By Abba Anwar

The history of the Constabulary in Nigeria dates back to 1861 when the British colonial administration established the Lagos Constabulary. For maintaining law and order within the Protectorate.

In 1861 Lagos Constabulary formed with 30 men to maintain law and order in Lagos Colony. As time went on, the need for more hands in the art of maintaining law and order in Lagos arose, in 1879 the Constabulary expanded to 100 men.

Due to the good performance of Lagos Constabulary and the need to replicate similar security architecture in other regions, in 1890s to be precise, Constabularies established in other Nigerian territories, including the Royal Niger Company Constabulary.

The need for the expansion of this security agency for maintaining law and order, came handy, which necessitated its consolidation between 1900 to 1960.

For example in 1906, Northern and Southern Nigeria Constabularies merged to form the Nigerian Police Force. Meaning, Nigeria Police Force is an offshoot of Nigeria’s Constabulary.
While in 1914 Nigeria Police Force reorganized into the Northern and Southern Provincial Police Forces.

Few decades before Independence in 1930s to be precise, Nigeria Police Force expanded to include specialized units like Marine Police, Mounted Police, etc.

In Post-Independence from 1960 to present Nigeria there were many changes that occurred in the process. For example in 1960 Nigerian Police Force became a National Force after Independence.

From1967 to 1970 Nigerian Civil War led to significant expansion and reorganization of the Police Force in 1990s Nigerian Police Force restructured into the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and other specialized agencies for complying with modern policing.

In single and simple sentence, Constabulory is the mother of Nigeria Police Force, midwifed by many regimes.

Not only Nigeria Police Force, the primary law enforcement agency in the country, was created from Nigerian Constabulory, there are other agencies that were also created from the agency.
Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) was established in 1967, it was renamed and restructured in 2003.

Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) was established in 1988 as a specialized agency for road safety management.
Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) was established in 1963 as the Nigerian Immigration Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1992.

The Nigerian Customs Service (NCS) was established in 1892 as the Nigerian Customs Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1970.

While other specialized agencies, such as the State Security Service (SSS) and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), were also separately established to address specific security concerns. But these agencies were created outside Constabulory.

Understanding this history, the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, during his tenure 2015 to 2023, he made good use of the history and floated an excellent process to comply with the modern policing strategy, community policing.

He did it well, in such a way that, he brought together all the secure agencies and established operational rapport amongst them. This singular, but workable idea merged with political will, helped the state to become the most peaceful state in the federation, when Ganduje was captaining the ship.

Responding to his situation, the Nigerian state, local organizations and foreign organizations, appreciated Ganduje’s model as an excellent disposition of skilled and focused leadership, with unscathing and seamless political will and gave him Awards of Excellence in the area of security.

Kano witnessed one of her most peaceful era when Ganduje was on the throne. Ganduje believed that modern community policing strategy, Constabulary, plays a vital role in Nigeria and other nations. That was why he revived the role of traditional institutions in securing our local communities. He initiated Security Summits across our 5 Emirates in the state.

While understanding the role of all security agencies generally, he also amplified neighborhood patrols, where Constables engage in foot patrols, building relationships with residents, and addressing local concerns.

In the face of community engagement, his administration gave special consideration to the Constabulory participation in community meetings, events, and initiatives to foster trust and cooperation.

In the area of intelligence gathering, the administration of Ganduje linked the process to other security agencies with Constables as another sources to gather information on local crime trends and share with other agencies. This gave way to harmonious working relationship with all the security agencies.

It is believe that Nigeria Police Force burden in enforcing and maintaining law and order, in the country, gets helping hand from Constables, who serve as frontline officers in community policing.
It is evident how Community Police Officers (CPOs) work closely with local leaders and residents. While Special Constabularies (e.g., Railway Police, Port Police) focus on specific areas.

Community policing as enunciated and supported by Constabulory body is a global trend and relevant in modern policing. In the United Kingdom for example Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) support constables in community policing.

In United States of America Community Police Officers and Neighborhood Police Officers engage in community-focused policing. While in Australia Community Constables work with indigenous communities. As in Canada where Community Police Officers focus on building relationships and trust.

It is evidently clear that there are underlying benefits of Constabulary in Community Policing across the globe in recent time. Such as improved community relationships, enhanced trust, reducing crime, increased intelligence gathering, more effective problem-solving, among many others.

