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Why President Tinubu should reconsider Abdullahi Gwarzo – Kayode Abdulrazaq

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent cabinet reshuffle, where he fired five ministers, redeployed 10 to other ministries and appointed seven new ministers has raised many eyebrows especially in the wake of the call for reinvigoration of his administration.

The reshuffle has sparked controversy, with many Nigerians questioning its motivations. While majority expect it to be an attempt at revitalising his administrations poor performance occasioned by diminishing hope in the face of harsh economic policies meting untold hardship on millions of Nigerians in the country, the President rather successfully doused an opportunity for a renewed hope breather as many argue that his moves prioritises political interests over performance.

But I will argue differently. Many thought the President would be sacking non performing ministers in his cabinet but he ended up changing the portfolio’s of some ministers that should have been given the boot over perpetual poor performance.

I personally think if President Tinubu’s priority were politically inclined, he would have have had it both ways by retaining people like Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo of the Housing and urban development, who is an astute grassroots politician and diehard loyalist of the President.

Mr Tinubu has severally been criticised for key decisions that diverged from public expectations but one will not expect that the President will gamble loyalty, plus Politics, plus performance over just politics.

Touted as a Kingmaker himself, President Tinubu should be wary of historical Precedents where poor appointments undermined leaders authority and ultimately led to their downfall.

Pharaoh Akhenaten, a pivotal political figure in ancient Egyptian history, known for his radical reforms and mysterious reign and whose enigma has continued to captivate historians and scholars till date, appointed advisors who mismanaged the economy and alienated nobles.

Akhenaten the tenth ruler for the eighteenth dynasty who reigned from in 1353 – 1336 BCE, surrounded himself with inexperienced and loyal advisors, rather than seasoned officials. This led to poor decision-making and mismanagement of the kingdom.

His advisors isolated him from traditional power centers, such as the priestly class and nobles, creating opposition and resentment.

The advisors’ incompetence resulted in economic decline, weakened foreign influence and internal unrest, ultimately contributing to Akhenaten’s downfall and the collapse of his reforms.

While the official performance evaluations used to sack or retain ministers are yet to be made public, it is visible to the blind that certain “power centers” and “nobles” are deliberately being alienated, creating a potential “Akhenaten” scenario for President Tinubu’s reign.

At the time analysts are of the opinion that the President should have considered scrapping the office of state Ministers to reduce the cost of governance and to avoid duplication of duties, it is curious that among the sacked Ministers, only Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo was a state minister.

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If the official performance evaluations were of any standard and transparent matrics, I dare say, Gwarzo shouldn’t have been sacked. Together with his senior Minister Dangiwa, they have performed wonders bringing a series of reforms, and developing a roadmap to revitalise the Housing and Urban Development sector.

On the basis of the so called scorecard, Hadiza Bala Usman has woefully failed in accessing Abdullahi Gwarzo’s performance even with his position as a Junior Minister.

Sacking a junior minister while retaining the senior minister raises questions about fairness and collective responsibility. Since they work together, achievements are often credited to both ministers. This move sparks concerns about selective accountability, lack of transparency and unresolved issues. Why punish only the junior minister when both are responsible for the outcomes, what criteria justified the junior minister’s removal, and will removing the junior minister truly address the underlying problems if any at all?

Abdullahi Gwarzo, a devoted loyalist of President Tinubu, has a notable political background. He was the Action Congress of Nigeria’s gubernatorial candidate in 2011 and previously served as Deputy Governor of Kano state from 2007 to 2011. During his tenure, he oversaw the state’s water resources ministry, earning him the nickname “Ruwa Baba” (meaning “Water Father” in Hausa). President Tinubu would affectionately chant “Ruwa Baba” whenever they met at functions, showcasing their close relationship and mutual regard.

This is a man who from time immemorial is always at the forefront of defending the interest of the president even to the detriment of his own interest and ambition. It is on record that the National leader of the Kwankwasiya movement in Kano, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso ferociously fought his senatorial ambition because he did the bidding of Tinubu during the APC primaries that produced Muhammadu Buhari in 2015.

Abdullahi Gwarzo’s contribution to Tinubu’s emergence cannot be overemphasised, he delivered not only his polling unit but his local government to the President unlike his replacement, Yusuf Ata who lacks an iota of political clout or competence.

