Connect with us

News

Nigeria’s Opposition Coalition: Navigating Leadership Tussles, Candidate Selection, and the Road to 2027

Published

on

 

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian political landscape is currently simmering with uncertainty as the country’s embattled opposition coalition grapples with a series of interconnected dilemmas. From internal party squabbles to the high-stakes question of a presidential candidate capable of unseating incumbent Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, the coalition’s path forward is anything but straightforward. This report provides a detailed examination of the key fault lines within the opposition, the strategic calculations underway, and the prospects for a unified challenge against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The Party Allegiance Conundrum: Stay or Abandon the ADC?

At the heart of the opposition’s immediate crisis is the question of which political platform to adopt. The coalition had previously coalesced around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), but the party has since become deeply factionalised, raising doubts about its viability as a vehicle for a credible electoral challenge. Alternatives such as the New Democratic Congress (NDC) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) have been floated as potential replacements.

After intense internal deliberations, coalition leaders have resolved not to abandon the ADC at this critical juncture. Their reasoning rests on two pillars. First, they argue that considerable resources—financial, organisational, and political—have already been invested in building the ADC into a formidable opposition force ahead of the 2027 general election. Second, they contend that the ruling APC’s strategy of suppressing opposition platforms is not unique to the ADC. In their view, leaving the ADC for another party without first cleansing it of “bad eggs” would only export the same dysfunction to any new vehicle. Therefore, calls to exit solely because of the ongoing leadership tussle have been firmly rejected.

The Presidential Candidate Puzzle: Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, or Amaechi?

Beyond the party platform issue lies an even more contentious dilemma: who will fly the coalition’s flag as presidential candidate. The quartet of political heavyweights—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP), former Governor of Anambra Peter Obi (Labour Party/ADC), former Governor of Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP), and former Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi (APC defector)—each command significant followings. Yet their rivalry threatens to fragment the coalition before it can even take shape.

The Atiku-Obi Ticket Proposition

Political pundits have suggested that the coalition’s strongest chance lies in reviving the 2019 formula: Atiku as presidential candidate and Peter Obi as his running mate. Proponents argue that this combination balances regional and ethnic considerations—Atiku drawing from the north-east and Obi from the south-east—while leveraging the name recognition of both figures. The ticket would also present a direct contrast to President Tinubu’s southern Muslim identity.

The Kwankwaso-Obi Counterproposal

Observers have countered that the electorate may be suffering from “Atiku fatigue,” noting that the former vice president has contested every election cycle since 2007 without success. These analysts argue that it is time for Atiku to step aside and allow a Kwankwaso-Obi pairing, with Kwankwaso at the top and Obi as his deputy. They believe that Kwankwaso’s northern grassroots appeal, combined with Obi’s youth and digital following, could replicate the “outsider” energy that propelled Obi to third place in 2023.

Advert

The Obedient Movement’s Resistance and Obi’s Stated Position

The permutations become more fraught once the Obedient Movement—the sprawling, youth-led network that propelled Peter Obi to unexpected prominence in 2023—is factored in. The movement has been unequivocal: Peter Obi will not deputise for anyone. Its leaders view Obi not merely as a candidate but as the embodiment of a generational and governance reform movement. Any suggestion that he accept a vice-presidential slot is met with fierce resistance.

For his part, Peter Obi has repeatedly stated that he will be on the 2027 presidential ballot as a flag bearer of a party. Observers have interpreted this stance in two ways. Either he remains committed to his previous political platform—the Labour Party, which gave him the ticket in 2023—or he has prepared an alternative in the event that the coalition’s chosen vehicle (the ADC) becomes unworkable.

Speculation of an Obi Exit from ADC

With the ADC’s leadership crisis now fully manifest, social media and political circles are rife with speculation that Obi may soon abandon the ADC altogether. The most likely destination is a return to the Labour Party, where he still enjoys substantial institutional loyalty. However, other unnamed parties are also said to be under consideration. The coalition’s ability to hold together could hinge on whether Obi decides to remain within the fold or strike out on his own.

The Electability Question: Can Obi Defeat President Tinubu?

Beyond the internal machinations, analysts are divided on whether Peter Obi—even if he secures a presidential ticket—can actually defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

The Case for Obi’s Victory

Proponents of Obi’s electability point to the momentum he generated in 2023, when he captured over six million votes despite running on a relatively unknown party platform. They argue that if that momentum remains intact—and if he selects a northern Muslim as his running mate to balance the ticket—he could defeat Tinubu. The reasoning rests heavily on the north’s growing disillusionment with the president. Tinubu’s economic policies, including the removal of fuel subsidies and unification of exchange rates, have triggered steep inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. Furthermore, political observers note that Tinubu’s administration has engaged in what many northern elites perceive as the political persecution of prominent northern figures, allegedly to neutralise potential challengers from the region. This combination of economic pain and political marginalisation, they argue, could drive a decisive northern rejection of the incumbent.

