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OPPOSITION OR INDIRECT ENABLEMENT: THE STRATEGIC QUESTION KWANKWASO’S POLITICAL ARITHMETIC FORCES KANO TO CONFRONT

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Head Of Kwankwasiyya Movement and former Governor of Kano,Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso

 

 

By Nworisa Michael
Coordinator, Inter-tribe Community Support Forum
nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

It is a common knowledge that Kano politics has never been ordinary. It shapes national outcomes, influences the political direction of the North, and has historically play a significant role in who sits at the centre of power in Abuja. Therefore, to engage seriously with Kano’s political dynamics is, therefore, not merely a regional exercise. It is an engagement with the strategic heartbeat of Nigerian democracy itself.

Today, two figures dominate that conversation: Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the veteran political architect whose Kwankwasiyya movement commands one of the most disciplined and loyal political bases in the country, and His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the sitting governor navigating the complex terrain of governance within a rapidly shifting national power equation. Both men matter. But beyond the chants of loyalty and the colours of party affiliation, Kano’s politically conscious citizens must now confront a harder, more strategic question: are the political decisions being made in their interest actually weakening the dominant structure, or quietly reinforcing it?
The 2023 presidential election offers a case study that demands honest reflection. Nigeria entered that election cycle with a genuine opposition opportunity. Polling data, civil society analysis, and the visible energy of public discontent with the ruling All Progressives Congress all suggested that a consolidated opposition could have fundamentally altered the outcome. That consolidation never materialised. The Labour Party’s Peter Obi drew significant support from the South and among urban youth. The NNPP’s Kwankwaso commanded loyalty in Kano and parts of the North. The PDP’s Atiku Abubakar held his traditional base. The result was a three-way fragmentation that divided the anti-APC vote with mathematical precision, producing exactly the outcome that benefited the ruling party.

Whether this fragmentation was the product of political pride, strategic miscalculation, or something more deliberately calibrated remains a question that Nigerian political analysts continue to debate. What is not debatable is the arithmetic: a divided opposition is a gift to the incumbent. History, from Nigeria’s own political transitions to comparative democratic experiences across Africa, consistently demonstrates that opposition forces which cannot unite around a minimum common platform do not defeat entrenched ruling parties. They extend their tenure.

Returning to the present, there is a visible contrast between the political postures of the two principal figures in this analysis. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s recent political alignment choices are, whatever one’s assessment of their strategic wisdom, characterised by directness and visibility. He has staked a position openly within the national power configuration. Citizens, analysts, and political opponents can measure him against that position. His direction, whether one agrees with it or not, is clear.

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Senator Kwankwaso, by contrast, maintains a posture of vigorous anti-APC rhetoric while his concrete political decisions at critical moments of opposition consolidation have consistently produced alternative lanes rather than unified fronts. The Kwankwasiyya movement remains formidable in its base loyalty and its organisational discipline. But loyalty and organisation are means, not ends. The strategic question is what those assets are being deployed to achieve, and whether the outcomes they produce serve the stated goal of providing a credible alternative to the current political order.

Politics, at its most rigorous, is not judged by the passion of speeches or the size of rallies. It is judged by outcomes. And the outcomes that matter most in opposition politics are coalition-building, electoral consolidation, and the actual transfer of power from one political force to another. Measured against these outcomes, a critical pattern emerges in Kwankwaso’s recent political engagements: when moments arise that could produce a meaningful consolidation of opposition forces, the decisions taken tend to fracture rather than unify the alternative.
This raises a question that is uncomfortable precisely because it must be asked without malice and answered without evasion: if a political actor consistently opposes the dominant structure in language while consistently producing outcomes that strengthen it in practice, at what point does the distinction between opposition and indirect enablement become meaningful? This is not an accusation of deliberate collaboration. It is a structural observation about the consequences of political choices, and consequences, not intentions, are what history records.