But all these benefits are not without challenges. As it is obtainable elsewhere. But fundamentally speaking, Constabulory activities and Police core responsibilities, should be made to become more blended and proactive. As it is the case in more developed societies. As evidently given above.

Anwar was former Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. He can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
November, 2024

Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, seemed well-positioned to shape discussions on Nigerian political strategy, but his recent ill-advised moves and ineffective decisions may have far-reaching consequences, potentially undermining the influence he should wield as the country’s third-highest-ranking official.

Barau Jibrin, fondly known as Maliya, is a household name in Kano politics. His rise to prominence began in 1999 when he became a member of the House of Representatives. Notably, he chaired the influential Appropriation Committee at the Green Chamber, one of the House’s most powerful committees.

After Barau’s 2003 election loss, his political presence waned until the Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso revitalizsed his career by appointing him Commissioner for Science and Technology – a surprise move, given that many were wondering what had become of the man. Barau took over the role from Bala Muhammad Gwagwarwa, who had been promoted to APC National Treasurer during the party’s inaugural convention.

Barau Jibrin secured the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial ticket for Kano North after Kwankwaso parted ways with Abdullahi Muhammad Gwarzo, a former Deputy Governor and Minister of the Federal Republic. This development occurred when Kwankwaso instructed Ganduje to return to Kano from Lagos and lead the senatorial primaries, throwing his full support behind Barau Jibrin and ultimately leading to Gwarzo’s loss. The reason behind this move was Gwarzo’s opposition to Kwankwaso’s presidential aspirations at the party convention, where he aligned with Bola Tinubu, a former leader of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) where Gwarzo himself was a member.

That’s how Barau Jibrin emerged as a Senatorial Candidate paving his way to become the Deputy President of the Senate today.

In politics, loyalty is fleeting, there is no permanent friend or enemy, only a permanent interest. This truth played out in the rift between Barau Jibrin and Rabiu Kwankwaso. Shortly after Barau’s emergence, he severed ties with Kwankwaso, aligning himself with Abdullahi Ganduje amidst their infamous feud. Turning away from the famous Hausa saying, “Ana Barin Halak Dan Kunya,” Barau snubbed Kwankwaso and openly supported Ganduje on the Senate floor, even when Kwankwaso was still a member of the red chamber. This move underscores the transience of alliances in politics.

Barau, notorious for his unwavering pursuit of personal interest even at the expense of general interest, spares nothing and no one in satiating his thirst for greed and conquest. This again manifested in the undeniable role he played in the removal of Abdullahi Gwarzo as Minister. It is claimed that Barau consistently lobbied at the presidential villa to ensure Gwarzo’s ousting, despite the Minister holding no grudges against him.

Barau Jibrin’s recent actions are reportedly aimed at solidifying his position as the most influential APC member from Kano State. Observers suggest that his next target is Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the current National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress – an the same man whom he once sided with against Kwankwaso his political benefactor, as well as other appointees from Kano State, in a bid to consolidate his power and dominance within the party.

With 2.5 years to go until 2027, Barau Jibrin has already begun the game of dirty politicking, welcoming defectors to the All Progressives Congress (APC). However, it appears his primary focus isn’t on serving his constituents, but rather on fueling his own ambition to become Governor. To successfully govern a cosmopolitan state like Kano, one needs strategic diplomacy, not creating unnecessary conflicts and enemies.

Interestingly, the influx of decampees has turned Barau into an “ATM machine.” They would visit him in Abuja, claiming to have left the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) one day, only to pledge loyalty to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf at the Kano Government House the next. This raises questions about the sincerity of these defections and Barau’s true intentions.

TikToker Umma Wiyya’s recent speech revealed the true motives behind her brief defection from NNPP to Barau and back again within just a week. According to Umma, she and others joined Barau solely to get a share of the “national cake” and have now returned to their rightful place. This flip-flopping exposes the insincerity of these defectors, who are driven by financial gain rather than loyalty to Barau ¹.

Whenever the governing Kano NNPP witnessed people flocking to Barau’s residence, they would mockingly chant “A wanki gara” in Hausa, aptly describing Barau as a docile politician. This phrase suggests that Barau is too passive and easily manipulated, allowing individuals like Umma Wiyya to take advantage of his generosity.

