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The AI RACE And The Future Of Humanity:Can The World Agree Before It Loses Control

Published

3 weeks ago

on

 

 

By: INUWA WAYA.

From Hinton’s and Anthropic’s warnings, the emerging AI race demands a new international system of cooperation, restraint and verification.
There are moments in history when humanity develops a technology before it fully understands the consequences of possessing it.

Nuclear weapons were one. Artificial intelligence may prove to be another.
But there is a fundamental difference. Nuclear weapons possess extraordinary destructive power, but they do not think. They cannot reason about the intentions of their controllers, conceal their actions, rewrite computer code, independently search for vulnerabilities or devise strategies for preventing themselves from being disabled.

Future artificial intelligence may eventually possess some combination of these capabilities. In fact, the information coming out is incredibly alarming. There are strong indications that AI agents are hacking computers and covering their tracks. That possibility has moved the debate about AI beyond questions of employment, productivity, misinformation and economic disruption. A much more disturbing question has entered mainstream scientific discussion. Could the human race create an uncontrollable intelligence more capable and more powerful than itself?

What makes the current debate particularly significant relates to the positions taken by scientists who played a leading role in the emergence of AI. Anthropic, developer of Claude, is one of the world’s leading frontier-AI laboratories and has placed unusual emphasis on AI safety and alignment. Yet researchers associated with the company have recently expressed extraordinarily serious concerns about the direction in which frontier AI is moving.

Jacob Coxon resigned from Anthropic after working on AI pre-training research there and previously at OpenAI. He warned that leading laboratories were racing towards increasingly autonomous and potentially self-improving artificial intelligence before humanity had solved the problem of controlling systems more capable than itself.

More strikingly, Evan Hubinger, Anthropic’s Alignment Science Lead, has placed his personal estimate of the probability of AI causing human extinction within roughly the next decade at greater than 10 percent.

Samuel Marks, Anthropic’s Scalable Oversight Lead, has also publicly emphasised the seriousness with which catastrophic AI risks are regarded among people working closest to frontier systems. None of this means Anthropic believes extinction is inevitable. Nor does it mean a 10 per cent figure can be scientifically measured with precision. It means something more limited—but still extraordinary.

People whose professional work involves understanding and controlling frontier AI systems are telling the world that they cannot confidently rule out catastrophic loss of control.

That, of course, deserves serious attention. Geoffrey Hinton is not a speculator about a technology he does not understand. His pioneering work on neural networks helped establish foundations upon which modern artificial intelligence was built. Today, he is widely regarded as one of the fathers of artificial intelligence. Together with Yoshua Bengio and Yann LeCun, he received the Turing Award for foundational contributions to deep learning. He subsequently received the Nobel Prize in Physics.

In 2023, Hinton left Google after more than a decade with the company. He explained that leaving allowed him to speak more freely about the dangers he increasingly believed advanced AI could create. There is no doubt that his decision to quit and the reason behind it would generate debate about the future of AI. One of the architects, if not the leading architect, of the AI revolution had become sufficiently concerned about where the revolution might lead that he wanted greater freedom to warn society about it. Responding to a question on whether a greater-than-10-percent probability that AI could kill humanity within approximately a decade was plausible, Hinton opined that such an estimate was not unreasonable. Even though he made a caveat regarding the knowledge to calculate such probabilities, that caveat is essential. In spite of that, however, Hinton’s remark is an indication of how urgently some leading researchers believe the governance issues behind advanced AI must be addressed.

It is interesting to note, however, that the scientific community is far from unanimous on the subject of human extinction now or at some time in the future because of advanced AI. Yann LeCun, another giant of modern AI and Hinton’s fellow Turing Award recipient, strongly disputes many extinction scenarios.

One of LeCun’s important arguments is that intelligence should not be confused with motivation. Becoming extraordinarily intelligent does not logically mean acquiring a desire to dominate humanity. Human drives towards power, status and survival have biological and evolutionary origins; and there is no law requiring an artificial intelligence to acquire equivalent ambitions simply because it becomes highly capable. For LeCun, the fear of AI taking over the world is simply humans projecting their own evolutionary traits of power and dominance onto machines. He concluded that if an AI system ever becomes unsafe, humans can simply change its design or turn it off. At all material times, human beings should be in charge.

Andrew Ng has similarly argued that extinction scenarios are excessively speculative and that disproportionate fear could encourage regulation that unnecessarily inhibits beneficial technological development. Such regulations, he said, were championed by large tech companies in order to shut out smaller competitors and hurt the open-source community.

Other researchers emphasise the limitations of today’s AI. Current systems hallucinate, make elementary errors, struggle with aspects of sustained reasoning and remain dependent upon enormous physical infrastructures built, powered and maintained by humans.
These arguments deserve serious consideration. Indeed, scientists who disagree with Hinton should be included in any international effort to govern frontier AI. But their disagreement does not establish that catastrophic AI risk is impossible. It only establishes something more uncomfortable that could best be described as uncertainty.