If the President aims to balance appointments for political correctness and give Kano Central a fair chance, he should recognize that key positions are already held by individuals from Kano Central.

The Director General of National Productivity Centre Baffa Babba Danagundi who is also a grassroots mobilizer is from Kano Central, the Special Adviser to the President Sen. Bashir Garba Mohammed Lado is also from the Kano Central and the Chairman of the Governing Council of Bayero University Kano who was also the governorship flagbearer of the APC in 2023 Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna is also from Kano Central.

Given Kano’s significance as Nigeria’s largest populated state, contributing substantially to the country’s economy and employment, and its historical importance as a major political and trade hub, the President should know that Kano deserves more than Ogun from him.

By political calculation, Kano Central is the weak zone of the APC, even if the entire APC members converge at Kano Central, it will be hard for them to checkmate or defeat Kwankwaso. That’s the NNPP stronghold in Kano and Kwankwaso’s strength since 2011.

It is not to late for the President to reconsider this decision as there is no tangible reason to convince Nigerians and the people of Kano on why Abdullahi Gwarzo was removed as a Minister of the Federal Republic.

What happened to an ACN loyalist and disciple of the Tinubu School of Thought will only discourage other loyalists from standing firmly with sincerity on the mandate of President Tinubu.

The President has a crucial opportunity to debunk the notion that the Yoruba people are untrustworthy by rewarding the unwavering loyalty of a devoted follower. This move would not only demonstrate his commitment to honoring loyalty but also challenge prevailing stereotypes about the Yoruba community’s trustworthiness. By doing so, the President can foster greater unity, understanding and inclusivity within the nation.

Or better still, even if for selfish interest, the President should be wary that by alienating people like Gwarzo in his administration, a potential “Akhenaten” scenario looms.

Kayode Abdulrazag writes from Sabo Yaba, Lagos.

Opinion

Arewa Media Summit:A Political Jamboree-Tijjani Sarki 

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By Tijjani Sarki

The recently concluded Arewa Media Summit in Kano was presented as a platform to redefine the role of the media in Northern Nigeria. From my observation, however, it fell short of the expectations of a summit and looked more like a political jomboree than a strategic forum for regional renewal.

A summit that claims to speak for Arewa should reflect the diversity of the region’s media ecosystem by bringing together journalists, editors, broadcasters, communication strategists, digital influencers, academics, policymakers and development partners. My observation is that many of these critical voices were either missing or insufficiently represented, giving the event the appearance of a gathering of familiar faces rather than the North’s broad media constituency.

Another observation is that no communiqué or clear resolutions emerged in the public domain after the event. If a summit ends without publicly outlining its decisions, implementation framework or policy direction, it becomes difficult to measure its value beyond the speeches and photographs.

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I also observed concerns that the Honourable Commissioners of Information and Internal Affairs from the Northern states, particularly Kano State’s Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya the host state, were not visibly integrated into the programme. If that perception is accurate, it represents a missed opportunity to build a truly inclusive regional media agenda.

Politically, this was also a missed opportunity to provide an inclusive platform for constructive engagement on national issues, including the policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. Genuine dialogue requires broad participation, not selective representation.

Arewa deserves a media summit defined by vision, inclusiveness, measurable outcomes and institutional credibility, not by optics alone. Until those elements become evident, many will continue to question whether the gathering advanced the North’s aspirations or merely added another event to the calendar.

Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst
Can be reach via responsivecitizensinitiative@gmail.com

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Opinion

Allocations Triple, Yet Hardship Deepens Across Nigeria

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Despite a dramatic increase in federal allocations to states and local governments in recent years, millions of Nigerians continue to grapple with worsening poverty, inflation and a declining standard of living.

Across markets, offices, motor parks and homes, many citizens say the rising government revenues have done little to improve their daily realities. While states now receive significantly higher allocations through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), families are struggling to afford food, transportation, housing and healthcare.

The growing concern has raised questions about how public funds are being managed and whether the benefits of economic reforms are reaching ordinary Nigerians.

