marriage of convenience as the philosophy behind the formation of the party APC, ab initio, their political objectives and interest will remain in danger. Whatever that means.

Fruition of the relationship between and among old APC leadership and followership and that of the Governor with his new party, APC, is just like the two sides of a coin, that face different directions, but must stay together.

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday 5th April, 2026

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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