When Hinton and LeCun, who shared the world’s highest distinction in computer science for their contributions to deep learning can examine the trajectory of the same technology and reach radically different conclusions about its ultimate danger, policymakers cannot responsibly pretend that the scientific question has been settled.

Suppose Hinton and the Anthropic researchers are wrong. Humanity might impose unnecessary safety tests, spend enormous resources on verification and perhaps slow some frontier development.
Conversely, suppose they are right to a large extent. The world may not have the opportunity to correct any identified error. That asymmetry presents a perplexing challenge which will be at the heart of the policy problem.

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If aeronautical engineers disagreed over whether an aircraft had a 10 percent probability of crashing, nobody would propose to resolve the conflict with the aircraft at full passenger capacity. An informed reasoning would advise to investigate and resolve the matter before take-off. In respect of the AI conundrum, the rational response should neither be panic nor technological prohibition. It should be precaution proportionate to consequence. The big question is to determine the international body that would be saddled with the responsibility of ensuring the adoption of precautionary measures and whether or not there would be unanimity amongst the scientists on what should be regarded as consequences. The competition between countries to develop artificial intelligence is intensely fierce, often likened to an arms race or a new Cold War. World leaders view AI as the defining technology that will dictate future economic leadership, national security, and global influence. With differences in strategy, China and the United States of America are the leading competitors in the global arena. The U.S. leads in capital, talent, and frontier model innovation, whereas China focuses heavily on scaled deployment, patents, and cost-optimized models. Europe, India, Singapore and some Middle Eastern countries, are gradually developing capabilities. The current AI competition is not unprecedented in the history of the world.

The closest historical analogy is the nuclear race. After Hiroshima and Nagasaki came the Soviet atomic bomb, the hydrogen bomb, intercontinental ballistic missiles and submarine-launched nuclear weapons. The United States and the Soviet Union became locked into a security dilemma. Each increased its arsenal partly because it feared the other’s arsenal. Then came the Cuban Missile Crisis, which demonstrated that unrestricted strategic competition could produce an outcome in which neither side survived sufficiently to enjoy victory.
Out of that recognition, gradually emerged arms control. The Strategic Arms Limitation Talks—SALT—began formally in 1969. SALT I produced the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and an interim agreement limiting aspects of strategic offensive weapons. SALT did not end the Cold War and did not eliminate nuclear weapons.

It did something more realistic by providing boundaries around competition. Subsequently came the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). START went beyond limiting strategic arsenals towards requiring substantial reductions. It established extensive verification arrangements involving data exchanges, notifications, technical monitoring and on-site inspections. America did not trust the Soviet Union and vice versa. Where trust was impossible, verification could make restraint possible. As practical as they were, the SALT/START analogy may not entirely suit the AI situation.

The most consequential strategic competition in frontier AI is presently between the United States and China. Their companies, computing infrastructure, semiconductor strategies and military ambitions make their relationship central to the global AI race.
If Washington believes Beijing is approaching transformative artificial intelligence, America has an incentive to accelerate. If Beijing believes Washington is approaching it, China has the same incentive. Neither wants to finish second and there is no practical intention to slow down progress. That makes negotiations between the US and China, very essential. At the moment, the likelihood of such happening is very remote. Intense competition is fracturing the global tech landscape into two increasingly incompatible ecosystems centered around the US and China. In rejecting the warning given by the AI giants on the possibility of AI taking over the World and wiping out humanity, President Trump said such assertions were a hoax, peddled by radical Democrats. For him, AI and data centers in the US, are the “Greatest Economic Development Engine in History which should not be stopped”.

Let’s assume for a moment that China and the US agreed to negotiate limitations. That is not enough. There are others that must be carried on board. Important AI research and infrastructure exist in Europe, Britain, India, Japan, South Korea, Canada, the Middle East, Singapore and elsewhere. Future breakthroughs therefore need not necessarily originate in either America or China. There is an even greater complication to consider. Unlike nuclear weapons, much of the frontier of artificial intelligence is not controlled directly by governments. Corporations and research laboratories are controlling them. Companies such as OpenAI, Anthropic, Google, DeepMind and Meta are developing frontier systems in the United States and allied economies. China has its own major technology companies and AI laboratories. That alone fundamentally changes the governance structure. A treaty constraining Washington while leaving frontier American laboratories outside its obligations would be inadequate. Ditto for Beijing and Chinese developers. In the same vein, an agreement between America and China that ignored significant capabilities elsewhere could become ineffective. The practical solution should have different segments. The bilateral approach should be recognised as Stage One.

Washington and Beijing should begin negotiations for an AI Strategic Stability Agreement because their rivalry currently creates the greatest danger of a frontier race in which safety becomes subordinate to speed. Such negotiations must involve independent AI companies in their respective countries.

The first agreement could prohibit autonomous AI authority over nuclear launches; guarantee meaningful human control over irreversible strategic military decisions; establish emergency AI hotlines; create common reporting obligations for serious loss-of-control incidents; and establish agreed safety evaluations for systems crossing defined capability thresholds. The next stage should widen participation.