The Counterargument: Obstacles to an Obi-Led Ticket

Opposing analysts offer a sobering rebuttal. They note that any ticket with Obi at the top would require a northern politician to accept the vice-presidential slot. But among the coalition’s leading lights—Atiku, Kwankwaso, and even Amaechi—none are likely to subordinate themselves to Obi. Atiku sees himself as the elder statesman and natural standard-bearer. Kwankwaso commands his own northern power base and has little interest in playing second fiddle. Consequently, the prediction that Obi could defeat Tinubu, while not impossible, rests on a political alignment that currently shows no signs of materialising. Without a willing and credible northern running mate, Obi’s chances remain speculative at best.

 

The Nigerian opposition coalition stands at a defining moment. It has chosen to stay and fight for control of the factionalised ADC, rejecting the easier path of switching to a new platform. Yet that decision may prove pyrrhic if the leadership tussle continues to drain energy and credibility. Simultaneously, the unresolved question of a presidential candidate threatens to fracture the alliance before it can present a united front. Peter Obi’s unwillingness to play a subordinate role, coupled with the Obedient Movement’s intransigence, creates a high-stakes bargaining environment. Meanwhile, the coalition’s ultimate viability depends on whether it can translate anti-Tinubu sentiment—particularly in the north—into a coherent electoral strategy.

As 2027 approaches, the opposition would do well to remember that Nigerians are watching not only for charisma but for competence, unity, and a credible plan to address the nation’s deepening economic and security challenges. The current web of dilemmas, if left unresolved, may hand President Tinubu a second term by default.

News

Alleged Fake Presidential DG Insists Gbaja Was Aware of His Appointment

Published

on

 

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, who allegedly paraded himself as the Director-General of the non-existent Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and Presidential Economic Advisory Council, Thursday, denied any wrongdoing, insisting that Chief of Staff to the President, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila, was aware of his appointment. ExecutiveBranch

Adeyemi, who is facing allegations of impersonation and related offences, said the matter was already before a court and expressed confidence that he would be vindicated.

He spoke on Politics Today, a Channels TV programme, through a telephone interview. Asked whether he was running away from the law, he said: “Not at all.” Politics

Advert

Asked whether he was ready to face the law, he said: “Definitely, if I am wrong, let the court of law do that; if I am right, let the court of law do the right thing. Do you know what? Since the matter is in the court, let the court of competent jurisdiction vindicate me because I am ready to clear my name. Let the court take its course. Since my lawyers are involved, everybody will follow us, they will monitor the whole thing. Let the court of competent jurisdiction do the needful. I have a letter of appointment. However, since the matter is in the court, I won’t be able to say much about it, I am on medication. I am a bit down, I am sick.”

Asked whether he is a criminal, he said: “No, I am not a criminal. However, the court will do justice to that.”

On whether Gbajabiamila has knowledge about his appointment, he said: “Yes.”

On whether he got the confirmation of appointment through Gbajabiamila’s office, he said: “Yes, let the court vindicate all those things.”

On his message to Nigerians regarding the issue, he said: “I want Nigerians to know that, for one second, let us assume the agency does not exist, would I have the temerity, the audacity, to be going all over the country, meeting the head of ministry, department and agency, if I know that the agency does not exist, or as they allege me that I cooked up everything? No Nigerian can dare do that. I could not have summoned the courage to be going from one place to another for almost three years. Nigeria is not a banana republic.”

Continue Reading

News

Why Are We Still Paying War Prices? Nigerians Demand Fuel Price Cut as Global Oil Fall

Published

on

Fuel Pump

 

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The war drums have fallen silent in the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz is once again open for business, and global crude oil prices have crashed back to earth, settling at $71 per barrel even lower than the pre-war price of $75.

But on the bustling streets of Nigeria, a different kind of tension is simmering. For millions of Nigerians, especially commercial drivers and commuters, the economic ceasefire has yet to arrive. While the global price of crude the primary component of petrol has dropped by over 90% from its wartime peak, the price at Nigerian pumps remains stubbornly high.

Petrol, which sold for an average of ₦750 before the war, shot up to as much as ₦1,500 during the crisis. Now, with the crisis over, it has only marginally dropped to hover between ₦1,250 and ₦1,350 per litre, leaving a bitter taste in the mouths of citizens who feel they are being punished for a conflict they had no part in.