The Rise In FAAC Allocations

Over the years, allocations from the Federation Account have steadily increased. In May 2022, FAAC shared N680.78 billion among the three tiers of government, representing a 6.94 per cent increase over the previous month. By July 2022, the amount had risen to N954.1 billion, while N990.19 billion was shared in December 2022.

The trend continued after the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira in May 2023. According to available data, the 36 states collectively received N3.35 trillion in 2022. By 2025, that figure had increased to N8.19 trillion, nearly tripling within three years.

Several states recorded substantial increases:

– Kano State: N99.31 billion in 2022 to N279.69 billion in 2025-

– Lagos State: N161.29 billion to N531.51 billion

– Taraba State: N51.74 billion to N157.56 billion

– Zamfara State: N56.62 billion to N167.20 billion

– Kogi State: N60.78 billion to N176.24 billion

– Akwa Ibom State: N314.18 billion to N497.98 billion

In March 2026 alone, FAAC distributed N2.04 trillion among the federal, state and local governments, reflecting a further increase in government revenue.

Analysts attribute the growth to tax reforms, improved revenue collection by agencies such as the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), higher crude oil earnings and policy changes directing more revenue into the Federation Account.

A Different Reality for Nigerians

While government revenues continue to rise, many Nigerians say their living conditions are moving in the opposite direction.

In Kano, civil servant Musa Abdullahi says his monthly salary can no longer sustain his family.

“Food prices have doubled. We hear that allocations are increasing, but we are not seeing the impact in our daily lives,” he said.

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For traders, the story is much the same. Zainab Sani, a petty trader, said customers now buy less because household incomes have been stretched beyond their limits.

In Lagos, many families have been forced to make difficult adjustments. Dayo Oluwa, a resident, explained that items such as meat and fish have become luxury goods in many homes.

“Before, N2,000 could cook a decent pot of stew. Today, even N5,000 may not be enough,” she said.

Workers say transportation costs have also become unbearable. Some civil servants now limit their movement or seek additional jobs just to meet their basic needs.

In Kogi State, several workers have reportedly taken up commercial transportation, farming and small-scale businesses to supplement their incomes. Similar stories have emerged from Taraba, Zamfara and Akwa Ibom states, where residents describe an economy that continues to squeeze the average citizen.

Poverty Amid Rising Revenue

The contradiction between increasing government revenue and growing hardship has become one of Nigeria’s most pressing economic concerns.

According to the World Bank, about 140 million Nigerians were living in poverty by 2025, representing approximately 63 per cent of the population. Earlier reports by the National Bureau of Statistics also showed that millions of Nigerians lacked adequate access to food, healthcare and decent housing.

Economic experts argue that while subsidy removal boosted government earnings, inflation and currency depreciation have significantly weakened the purchasing power of citizens.

As prices continue to rise, salary increases and government interventions have struggled to keep pace with the cost of living.

The Accountability Question

The increase in allocations has also renewed calls for transparency and accountability.

Experts insist that the issue is no longer about whether governments have enough money, but whether those resources are being effectively utilised.

Development economists have repeatedly argued that increased revenue should result in better roads, improved healthcare services, stronger educational systems, job creation and targeted support for vulnerable populations.

Civil society groups have also urged citizens to take a greater interest in how public funds are spent. They argue that taxpayers have a right to know how government revenues are allocated and utilised.

The editorial position expressed by several policy analysts is clear: rising allocations should not merely exist as figures on paper; they should translate into measurable improvements in people’s lives.

Beyond the Numbers

The growing FAAC allocations represent a positive development for Nigeria’s public finances. They demonstrate that revenue generation has improved and that the country is gradually diversifying beyond its traditional dependence on oil earnings.

However, for millions of Nigerians struggling to afford daily necessities, the true measure of success is not how much money enters government accounts, but how effectively those funds improve the quality of life of citizens.

As governments continue to receive larger allocations, expectations will continue to rise. Nigerians increasingly want evidence that public resources are being invested in meaningful development, economic opportunities and social welfare.

Until the benefits of rising revenues are reflected in households, communities and businesses across the country, many citizens will continue to ask the same question: if government allocations are increasing, why is life becoming more difficult?

Written By: Mfe Mesuur Perpetual (Abuja),
200 level student of Development and strategic communication, University of Abuja.