Other states possessing significant frontier AI capability, advanced semiconductor industries or very large computing infrastructure should enter the framework. Ultimately, the objective should be the adoption of a universally recognised and acceptable control regime. This assertion may sound simple and inviting in print words. In reality, and judging from the difficulties the international community is experiencing in observing and enforcing international law and order, it will certainly be a herculean task to reach a consensus on establishing a body that would be saddled with responsibility of superintending the frontier artificial intelligence systems, possessing capabilities of creating catastrophic international consequences, and eventually introduce an international verification system. The purpose of international governance and monitoring is not to determine which government or company has good intentions. It is to create rules under which responsible behaviour does not require competitive suicide.

No one knows whether AI could cause human extinction within a decade. We should resist converting uncertain probability estimates into sensational predictions. We should equally resist converting uncertainty into complacency. The next ten years should therefore not be described as humanity’s countdown. They should be treated as humanity’s window for governance as far as AI is concerned.
Artificial intelligence could become one of humanity’s greatest achievements. It could transform medicine, education, scientific discovery and productivity. It could solve problems generations of human beings have failed to solve. The objective cannot therefore be to stop technological progress. It must be to ensure that progress remains compatible with human survival. The international community must therefore put aside their differences along fault and open lines for the sake of humanity. They must note that SALT and START made it possible for adversaries to unite and limit the arms race to guarantee the future of mankind. No government, corporation or scientist has the moral right to gamble with the continued existence of humanity simply because nobody can calculate the odds precisely. If Hinton and the Anthropic researchers are wrong, history may conclude that humanity was excessively cautious. If they are right and humanity ignores them, there may be nobody left to write history. In any case, even before deciding on the decade extinction arguments, the World needs to act on the gradual degeneration of human brain as a result of over reliance on AI in every human endeavour. Nowadays, humans rely on AI for analytical thinking. They consult it for advise on personal and official matters. This decline in human brain is capable of causing incalculable damage to human psyche. The big question today therefore, is whether humanity is determined to control intelligence greater than its own before they become impossible to govern.

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Opinion

OPEN LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY, MR. PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA

Published

3 days ago

on

October 8, 2026

By

Senator Bola Ahamd Tinubu

 

 

KANO AT A CROSSROADS: AN URGENT CALL FOR IMMEDIATE PRESIDENTIAL INTERVENTION TO PREVENT CRISIS AND SOCIAL UPHEAVAL

Your Excellency,

The Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum (KPCF), a coalition committed to peace, good governance, human rights, democracy and the protection of Kano State’s long-standing tradition of peaceful coexistence, writes with deep concern over recent developments that have heightened political and social tensions in the ancient city of Kano.

Kano Is At a Crossroads
We believe that the situation requires urgent, impartial and preventive intervention by the Federal Government, before the current tensions develop into a wider crisis or social unrest

Kano is a politically active and socially diverse society. Its people have historically demonstrated resilience, tolerance and peaceful coexistence. However, the current political season, combined with the continous happenings surrounding the Kano Emirate, makes any inflammatory statement, actions with provocative tendency, or political confrontation, potentially and imminently dangerous.
Our Concern Over Inflammatory Statements
KPCF is deeply concerned about the statement attributed to Alhaji Aminu Babba Dan’agundi (Sarkin Dawaki Babba), which we consider unfortunate and particularly concerning at this sensitive period. Public statements by prominent traditional and community figures carry significant influence and should, therefore, be guided by the need to promote peace, unity, tolerance and social cohesion.
Similarly, a viral video circulating on social media allegedly showed Hon. Aminu Abdullahi Warkal, an NDC candidate for the Kano State House of Assembly representing Gwale Constituency, displaying what appeared to be a pump-action rifle during a political gathering or rally in the Janbulo area of Gwale.
We have also learnt that the Kano State Police Command subsequently invited him for questioning in connection with the alleged incident, reportedly citing possible violations of relevant firearms laws and concerns relating to public peace and security. These allegations remain matters for the appropriate authorities to establish in accordance with due process.
KPCF emphasizes that, regardless of political affiliation, social status, traditional position or personal differences, public figures, political actors, traditional institutions, religious leaders and community influencers have a shared responsibility to promote peaceful political participation and social cohesion. Language or conduct capable of generating fear, anger, hostility or confrontation should be avoided, particularly as political activities and campaigns intensify.
We therefore urge all political, traditional, religious and community leaders, as well as their supporters and followers, to exercise the highest level of restraint and responsibility. We call on all stakeholders to refrain from hate speech, inflammatory rhetoric, threats, incitement, intimidation or any statements and actions capable of provoking violence or mobilising citizens against one another.
KPCF further encourages political actors and other influential stakeholders to use their platforms to promote dialogue, tolerance, respect for opposing views and peaceful participation, recognising that political differences should never become a basis for violence or threats to the safety and dignity of citizens.
At this critical period, Kano State needs responsible leadership, restraint and constructive dialogue from all sides. We call on all stakeholders to put the peace, security and unity of Kano State above partisan interests and personal differences.
The Recent Durbar Incident
KPCF is also concerned about the reported incident surrounding the recent Durbar organised by the 15th Emir of Kano, Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, during which violence was reported and campaign posters and billboards bearing the identities of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, were reportedly destroyed by some people alleged to the supporters of the 15th Emir of Kano, Alh. Aminu Ado Bayero.