Umma Wiyya’s example highlights the superficial nature of Barau’s political alliances in Kano, where personal interests often outweigh genuine commitment.

With such shenanigans up Barau’s sleeves, now, the Kano APC members have seemingly united against Barau Jibrin due to his treatment of former Minister Abdullahi Gwarzo. Gwarzo is highly respected in Kano North for his accessibility, kind demeanor, and unwavering support for his constituents during both joyful and challenging times. For anyone with gubernatorial aspirations, like Barau, it’s crucial to foster unity among party members rather than plotting against them.

As a neutral political commentator and analyst, I’ve observed that this backlash against Barau won’t bode well for his gubernatorial or general political ambitions. In fact, history has shown that internal party conflicts can have significant consequences, as seen in the 2023 Kano State gubernatorial election. Barau’s actions may ultimately harm his chances of success, this is a forewarning.

Barau Jibrin’s attempt to outmaneuver the National Chairman of the party, a former governor with eight years of experience and who before then was a local government administrator and two time deputy governor, is a high-risk and ill-advised strategy. This chairman is inherently the party leader, making Jibrin’s move a potential recipe for disaster.

Moreover, plotting against key stakeholders in Kano North, including former Deputy Governor Abdullahi Gwarzo and Murtala Sule Garo, Chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, undermines Jibrin’s gubernatorial ambitions. This tactic may ultimately harm his chances of success, as it’s essential to foster unity among party members rather than creating divisions.

Jibrin’s actions may be seen as a power struggle, which could lead to further conflicts within the party. In politics, loyalty and alliances are crucial, and Jibrin’s approach may cost him the support he desperately needs to ascend the Kano government house.

The ambition of Senator Barau is dead on arrival. Given that Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who served as governor for eight years, hails from Kano North, it’s now Kano Central’s turn to take the reins. Allowing the APC to award its ticket to another candidate from Kano North would be a misstep, as it would bypass the established rotation pattern.

Will the Kano South stakeholders fold their arms? The last time someone from Kano South led Kano as a governor was in 1993, some 31 years ago.

It’s not too late for Barau to change his political strategy in the interest of his ambition and that of his supporters. He should carry his party members along by stop creating unnecessary enemies for himself within the party.

As Deputy President of the Nigerian Senate and Senator representing Kano North since 2015, Barau’s actions carry significant weight. Hence, he should know that Politics is not about giving people money and becoming difficulty inaccessible; it demands genuine connection and a listening ear to the yearnings of the people.

Adnan, a university lecturer and political commentator writes from Abuja.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent cabinet reshuffle, where he fired five ministers, redeployed 10 to other ministries and appointed seven new ministers has raised many eyebrows especially in the wake of the call for reinvigoration of his administration.

The reshuffle has sparked controversy, with many Nigerians questioning its motivations. While majority expect it to be an attempt at revitalising his administrations poor performance occasioned by diminishing hope in the face of harsh economic policies meting untold hardship on millions of Nigerians in the country, the President rather successfully doused an opportunity for a renewed hope breather as many argue that his moves prioritises political interests over performance.

But I will argue differently. Many thought the President would be sacking non performing ministers in his cabinet but he ended up changing the portfolio’s of some ministers that should have been given the boot over perpetual poor performance.

I personally think if President Tinubu’s priority were politically inclined, he would have have had it both ways by retaining people like Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo of the Housing and urban development, who is an astute grassroots politician and diehard loyalist of the President.

Mr Tinubu has severally been criticised for key decisions that diverged from public expectations but one will not expect that the President will gamble loyalty, plus Politics, plus performance over just politics.

Touted as a Kingmaker himself, President Tinubu should be wary of historical Precedents where poor appointments undermined leaders authority and ultimately led to their downfall.

Pharaoh Akhenaten, a pivotal political figure in ancient Egyptian history, known for his radical reforms and mysterious reign and whose enigma has continued to captivate historians and scholars till date, appointed advisors who mismanaged the economy and alienated nobles.

Akhenaten the tenth ruler for the eighteenth dynasty who reigned from in 1353 – 1336 BCE, surrounded himself with inexperienced and loyal advisors, rather than seasoned officials. This led to poor decision-making and mismanagement of the kingdom.