Our reporter went to the streets of Mararaba and Abuja to speak with the men and women on the frontlines of this daily struggle the Okada riders and the motorists to ask the question on everyone’s lips: “How much have you bought fuel recently, and what price do you really want the government to reduce it to?”

At a busy bus stop in Mararaba-Karu axis, we met three Okada riders who spoke with a palpable sense of exhaustion.

Nura wiped the sweat from his brow as he recounted his daily expenses.

“Just this morning, I bought fuel for ₦1,300 per litre at a NNPC station. At the filling station by the junction, they are selling for ₦1,450,” he said, shaking his head in disbelief. “Do you know how many trips I have to make to pay for that? Before this madness, I was buying at ₦780. With ₦5,000, I could move my family and still have change. Now? ₦5,000 doesn’t even fill the tank of my motorcycle.”

When asked what price he wants the government to reduce it to, Emeka didn’t hesitate.

“We are not robots. We have families. The government should reduce it to ₦700 per litre. That is where it was. Why should we suffer for America and Israel’s fight? We didn’t ask them to fight. The war is over, so let the price come back to normal. We want ₦700 so we can eat again.”

Suleiman, an Okada rider operating in the Nyanya area of Abuja, echoed the sentiment, his voice laced with frustration as he parked his bike under a tree to escape the heat.

“I bought fuel yesterday for ₦1,400. The marketers say it’s because of ‘exchange rates’ and ‘transportation.’ But did the exchange rate crash during the war? No! When the war started and the price shot up, they said it was because of ‘global factors.’ Now the global factors are gone, but the price is still here. It doesn’t make sense to a simple man like me.”

Suleiman’s demand is precise and measured.

“I want the government to listen to us. I want them to reduce the price to ₦800 per litreI am not asking for the exact price from before, because I know things are hard. But ₦1,400 is a killer. I want ₦800. That is the only way I can survive. If they don’t, I will have to leave this job. It no longer pays.”

Isah Audu, a young rider who navigates through the traffic in the streets of Mararaba said he recently paid a staggering ₦1,500 at one NNPC filling station just to get a few litres to keep him going for the day.

“I wanted to cry, honestly. ₦1,500 and the tank wasn’t full. I had to borrow money from my friend to make up the rest. My passengers are complaining that I am increasing the fare, but what do they want me to do? Fly the bike?”

Advert

For Isah, the price of fuel is a matter of survival.

“We are seeing the news. We see that oil is now $71 per barrel. It is lower than before the war! So why is our price still high? It is an insult to our intelligence. The government should reduce the pump price to ₦650 or ₦700. That is the true reflection of the market. If they don’t, they are telling us that our lives do not matter.”

While the Okada riders speak of survival, the motorists speak of managing a household on a burning budget. We spoke to two women whose cars have become a burden.

Isa bella said she has had to drastically cut down on her driving.

“I now buy fuel in ‘units.’ I went to the station yesterday and bought ₦10,000 worth of petrol. The meter read that it was at ₦1,250 per litre. I looked at the pump and almost drove away. But where would I go? I had to buy it because I needed to take my children to school and get to work. Before the war, that ₦10,000 would have almost filled my tank. Now, it’s just a pittance.”

Isa bella who represents the many middle-class women struggling to keep their homes running, made a passionate plea.

“I am begging this government to please look at the formula they are using. If crude oil is $71, what is the justification for ₦1,250? I want the government to reduce petrol to ₦750 per litre. That is a fair price. It allows us to budget. It allows us to survive. We can’t keep adjusting our lives while the government adjusts the price only upwards. When it goes down globally, it must come down here. It is only fair.”

On the other hand was Amara who said the high cost of fuel is draining her salary.

“I try to manage, but it is so hard. I filled my tank last week, and it cost me ₦48,000 at a rate of ₦1,300 per litre. I was horrified. I had to use my food money. I am a single lady trying to make it in Abuja, and this fuel price is setting me back. I spend more on fuel than on my rent at this point.”

For Amara, the price reduction isn’t just a request; it’s a necessity to support a generation that feels economically choked.

“I don’t understand the economics, but I know the principle is wrong. The price was low, it went high because of war, and the war is over. Simple mathematics. I want the government to reduce the pump price to ₦700 per litre. That is what I can afford. That is what will allow me to save money and have a life. ₦1,300 is a punishment, and we did nothing wrong.”

The voices of Nura, Suleiman, Isah, Isabella, and Amara represent the mood of a nation grappling with an economic contradiction.

While the government and oil marketers cite issues like the depreciating Naira and the cost of shipping as factors keeping prices high, the average Nigerian is unwilling to accept that logic.