Although, we have acknowledged reports that Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero subsequently and personally apologised to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf over the incident. Though, such an apology is welcomes and it certainly represents an important gesture towards de-escalation of the already heated atmosphere.

However, an apology alone may not be sufficient to address the broader concerns arising from the incident. We respectfully urge the relevant authorities to establish the facts surrounding the incident and ensure that any person found to have committed an offence is dealt with in accordance with the law, irrespective of political, traditional or social status.

Political campaign materials are part of democratic expression. Their unlawful destruction, just like any other act of violence or intimidation, should not be allowed to become normalised.
The Kano Emirate Matter and the Rule of Law
Your Excellency, KPCF is particularly disturbed about the continuing politicisation of the Kano Emirate issue.

We respectfully recognise that matters concerning the Kano Emirate have generated strong emotions across the State and that aspects of the dispute have been subjected to judicial consideration, including proceedings before the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

In the interest of peace and respect for constitutional institutions, we appeal to political appointees and government officials at both Federal and Kano State levels to refrain from making inflammatory statement or taking partisan positions on matters before the courts.

The judiciary must be allowed to perform its constitutional responsibility without political pressure, intimidation or public mobilisation.

We therefore call on all stakeholders to allow the courts to determine the legal questions before them and to respect the outcome of the judicial process.

Our Appeal for Immediate Presidential Intervention
Your Excellency, KPCF respectfully believes that this is the time for preventive leadership rather than reactive intervention.

We therefore appeal to Your Excellency to:
1. Urgently intervene in the emerging situation in Kano State and encourage all parties to exercise maximum restraint.

2. Direct the relevant security and intelligence agencies to closely monitor developments and take preventive measures against violence, intimidation, hate speech and destruction of property.

3. Call on political appointees at both Federal and Kano State levels to refrain from unnecessary involvement in the Emirate dispute, particularly on matters that are before the courts.

Reaffirm the independence of the judiciary and encourage all parties to respect judicial proceedings and decisions concerning the Kano Emirate.

Direct that political parties, campaign organisations and their supporters be protected equally and that the destruction of political posters, billboards or campaign materials be investigated and addressed according to law.

Ensure that all persons responsible for violence, regardless of political or traditional affiliation, are held accountable under the law.

Encourage traditional, religious, political and community leaders to publicly commit themselves to peace and responsible communication throughout the political campaign period.

Facilitate an inclusive peace and stakeholders’ dialogue in Kano, involving the State Government, Federal Government representatives, traditional institutions, political parties, security agencies, religious leaders, youth and women representatives, and civil society organisations.

Urge political actors to focus their campaigns on issues of development and governance rather than personality traditional institutions or matters capable of dividing the people of Kano.

Kano Must Not Be Allowed to Slide into Crisis
Your Excellency, Kano is too important to Nigeria to be allowed to descend into avoidable confrontation

The ancient city of Kano is a major commercial, cultural, political and social centre whose stability has implications far beyond the State. A crisis in Kano would affect not only its citizens but also neighbouring states and the wider northern region.

KPCF therefore considers the present moment a critical early-warning stage. We believe that decisive and impartial intervention now can prevent a much more serious crisis later.

We appeal to Your Excellency, as President and Commander-in-Chief, to use the moral authority and constitutional powers of your office to send a clear message that peace, democratic participation, freedom of expression, respect for traditional institutions, protection of political rights and the rule of law must prevail over political rivalry.

We further urge all parties to sheathe their swords, avoid provocative statements and actions, and place the peace and stability of Kano above personal, political or institutional interests.

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Kano belongs to all its people. Its peace must not become a casualty of political competition or institutional disagreements.

The Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum remains committed to working with the Federal and State Governments, security agencies, traditional institutions, political parties and all stakeholders to promote peaceful coexistence, democratic participation and respect for the rule of law.

We respectfully call on Your Excellency to act now, before tension becomes crisis and crisis becomes conflict.

May peace continue to prevail in Kano State and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Yours faithfully,

Signed ,

Hassan Ibrahim Gama Mustapha Muhammed Chiroma Peter Hassan Tijjani
Convener Convener Convener

For and on behalf of the undersigned members of the Kano Patriotic CSOs Coalition Forum (KPCF):
S/N
Contact Person
Name of Organization