His advisors isolated him from traditional power centers, such as the priestly class and nobles, creating opposition and resentment.

The advisors’ incompetence resulted in economic decline, weakened foreign influence and internal unrest, ultimately contributing to Akhenaten’s downfall and the collapse of his reforms.

While the official performance evaluations used to sack or retain ministers are yet to be made public, it is visible to the blind that certain “power centers” and “nobles” are deliberately being alienated, creating a potential “Akhenaten” scenario for President Tinubu’s reign.

At the time analysts are of the opinion that the President should have considered scrapping the office of state Ministers to reduce the cost of governance and to avoid duplication of duties, it is curious that among the sacked Ministers, only Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo was a state minister.

If the official performance evaluations were of any standard and transparent matrics, I dare say, Gwarzo shouldn’t have been sacked. Together with his senior Minister Dangiwa, they have performed wonders bringing a series of reforms, and developing a roadmap to revitalise the Housing and Urban Development sector.

On the basis of the so called scorecard, Hadiza Bala Usman has woefully failed in accessing Abdullahi Gwarzo’s performance even with his position as a Junior Minister.

Sacking a junior minister while retaining the senior minister raises questions about fairness and collective responsibility. Since they work together, achievements are often credited to both ministers. This move sparks concerns about selective accountability, lack of transparency and unresolved issues. Why punish only the junior minister when both are responsible for the outcomes, what criteria justified the junior minister’s removal, and will removing the junior minister truly address the underlying problems if any at all?

Abdullahi Gwarzo, a devoted loyalist of President Tinubu, has a notable political background. He was the Action Congress of Nigeria’s gubernatorial candidate in 2011 and previously served as Deputy Governor of Kano state from 2007 to 2011. During his tenure, he oversaw the state’s water resources ministry, earning him the nickname “Ruwa Baba” (meaning “Water Father” in Hausa). President Tinubu would affectionately chant “Ruwa Baba” whenever they met at functions, showcasing their close relationship and mutual regard.

This is a man who from time immemorial is always at the forefront of defending the interest of the president even to the detriment of his own interest and ambition. It is on record that the National leader of the Kwankwasiya movement in Kano, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso ferociously fought his senatorial ambition because he did the bidding of Tinubu during the APC primaries that produced Muhammadu Buhari in 2015.

Abdullahi Gwarzo’s contribution to Tinubu’s emergence cannot be overemphasised, he delivered not only his polling unit but his local government to the President unlike his replacement, Yusuf Ata who lacks an iota of political clout or competence.

If the President aims to balance appointments for political correctness and give Kano Central a fair chance, he should recognize that key positions are already held by individuals from Kano Central.

The Director General of National Productivity Centre Baffa Babba Danagundi who is also a grassroots mobilizer is from Kano Central, the Special Adviser to the President Sen. Bashir Garba Mohammed Lado is also from the Kano Central and the Chairman of the Governing Council of Bayero University Kano who was also the governorship flagbearer of the APC in 2023 Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna is also from Kano Central.

Given Kano’s significance as Nigeria’s largest populated state, contributing substantially to the country’s economy and employment, and its historical importance as a major political and trade hub, the President should know that Kano deserves more than Ogun from him.

By political calculation, Kano Central is the weak zone of the APC, even if the entire APC members converge at Kano Central, it will be hard for them to checkmate or defeat Kwankwaso. That’s the NNPP stronghold in Kano and Kwankwaso’s strength since 2011.

It is not to late for the President to reconsider this decision as there is no tangible reason to convince Nigerians and the people of Kano on why Abdullahi Gwarzo was removed as a Minister of the Federal Republic.

What happened to an ACN loyalist and disciple of the Tinubu School of Thought will only discourage other loyalists from standing firmly with sincerity on the mandate of President Tinubu.

The President has a crucial opportunity to debunk the notion that the Yoruba people are untrustworthy by rewarding the unwavering loyalty of a devoted follower. This move would not only demonstrate his commitment to honoring loyalty but also challenge prevailing stereotypes about the Yoruba community’s trustworthiness. By doing so, the President can foster greater unity, understanding and inclusivity within the nation.

Or better still, even if for selfish interest, the President should be wary that by alienating people like Gwarzo in his administration, a potential “Akhenaten” scenario looms.

Kayode Abdulrazag writes from Sabo Yaba, Lagos.