Why Is The Situation Always Like This?

Speaking with an economist on why such situations continue to prevail in the commodity market, especially here in Nigeria, Mr. Olalekan explained that “crude prices retrace quickly, damaged or underutilized refining capacity, shipping disruption, higher insurance costs, and inventory replacement can continue affecting diesel, freight, petrochemicals, packaging, manufacturing costs, and ultimately consumer prices over the following months.”

He added that, “markets tend to price expectations immediately, but supply chains deliver reality later. Mr. Olalekan concluded by drawing a simple illustration where he argued that the fluctuating price saga of crude oil is due to uncertainty with which manufacturers see things from the ordinary person. “What if tomorrow the war starts again, what are these manufacturers going to do with the products that they had the price reduced because of a temporary announcement of affairs?”, he questioned. “Tomorrow, Trump or the Iranian Leaders may start another war, on the basis that one doesn’t abide by the laid down agreements.” So for the price to come down, it will take time. That’s the simple answer”, he said.

As the day ends, the lines at the few filling stations selling at slightly lower prices only grow longer. Okada riders like Emeka will make a few more trips, hoping to earn enough for tomorrow’s fuel. Motorists like Funke will do the mental arithmetic, trying to figure out how to stretch the petrol in her tank until her next paycheck.

But one question lingers in the hot, humid air: If the war is over, why is the hardship in Nigeria just beginning? For millions, the answer is simple: the global ceasefire came months ago, but the “government ceasefire” on high fuel prices is yet to be declared.

Continue Reading

News

BREAKING: Federal High Court Affirms Mark-led Leadership of ADC, Awards Fine Against Abejide

Published

on

 

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Federal High Court in Abuja on Thursday affirmed Sen. David Mark-led leadership of the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

Justice Musa Liman, in a judgment, also dismissed the suit filed by Rep Leke Abejide challenging Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as national chairman and national secretary of the party for lacking in merit.

Justice Liman upheld the preliminary objections filed by ADC, Chief Ralph Nwosu, Messrs Mark and Aregbesola which challenged Mr Abejide’s suit.

The judge held that the court lacked the jurisdiction to dabble into the internal affairs of ADC, as the suit was non-justiciable.

He also held that Abejide lacked the legal right to have instituted the suit, having failed to show to the court that his rights had been violated in any way as a result of the emergence of Mark-led leadership.

He equally held that Abejide, who is a member of House of Representatives, failed to explore the party’s internal mechanism for dispute resolution.

Justice Liman also resolved the three issues in the substantive suit in favour of the defendants.

Advert

On whether Mark, the former Senate president and Aregbesola, who was former Governor of Osun, emerged as leaders of the party in compliance with the enabling laws, the judge resolved this against Abejide, the plaintiff in the suit.

He held that the handing over of the leadership of the party by Nwosu to Mark did not violate the provisions of the party’s constitution.

The judge agreed that the disputed July 2, 2025 meeting of the party was a stakeholder meeting which preceded the party’s National Executive Council (NEC) meeting held on July 29, 2025, that produced Mark and Aregbesola as party’s leaders which was monitored by Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Justice Liman, therefore, declared that the emergence of Mark and Aregbesola as leaders of ADC was valid and in accordance with the constitution, the Electoral Act, 2026 and party’s law.

The judge consequently awarded a fine of N2 million each in favour of all the defendants which shall be paid by Abejide.

He also awarded a N10 million fine against Abejide’s lawyer in compliance with the Electioral Act, 2026.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that Abejide had instituted the suit to stop Mark-led leadership of ADC.

In the originating summons, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/1637/2025 filed on Feb. 15 by Idris, the lawmaker sued ADC, Ralph Nwosu, Mark, Aregbesola and INEC as 1st to 5th defendants respectively.

NAN reports that Nwosu was the former national chairman of ADC who stepped down for Mark, the ex-Senate president.

Abejide, among the eight reliefs, sought an order nullifying Nwosu’s handover or transfer of ADC’s leadership to Mark and Aregbesola as interim national chairman and intenm national secretary respectively on July 2, 2025, at Shehu Musa Yar’adua Centre, Abuja for being illegal, unlawful, null and void.

He sought an order of perpetual injunction restraining Mark and Aregbesola from parading themselves as leaders of the party “as thelr purported appointment, selection or election was unlawful, illegal, null and void.”

He also sought perpetual injunction, restraining INEC from recognising Mark and Aregbesola as ADC’s interim national chairman and interim national secretary “.

He alleged that their appointment, selection or election did not meet the requirements of Section 82 of the Electoral Act, 2022,” among other prayers.

Continue Reading

Trending