1
Hassan Ibrahim Gama.
Friend of the Community Organisation (FOCO)

2
Mustapha Muhammed Chiroma
Community Rights Initiative Of Nigeria (CORIN)

3
Peter Hassan Tijani
New Ethics for Empowerment and Development Initiative (NEEDIN)

4
Farouk Umar
Citizens for Development and Education (CDE)

5
Ibrahim Muhammad
Rural – Urban Slums Development Initiative (RUSDI)

6
Ruth Stephen
Touch and Care Foundation (TOCAF)

7
Maimuna Shuaibu
Muna Helping Hand Foundation (MHHF)

8
Amb. Lami Bako Yakasai
Enlightenment And Empowerment Of Northern Women Initiative

9
Abdulrahman Uba Daushe
Spinal Cord Injuries Association Of Nigeria (SCIAN)

10
Ahmad Tijjani
Alkali Ahmad Center For Development

11
Sunusi Hashimu
Society For Child Support And Economic Empowerment (SOCSEE)

12
Hassan Musa Yaro
Cardinal Aid Development Support Initiative

13
Nworisa Michael
Stand For Peace Initiative

14
Aisha Ahmed Abdulkadir
Sustainable Dynamic and Human Development Initiative

15
Khadija A. Muhammad
Nana Aisha Development Initiative (NADI)

16
Halima Suleiman ESQ
Advocacy on Human Rights and Equal Opportunity (AHREO)

17
Dr. Kabir Hamisu Kura
Community Development Initiative

18
Halima Titi Bello
Women Gender Developers (WOGEND)

19
Rakiya Ladi Musa
Ansar Women Development

20
Amina Ali Alhassan
Be My Guide Development initiative.

21
Amb. Rabi Yusuf Gezawa MON
Center For Empowerment Of Older Persons And The Vulnerable (CEOPAV)

22
Comrade A.A Haruna Ayagi
International Human Rights Network IHRN-Nigeria

23
Tijjani Sarki
Human Rights Watch And Youths Empowerment Foundation, Nigeria.

24
Ola Taiwo
Mari-Care Foundation for Widows, Single Parents, Orphans and Vulnerable Children Nigeria. (MARI-CARE)

25
Solomon Samuel
Mercy Helpline Initiative

26
Sheriff Abubakar
Sheriff Orphanage and Charity home foundation (Sheriff foundation)

27
Salmanu Muhammed
WAZOBIA International Women and Children Foundation, Kano

28
Amb. Hadiza Abdullahi kishimi
Women’s Social and leadership Development initiative ( WSLDI )

29
Grace Musa
Standup for Women Society

30
Dr. Ramatu Garba
Support For Women And Teenage Children (SWATCH)

31
Amina Aliyu Dogarai
Women and orphans charity initiative

32
Surayya Ado Salisu
ABC Road Safety Project Initiative

33
Barr. Aisha Ali Tijjani
Sayyidatu Wal adfal Foundation (Women and Children Foundation)

34
Murjanatu G. Umar
Women Empowerment, Leadership, Education, Advancement And Development Initiative (WE-LEAD)

35
Amb. Maryam Hassan
League for Societal Protection Against Drugs Abuse (LESPADA)

36
Wali Ado Rano
Voice Of The Hopeful Enlightenment And Development Initiative (VOHEDI)

37
Saratu I. Maigida
Lifeline Initiative For Widows Empowerment And Economic Development (LIWEED)

38
Sagir Salihu Chedi
Voice And Accountability Platform (VAP)

39
Barr. Mustapha Idris
Human Right and Community Initiative

40
Gharzali Ibrahim Ungogo
Ummatee Centre For The Promotion Of Public Education, Accountability And Social Safety (UMMATEE-C4PASS)