The citizens of Kano, and particularly the Kwankwasiyya faithful, are among the most politically engaged communities in Nigeria. Their loyalty is not blind. It is built on decades of political participation, on genuine belief in a leader who gave them a sense of dignity, visibility, and political identity. That loyalty deserves respect. But loyalty, precisely because it is valuable, must be protected from exploitation by strategic clarity rather than surrendered to emotional attachment.
The questions that Kano’s political followers owe themselves are simple and direct. Who benefits consistently when opposition alliances fail to materialise? Who grows stronger each time the alternative cannot consolidate? What is the long-term strategic destination of a political movement that is powerful enough to prevent the opposition from unifying but has not yet demonstrated the capacity to win power independently? These are not attacks on Kwankwaso’s legacy or his genuine contributions to Kano’s political development. They are the questions that any politically serious follower must be willing to ask of any leader, including one they admire.

Kano deserves political transparency, not only in words but in strategic direction. The gap between what a political actor says and what the outcomes of their decisions consistently produce is not a private matter. It is a public accountability question of the highest order. Senator Kwankwaso may well be engaged in long-term strategic chess, using apparent fragmentation as negotiation leverage toward a larger consolidation that is not yet visible. That possibility deserves acknowledgement. But if that is the strategy, its logic and its destination must at some point be made legible to the millions of citizens whose political futures are shaped by its execution.

The difference between genuine opposition and indirect enablement does not lie in rhetoric. It lies in results. And the time has come for Kano’s political community, in all its sophistication and historical awareness, to evaluate its leadership not by the loudness of the opposition voice, but by the clarity and effectiveness of the path it is building toward the change it claims to seek.

Opinion

Kano North Must Not Get lt Wrong : Why Returning Senator Barau Jibrin CFR is a Strategic Imperative

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By Muazu A. Ishaq

In moments of electoral decision, societies are often confronted with a choice that goes beyond sentiments and party affiliation to the deeper question of consolidation and continuity versus disruption, a moment when the electorate must pause, look beyond the noise of detractors and ask a fundamental question; can we afford to make this costly mistake? For the good people of Kano North Senatorial District that moment is now, the coming 2027 electoral cycle presents such a moment one that demands careful reflection, not sentiment. The stakes are not about party loyalty or sentimental rhetoric, it is about avoiding a mistake whose consequences could reverberate for years.

The Deputy President of the Senate, Barau I. Jibrin PhD CFR, has, over time, built a record that is both visible and measurable. His re-election, therefore, is not merely about sustaining a political career; it is about preserving a strategic advantage that Kano North currently enjoys within Nigeria’s national power structure.

As the number five citizen in the country, his position offers the zone direct access to influence, opportunities, and federal preseence, assets that are neither automatic nor easily replaced.

One of the most remarkable aspects of Senator Barau’s stewardship is his deliberate investment in human capital development.
While some politicians are busy sponsoring mudslinging campaigns to tarnish his growing national image, Senator Barau has been busy building a future for Kano youth.

Recently, the first batch of his foreign-trained scholars returned home; 16 graduates in Cyber Security and Forensic Science and 10 graduates in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. These are not ordinary certificates. These are the tools of the 21st-century economy, and they are now in the hands of sons and daughters of Kano North.

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Subsequent batches are on the way. This is a pipeline of excellence. Lose Barau, and you lose the architect of this intellectual revolution.

If anyone doubts the scale of Senator Barau’s grassroots reach, let them examine the events of April 19, 2026. In a continuation of his legendary mega empowerment programmes, the Deputy President of the Senate distributed 47 brand new cars and 282 motorcycles to critical stakeholders and grassroots mobilizers across the 13 LGAs in Kano North including party chairmen, party secretaries, primary school headmasters, and secondary school principals among others. This was a strategic injection of mobility and dignity into the very fabric of the zone’s leadership.

Just five days later, on April 24, 2026, Senator Barau proved that his empowerment is not a one-off event but a continuous process. He announced the continuation of yet another significant programme that was launched previous month; a cash donation of ₦100,000 each to 100 beneficiaries in every single one of the 13 LGAs of Kano North.

Taken together, these initiatives reflect a leadership approach that is both strategic and people-centered. They are not isolated gestures but components of a broader vision aimed at uplifting communities, strengthening institutions, and preparing the next generation for global competitiveness.
It is, therefore, not surprising that such a rising profile at the national level may attract political opposition and attempts at distraction.

However, elections should ultimately be guided by evidence, performance, and the long-term interests of the people not by transient narratives.
Kano North today occupies a position of relevance in Nigeria’s political and developmental landscape. This is not accidental; it is the product of deliberate engagement, years of strategic alliances, and consistent delivery. To risk losing this standing would be to step back from a trajectory of progress that is already yielding results.