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Opinion

What Saheeba Taught Me About Waiting for Love

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By Auwal Sani

Stories have a curious way of finding the places we pretend no longer exist. A few nights ago, I settled in to watch Saheeba, the ongoing Hausa mini series that has quietly earned a place in the hearts of many viewers. I expected to follow the lives of its characters. Instead, somewhere between the pauses, the longing, and the things left unsaid, I found myself confronting a story I have been carrying since 2018. By the time the episode ended, I was no longer thinking about the people on my screen. I was thinking about the quiet spaces within me.

I have always loved love stories. Not because they always end happily, as many of them do not, but because they reveal something profound about the human heart. It is perhaps the only part of us that refuses to become entirely logical. It believes after disappointment, hopes after silence, and waits even when waiting appears unreasonable. Love stories remind us that the heart possesses a resilience that the mind often struggles to understand.

There is a kind of loneliness that rarely announces itself. It is not the loneliness of being surrounded by no one. Rather, it is the loneliness of having family, friends, meaningful work, and personal achievements, yet still sensing that one important space remains unoccupied. It quietly accompanies you to weddings, birthdays, and ordinary evenings. It reminds you that some places within us cannot be filled by ambition, success, or the passage of time.

That has been my reality since 2018.

People often say that time heals all wounds. I have come to believe otherwise. Time, by itself, does not heal. It simply teaches us how to carry what has not healed. Over the years, I have questioned myself more than I have questioned fate. Perhaps my expectations of love are unrealistic. Perhaps I desire too much in a generation that seems increasingly comfortable with temporary connections and convenient relationships. Or perhaps I simply long for a kind of love that still believes commitment is worth choosing every single day.

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What I know with certainty is that love has always been my greatest vulnerability. I have never learned the mathematics of guarded affection. I do not know how to give ten percent when my heart insists on giving everything. It has always seemed ironic to me that we encourage people to pursue their dreams without reservation, yet advise them to ration kindness, vulnerability, and love. More than once, I have discovered that not every heart knows what to do with genuine affection. Some admire it, some misunderstand it, and others receive it without ever intending to give anything in return.

Perhaps that is why love remains such a mystery. We write poems about it, compose songs because of it, and build entire futures around the hope of finding it. Yet no definition has ever been large enough to contain all that it is. Those who understand love most deeply are not always those who found it. Sometimes, they are those who have lived through its absence. They know what it means to smile while carrying invisible disappointments, and they understand that loneliness is not merely the absence of people, but the absence of the one person with whom silence would have been enough.

Watching Saheeba reminded me that love is rarely sustained by grand declarations or dramatic sacrifices alone. More often, it survives through patience, consistency, understanding, and the quiet decision to keep choosing someone even after the excitement has faded. The series is still unfolding, and perhaps that is why it resonates so deeply with me. Like life itself, its ending has not yet been written. Every episode quietly reminds us that uncertainty is part of every meaningful journey.

The human heart has an astonishing ability to survive what should have broken it. It remembers tenderness after betrayal, imagines tomorrow after years of unanswered prayers, and continues to believe long after experience suggests it should stop. There was a time when I considered hardening my heart because it seemed safer. After all, disappointment cannot wound a heart that no longer expects anything. But I eventually realised that the opposite of heartbreak is not peace. It is indifference. And indifference is far more frightening because it asks us to stop feeling altogether. I would rather carry hope than become indifferent.

Perhaps that is the greatest lesson Saheeba has offered me. Not that love is guaranteed, or that every story reaches the ending we imagine, but that there is quiet courage in remaining emotionally available despite life’s disappointments. To continue believing after years of waiting is its own form of resilience. Hope is not weakness. It is evidence that the heart has refused to surrender.

So I still love love stories. Not because they promise happy endings, but because they remind me that every ending is also the possibility of another beginning. They remind me that hope is never foolish, and that the heart’s willingness to believe again is one of the quiet miracles of being human.

Perhaps the greatest miracle is not finding love. Perhaps it is refusing to let disappointment convince us that love is no longer worth finding. And maybe, just maybe, the most beautiful chapter of my own story has not been written yet.

Auwal Sani is a Lecturer in the Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja. He writes on communication, society, culture, and the quiet experiences that shape everyday life.

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