41
Aisha Halliru
Halliru Memorial Youth Development And Empowerment Initiative (AYDI)

42
Mrs. Esther Abdulahi Kingsley
Inter-tribe Community Support Forum

43
Auwal Idris Dorayi
Center For Peace And Environmental Justice CEPEJ

44
Mariya Ishaka
Albino Cluster Association

45
Sani Shuaib Rogo
Rogo Concern Citizens

46
Abubakar Shuibu Maitumaki
Youth Awareness Foundation On Drug Abuse (YAFODA)

47
Dr. Mustapha Mukhatar
Danbatta Development Forum (DDF)

48
Musa Muhammad Khaila
Community Support for Social Accountability Initiative (COMSSI)

49
Haj. Habiba Mijinyawa
Federation of Muslim Women Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN) Kano

50
Abbas Abdullahi Yakasai CISSP, IPMA
One Kano Agenda

51
Comrade Ali Wali
Network for Environmental Safety and Society Development (NESSD)

52
Hadiza Bala Fagge
Women Widows And Orphans Development Initiative (WWODI)

53
Farida Ahmed Tahir
Mata Iyayen Al’umma Foundation

54
Bello Abdulkadir Yusuf
Karaye Community Development Association

55
Badiya Aliyu
Sustainable Dynamic Human Development Initaitive (SDHDI)

56
Ruqayya Bello
Women for Women Initiative

57
Sabo Bello Madaki
Kiru Community Development Association

58
Sunusi Mamuda Wudil
Wudil Association Cooperative

59
Zubaida Umar Gashash
Youths And Women Sustainable Development Initiative (YASDI)

60
Ibrahim H. Sale
Habib Community Education Initiative

61
Khadijah Ibrahim
Adolescents Girls, Children And Research Project – GCRP

62
Sumaila Namadi Ahmad
Yadfulde Kiru Local government Association & Dev.

63
Abdulaziz Habibu Bello
Yanoko Youth Development Association

64
Umar Ibrahim Umar
War Against Injustice

65
Maimuna Umar Sheriff
Centre for Gender Base Violence Advocacy

66
Kola Samuel Asaju
KAF Care Foundation

67
Ali Suleiman
Masses First International Organization –MFI

68
Muhammed Yusuf Gama
Global Youth and Women Support Initiative – GLOYWSI

69
Abubakar Shariff Jaddah
Society for Women and Child Health Initiative (SWACHI)

70
Abdussalam Haruna
New Turn for Youth Enthusiasm & Dev. (N-YED)

71
Dalhatu Jibrin Dalhatu
Karaye Initiative Forum

72
Mohammad Lawal Datti
Initiative for Health Rescue & Risk Reduction (IHRAR)

73
Amb Dr Abdulrahman Kitilly Hudu ( Phd)
Empowerment For Vulnerable Women And Children International (EVWACH International)

74
Fatima Umar
Albarka Women Development Association

75
Mahmud Hashimu
Community Health I Initiatives and society development – CHISOD

76
Suyudi Isa Jibril
Media Advocacy for Accountability Sustainable Initiative –

77
Lukman Dayyab
Public Health Promotion Initiative

78
Amb Maryam Ibrahim Sani
Nigerian Coalition on youth,peace and security Agenda,Kano.

79
Haj. Safiyya Salisu Abdul
Support Group For Good Governance Organisation (SG3)

80
Sagir Saidu
Gyarakayanka Development Association

81
Sani Muhammad.
Annur Health And Peace Community Development Initiative

82
Ahmad Tijjani Yau
Development Insight Hub

83
Comrade Garba Suleiman Marafa
WAZOBIA Conflict Resolution And Peace Advocacy Initiative (WACORPAI)

84
Dr. Auwalu Halilu
Non-Formal Development for Education and Health Initiatives (NDEHI)

85
Yahaya A. Yahaya
National Association Of Persons With Physical Disabilities Kano Chapter (NAPWPD)

86
Dr Abubakar Ibrahim Hassan
Community Education and Health Promotion Initiatives (CEHPI)

87
Hajiya Saadatu Hashim
Concerns Mothers Association of Kano

88
Aisha Shatima
Joint Action Campaign for development

89
Najib Nasir
Northern Youth Concerned

90
Dr. Tanimu Adam Ibrahim
Gwarzo Initiative Forum

91
Aminu Sa’ad
Consolidated Ajingi Development Association.

92
Umar Iliyasu Madobi
Madobi Youth Development Forum

93
Barrister. Badamasi
Kano First Forum

94
Salamatu Sulaiman Mustapha
Salmah Africa Rescue Initiative

95
Garba Musa
Save Girls Initiative

96
Murtala Muhd Rabiu
Hannu Dayawa Youth development Association Bachirawa

97
Maryam Muhammad
Indigent Youth Education And Care Foundation (IYECF)

98
Rakiya Abba Tahula
Interfaith Peace Foundation

99
Nafisa Muhammad Ado
Anniswan Women Health Initiative (AWOHI)

100
Mohammed Hussaini
Nigerian Democracy Working Group

 

CC:
– The National Security Adviser (NSA), Federal Republic of Nigeria
– The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Nigeria Police Force
– The Director-General, Department of State Services (DSS)
– The Director-General, National Intelligence Agency (NIA)
– The Commandant-General, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC)
– The Commissioner of Police, Kano State Command
– The Director, State Security Services (SSS), Kano State
– The Kano State Commandant, NSCDC

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Opinion

Muhuyi Raided Our Area: Encomiums, Prayers and Solidarity Trail Operation

Published

1 week ago

on

October 3, 2026

By

Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Abba Anwar

A few days ago, Sheikh Salga Street, the stretch from Goron Dutse to Jakara, was a haven for Yandaba and drug addicts. They terrorized residents in broad daylight without fear, and at night, it was even worse. The Jakara Divisional Police did their best to curb the menace, but the challenge was beyond a single station.

The real game-changer came when the Inter-Agency Task Force Against Drug Abuse and Other Related Crimes, under the fearless Barrister Muhuyi Magaji Rimingado, stormed the area. It was a thorough, house-to-house operation that combed every nook and cranny.

This is my area. I was born and raised in Bakinruwa quarters, and I have friends across all the adjoining neighborhoods. When Barrister Rimingado led his men in a Rambo-style raid, calls started coming in. Many residents told me that this single operation alone has convinced every right-thinking person in the area to vote for the present administration under His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, in the 2027 election.

Interestingly, a greater percentage of those I spoke to do not belong to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress, APC. Yet they insisted that this intervention is the best thing that has happened to them in recent times. They promised to pay back with their votes in 2027.

Politics aside, when these criminal elements forced people to run for their lives, they did not ask whether you wereAPC, ADC or any other party. Several people were severely injured. Some were alleged to have lost their lives.