The decision before the electorate is therefore clear. It is a choice between consolidating and sustaining democratic gains or starting afresh; between sustained access to national influence or uncertain repositioning. In making that choice, the people must ask themselves a simple question: which path best secures their future?

Avoiding a regrettable mistake requires clarity of purpose and fidelity to facts. The record speaks for itself. Continuity, in this instance, is not just desirable, it is essential.

As Kano North looks ahead, the imperative is to protect its voice, preserve its advantage, and ensure that the momentum of development is not interrupted. Re-electing Senator Barau Jibrin is, therefore, not just a political decision it is a strategic investment in the future of the constituency.

Muazu A. Ishaq
+2348038981655
muazuabdullahi29@gmail.com

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Opinion

DSP Barau and “Abandoned Projects” : An Appraisal

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By Abba Anwar

Only those who know and understand the sluggish nature of budget implementation under different administrations, can understand whether projects are deliberately abandoned by their initiators and facilitators. Or whether the onus is on the pattern of implementation and implementors.

If Kaduna Eastern Bypass, initiated 2002, Abuja-Lokoja highway started in 2006, Kano-Maiduguri of 2007, Sokoto – Tambuwal- Jega-Kontagora, flagged – off in 2009, Abuja-Minna of 2010, among other abandoned federal projects, are not marked as noise making hubs, why then is Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi, that was flagged – off in June, 2021, can deliberately be tagged as point of condemnation by noise makers?

Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi federal road, as facilitated by the Deputy President of the Senate, His Excellency Barau I Jibrin, CFR, since 2021, though abandoned at a point, up to January, 2026, the work has resumed since February, 2026, this year.

Senator Jibrin worked hard and made sure that, the sum of Thirty Seven Billion Naira (N37,000,000,000) only was appropriated in 2026 Appropriation Bill, which has now become Act. After that he also pushed, very well for the additional Six Billion and Three Hundred Million Naira (N6, 300,000,000) only.

Unlike DSP’s facilitated federal road project of Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi, which was flagged – off in 2021, as contractors are back to site, since February, this year, there are many abandoned federal road projects, scattered around the country, whose resumption of work, with so many of the projects, is still elusive.

Such as Makurdi-Naka-Adoka-Ankpa federal road flagged – of in 2012, Calabar-Itu-Ikot Ekpene, of 2010, Benin-Sapele-Warri road, which was flagged – off in 2009, Enugu – Onitsha road, of 2013, Kano-Katsina dualization project, that was started in 2013, as contractor left in 2022, among many other abandoned federal roads.

Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano federal road is another case of study, in this context. The project has been in limbo for many years, with touch-and-go strategy.

So to me, castigating or rather blaming DSP for this singular Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi road is either premature or not necessary at all. In his own case, the work has resumed. And look at what he pushed to be reflected in 2026 national budget. Which has already become, 2026 Appropriation Act.

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Another constituency project for DSP Jibrin, is E-learning Centres across 5 local governments from his Kano North Senatorial District, in collaboration with National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA), was facilitated by the Senator in 2015.

The Centres are across 5 local governments, Tofa, Gwarzo, Kabo, Bichi and Dambatta.

Some people erroneously blame the Senator, advancing that, the E-learning Centres were abandoned by him, since 2015, which, according to them, shows his “negligence” over his constituency. As a matter of fact, the truth of the matter is this, all the 5 E-learning Centres were converted to become Study Centres for National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN). Amongst other locations from the remaining local governments that constitute Kano North Senatorial District.

Another great project that some are blaming His Excellency DSP is Barau Initiative for Agricultural Revolution in the North West (BIARN). Many things were said about it by opponents. But the truth of the matter is this, that the project is yet to take-off fully due to the issue of cash flow from the end of the partner agency. Which is Bank of Agriculture (BOA).

Coincidentally I came across a press statement issued by the
Special Adviser to the Deputy President of the Senate on Media and Publicity, Ismail Mudashir, narrating that, the Chairman of the Initiative, Prof. Bashir Fagge Muhammad, disclosed that, “Following the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the BOA management, applicants were invited to participate in the initiative. However, implementation was stalled due to challenges relating to cash flow.”