What made this raid more strategic and successful was how the Task Force worked hand-in-hand with traditional community leaders, the Masu Unguwa. These are leaders who know the suspects by name, who know their parents, their houses and their hideouts. That is why the operation succeeded.

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This is a smart application of community policing. Beyond intelligence from security agencies, bringing in community leaders was a vital, creative and strategic move by the Chairman of the Task Force.

The raid was not a one-day show. It continued up to yesterday. Coincidentally, there was a Maulud gathering on the road between Durumin Kaigama and Yar Kasuwa. I learnt that immediately after the Maulud, a special prayer session was held. They prayed for Governor Yusuf to secure another term, and they prayed for Allah’s protection and guidance for Barrister Rimingado and his dedicated team.

What the Task Force did was appreciated by thousands of residents. From what I gathered, some youth have even started organizing a movement to support Governor Yusuf’s re-election bid. The movement, I learnt, has nothing to do with party affiliation.

I was briefed that youth from all walks of life are involved – students, artisans, members of community-based organizations, business people, women groups and civil servants.

What Barrister Rimingado did has opened the eyes of many apolitical people. These are hundreds of people who do not belong to any political party, but who have now resolved to do everything possible to ensure Governor Yusuf returns in 2027.

This vindicates what I wrote earlier, that politics aside, if properly handled, the activities of the Task Force could be one of the most fundamental efforts capable of giving APC more votes in Kano in all elections, especially the gubernatorial contest.

Alhamdulillah, rules of engagement were professionally adhered to during the raid. About 80 suspected criminals were arrested. Some fled out of the state, but I was reliably informed they will be trailed to wherever they hide. This is what we call patriotic commitment.

Let me use this platform to convey the thank-you message of our people to the Governor of Kano State and the Task Force under Barrister Rimingado for this timely intervention and show of concern and seriousness.

One Malam Ahmad Dahawi, who leads an umbrella body of community associations in the area with thousands of members, confirmed that peace has now returned to the affected areas. He assured that although their umbrella body comprises people across different political parties, they have resolved to support Governor Yusuf in 2027, while members are free to vote for whoever they like in other elections.

More grease to your elbow, the people’s Governor. More courage and fearlessness to Barrister Rimingado and his unwavering team. With this kind of teamwork and community support, the days of these criminals are numbered.

What is most interesting is the political will of the Governor and his unwavering support for cleansing our state of criminal activities.

I suggest other areas within the metropolis and rural communities, should copy from our people in supporting the operation of the all-important Task Force. It is for the good of all of us.

Anwar writes from Kano
Saturday, 3rd October, 2026

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Opinion

Muhuyi and the Fight for Kano’s Future-Ismail Auwal

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1 week ago

on

October 1, 2026

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By Ismail Auwal

I knew Muhuyi Magaji Rimin Gado had capacity. His work at Kano’s Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission had established that much. But watching the pace of his present assignment, I have had to revise my expectations upward. I did not imagine he would bring this much energy to the task.
The operations have kept coming: arrests, investigations and court proceedings. Alongside them are plans for rehabilitation and skills training. What has emerged is a public official taking responsibility for an assignment whose consequences reach far beyond his office and into the homes and neighbourhoods of Kano.
Within 45 days, the task force reportedly conducted more than 200 raids and secured more than 200 convictions, with four mobile courts handling the cases. Those figures remain reported results. They nevertheless describe an early pace of enforcement that deserves attention, and the leadership sustaining it deserves recognition.
Consider the work behind an operation. Information arrives and must be assessed. Someone decides what requires investigation and brings the relevant agencies together. Officers are deployed, evidence is gathered and records are prepared. After an arrest, the responsibility continues through the preparation and handling of a case.
Maintaining that effort across repeated operations requires organisation and follow-through. This is where Muhuyi’s energy becomes significant. He has taken on a responsibility that demands sustained attention, and the accounts emerging from Kano suggest he is giving the assignment precisely that.
The arrests sit at the centre of this effort because they make government action visible. For residents who have reported suspected criminal activity, an operation can show that their information reached someone prepared to respond. It can begin to restore a connection between public complaints and public action.
That connection matters. When people believe a complaint will go nowhere, they may stop making it. They find ways to live around the problem, avoid certain places or carry their concerns privately. An institution that responds gives them a reason to participate again and demonstrates that their knowledge of their community has value.
Muhuyi’s task force has an opportunity to strengthen that relationship with every operation properly investigated and every case properly followed. His leadership deserves commendation for pursuing the work through institutions, bringing enforcement and court proceedings into the same understanding of public responsibility.
For Kano, the stakes are personal. A family dealing with harmful drug use may find its plans gradually displaced by the next crisis. Schooling is interrupted, money intended for other needs goes towards seeking help, and relationships come under strain. Parents try to understand what is happening while worrying about what might happen next.
These are the lives behind the assignment. A response that reaches them can change what they expect from government. It can provide somewhere to seek assistance and a reason to believe that the burden they have been carrying is receiving attention beyond the household.
That is why I have followed Muhuyi’s work with growing interest. The task force is addressing a problem whose effects can spread through generations. Protecting a young person’s opportunity to learn, work and contribute has consequences for an entire family. It also influences the kind of Kano that will emerge in the years ahead.
Muhuyi brings experience suited to these demands. At the Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission, he worked where citizens’ grievances met the machinery of government. Complaints had to be received, records examined and investigations pursued. Public expectations had to be translated into administrative and legal action.
His contribution included work on the institution itself. In April 2025, the commission published an account of commendations from the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre. CISLAC recognised developments under his leadership, including an anticorruption strategy, operating guidelines for government institutions and offices across Kano’s 44 local government areas.
There is substance in that record. Extending an institution’s presence makes it easier for people to approach it. Establishing procedures gives staff a framework for handling complaints. Setting a strategy helps work continue across competing demands. These are foundations on which visible results depend.
For a resident seeking assistance, the difference can be practical: an office within reach, a process that can be understood and an official assigned to follow the matter. Such arrangements give public service a form people can use. Muhuyi’s experience developing them is an asset to his present responsibility.
The commission’s engagement with CISLAC also involved cooperation on asset tracking and recovery. That experience points to another quality relevant to the task force: understanding that institutions can accomplish more when they combine expertise and establish clear arrangements for working together.
Drug enforcement brings together responsibilities held by different bodies. Reporting on the task force’s maiden meeting described participation by the NDLEA, police, Department of State Services and other public institutions. Their involvement provides a basis for coordinated work, while leadership keeps that cooperation active after the meeting ends.
Information must move to those able to assess it. Evidence must reach those preparing proceedings. Responsibilities must be understood well enough to prevent a case from losing momentum between institutions. Muhuyi’s role is to help make these connections work, and the reported activity gives reason to recognise his commitment.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf also deserves credit for establishing the platform and giving the assignment political backing. Placing an experienced official at its head was a consequential decision. Muhuyi’s response has given that decision operational meaning through the task force’s reported activities and developing partnerships.
The governor’s support and the chairman’s drive can reinforce each other. Public backing enables institutions to commit resources, while operational leadership directs those resources towards the work. Kano benefits when both remain focused on the people the assignment is meant to serve.
The effort has attracted recognition from other institutions. Reports of an August visit said the NDLEA’s Zone 5 Command named Muhuyi a War Against Drug Abuse ambassador, citing cooperation, awareness and community mobilisation. In September, the North-West Development Commission also commended the task force and expressed interest in collaboration.
Such recognition can open opportunities for assistance and shared expertise. It also encourages the personnel carrying out the work. Officers, investigators and administrative staff all contribute to the results associated with a chairman’s name. Their effort deserves recognition alongside the leadership coordinating it.
The ambition to help people rebuild their lives after enforcement is equally important. Muhuyi has reportedly outlined plans for skills training reaching 10,000 people, with a role envisaged for the Kiru Reformation Centre. That number is a proposed target, and its direction is encouraging: rehabilitation has a place in how he understands the assignment.
A young person returning home may need treatment, an opportunity to resume education or help acquiring a skill. The family may also need guidance. Recovery can involve a series of steps, each requiring someone to remain involved after the immediate crisis has passed.
Including rehabilitation recognises that public responsibility continues through those steps. It gives the campaign a purpose that families can understand: helping a person regain the ability to participate in everyday life. That ambition deserves support because its benefits can extend well beyond the individual receiving assistance.
A young person who resumes school recovers an opportunity to prepare for adulthood. Someone who acquires a useful skill has a basis for pursuing a livelihood. A household that receives help can begin making plans again. Through these changes, an intervention becomes an investment in Kano’s future.
The support of religious scholars, Friday mosque imams and Hisbah can strengthen this effort. These institutions have relationships with communities that government agencies can work alongside. Their participation can encourage discussion, prevention and assistance in places where families already seek guidance.
Muhuyi deserves credit for leading an assignment that is developing these connections. Public engagement helps build the cooperation on which sustained progress depends. Families need to know where to seek help, and communities need to understand how they can contribute to protecting young people.
The task force’s developing approach brings these responsibilities into the same conversation. Operations address suspected offences, court proceedings carry cases forward, rehabilitation plans look towards recovery, and community partnerships create opportunities for prevention and support. Together, they provide a basis for recognising the leadership behind the effort.
I have followed Muhuyi’s work with an existing appreciation of his capacity. What I now appreciate more fully is his willingness to apply it with urgency. He has brought energy to an assignment that requires people to keep showing up, keep coordinating and keep following the work. That commitment deserves commendation.
Kano’s future will be shaped partly by what happens to its young people today. Every opportunity preserved, every family assisted and every community able to obtain a response contributes to that future. Muhuyi has taken on a responsibility that reaches directly into those possibilities.
The arrests have made the effort visible, and his leadership is giving it momentum. With sustained support, the work can leave its strongest record in the lives of people who find a way forward: young people returning to education and employment, families receiving assistance and communities gaining confidence in the institutions serving them.

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