As the programme was unveiled March, 2025, it aims to revolutionise agriculture and encourage young Nigerian graduates to venture into farming.

Part of the statement reads, “Specifically, the programme was designed to empower 558 young farmers with loans ranging from N1 million to N5 million for rice and maize cultivation across the seven North West states in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda on food security and youth empowerment.”

Adding that, “Applicants are therefore urged to remain patient, as the Board of the Initiative, under the chairmanship of Professor Bashir Fagge Muhammad, is working closely with the BOA management to resolve the issue.”

So we can now understand that the programme is not, and can never be, abandoned, as some started speculating while peddling rumors around.

It is not the intention of this piece to start cataloging DSP’s long standing achievements as the Senator representing Kano North, in many areas of human endeavor.

From his Scholarship scheme where hundreds of students were sponsored for their undergraduate studies, across Nigerian universities and dozens, who were sponsored for Postgraduate studies abroad, as some completed their studies and started coming back. As thousands students from his constituency are given scholarship for their upkeep. Not to talk of his intervention in all other areas of education.

I’m not cataloging his intervention in the security sector. As he is the single individual from across North West whose intervention in the sector supersedes that of many. A Senator like no other.

His effort in sports development is unmatched. Apart from aiding football clubs and players, his completion of stadium in each of the 13 local governments under his constituency, is something to write home about.

All his interventions in such areas will come our way shortly.

Anwar writes from Kano
Wednesday, 29th April, 2026

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Opinion

The Ink Dried Up: An Open Letter to Matthew Hassan Kukah-Prince Daniel Aboki

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Dear Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah

I write you with the utmost sense of respect.

Permit me to begin by congratulating you. Not in the usual way, but in a manner that reflects a keen observation of recent developments in our country. Since the emergence of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as President, and coincidentally since your assumption of office as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of Federal University of Applied Sciences Kachia, there appears to have been a remarkable shift in the narrative of insecurity across Nigeria.

From Zamfara State to Sokoto State, Katsina State, Benue State, Plateau State, Kwara State, and indeed across several troubled parts of our nation, one might be tempted to conclude that the k!llings have suddenly come to an end. The silence is striking. The headlines have softened. The urgency has waned.

It is this very contrast that compels this letter.

You will recall, Bishop, your powerful and courageous interventions during the administration of Muhammadu Buhari. Your voice rang loud through a series of open letters that captured national attention and stirred both conscience and controversy.

On Christmas Day, December 25, 2018, you wrote with piercing clarity about a nation drifting, warning of a “nation at w@r with itself.”

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Again, on December 25, 2019, your message, “A Nation in Search of Vindication,” questioned the moral and political direction of leadership, calling attention to bloodshed and division.

On December 25, 2020, in “A Nation in Search of Peace,” you spoke even more bluntly, addressing the worsening insecurity and the growing despair among Nigerians.

And on December 25, 2022, your letter once again raised concerns about governance, justice, and the value of human life in Nigeria.

These interventions were not just letters. They were moral signposts. They reminded leadership of its duty and the nation of its conscience.

It is against this backdrop that your current silence, or perhaps restraint, becomes more noticeable.

Has the situation improved so dramatically that the urgency of those words is no longer required?

Have the forests suddenly emptied?
Have the highways become safe?
Have the cries of victims ceased?

Or is it that the burden of national admonition must shift depending on who occupies the seat of power?

Lord Bishop, sir, your voice has always carried weight not because it was loud, but because it was consistent. Not because it was critical, but because it was principled.

Nigeria still needs that voice.

Not selectively. Not occasionally. But steadfastly.

If indeed peace has returned to the troubled lands of Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Benue, Plateau, Kwara, and beyond, then you deserve commendation for witnessing such a transformation. But if, as many still believe, the reality on the ground has not changed as dramatically as the silence suggests, then your voice is needed now as much as it was then. Unless there is something we are not seeing that you would want us to see, could it be a case of “Tinubu I love, Buhari I hate”? Or should we begin to wonder whether conviction has given way to convenience?

Bishop, sir, would you recommend that we keep silent when we benefit and speak up only when we do not?

Over time, we have seen that history is kinder to those who remain constant in truth than to those who are convenient in silence.

I write not in condemnation, but in expectation.

Prince Daniel a Concerned Citizen and Head of cool Wazobia And Arewa Radio on Kano

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