By Abba Anwar

An interesting and soundly captivating revelation goes viral and attracting accolades in the media from yesterday, when the Special Adviser on Media, to His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, PhD, CFR, discloses that, the Senator sponsored 42 Bills in 36 Months.

The Media Aide, Ismail Mudasshir in his press release, says, “A total of 42 bills have so far been sponsored by the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau I Jibrin, in three years, from June 13, 2023, to June 13, 2026, records from the Senate have revealed.

Senator Barau, who represents Kano North Senatorial District, has emerged as the most active lawmaker in the 10th Senate in terms of private member bill sponsorship.”

The breakdown further reveals that, that the Senator sponsored 13 bills in 2023, 9 bills in 2024, 17 bills in 2025 and 3 bills in 2026.

Yes the number of the Bills shows the seriousness, commitment and how patriotic DSP is, because that number places him inches ahead of many Distinguished colleagues. He truly understands and identifies himself with the primary responsibility of a legislator in legislative process, lobby, procedure and oversight functions.

It is absolutely true that, the number of the Bills birthed under his effort are commendable. But more commendable to me, are the Bills that have link with the security of the land. In this context. As insecurity is plaguing hard in the North in particular, and Nigeria in general, anything that has to do with taming the menace and monster of this problem, is an all-important development.

I sometimes disagree with some opinions that, all our leaders are not interested in taming the menace of insecurity in the country. I do so, when I think of good leaders like DSP Jibrin. In his own capacity as a legislator, whose primary and constitutional responsibility lies on legislation, not execution, he is doing well and amazing.

This piece is not on his contributions to security agencies and personnel in his constituency and Kano state in general. It is concentrated only on security – related Bills in the Senate, which he sponsored.

To talk briefly about his constituency and state, while he did a lot in providing operational vehicles and other logistics for the Nigeria Police Force, Kano Command, alongside other security agencies, he did well in the area of infrastructural development in Barracks and other operational locations.

Insurgency and other forms of terrorism hitting hard on us, does not start and end in forests and other hideous, such physical acts are the product of planning, engagement and execution. In this digital age Cybercrimes are crux of the matter, alongside other nefarious activities. With the good understanding of the lingering bad side of this, DSP Jibrin, initiated and sponsored Cybercrimes (Repeal & Re-enactment) Bill, 2023 (SB.64).

Cybercrime is a pregnant of bad traits like hacking government systems, banking fraud, online scams FUNDING BANDITS/KIDNAPPERS, spread of disinformation that incites violence. When DSP understood that, repealing and re-enacting the 2015 Act, could aid in updating penalties, improving coordination with equally relevant agencies like Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC), Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Office of the National Security Adviser(ONSA). This will give law enforcement better tools to track cybercriminals. Without this, Nigeria’s digital space stays vulnerable.

Understanding that modern insecurity is not just about guns. Explosives sometimes cause more devastating damage than guns. His Excellency, Deputy Senate President sponsored Explosives Act (Repeal & Re-enactment) Bill, 2023 (SB.70). This has to do with IEDs, bombings, illegal mining explosives used bandits/insurgents. The old Act is outdated. A new Act tightens licensing for quarries, construction, mining companies. It also controls storage and transportation so explosives don’t end up in wrong hands. This, by whatever standard, is a frontline prevention against terrorism and violent crime.

His genuine concern for our patriotic elements, Armed Forces of the Federal Republic, Senator Jibrin sponsored Armed Forces Comfort Fund Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025 (SB. 882). This has to do with the welfare of our soldiers and direct military operations. It looks at the welfare of soldiers – medical care for injured troops, support for families of fallen soldiers, barracks upgrades.

It is natural to note that if morale and welfare are low, troop effectiveness automatically drops. This Bill ensures the fund works better, so soldiers fighting Boko Haram, bandits, IPOB etc are better supported. Security depends on the reality that fighting force being motivated.

As a global citizen whose worldview and knowledge of how nations struggle against modern crimes, with digital capacity and capability, our all-round Senator sponsored Cryptocurrency Prohibition and Regulation Bill, 2025 (SB.931). This has to do with financial security. A crux of many evils. It is very clear to deeply understand that unregulated crypto is used to move ransom money for kidnapping, fund terrorism, launder proceeds of banditry.

This Bill strengthening prohibition and regulation suggests loudly that Nigeria wants to either ban high-risk crypto or put strict Know Your Customer/ Anti-Money Laundering (KYC/AML) rules. That cuts off a funding channel for criminals. Central Bank and EFCC have alarmed crypto as a security risk since 2021.

To deal with financial crimes and enhance financial security from all ramifications, he saw reason in sponsoring Virtual Asset and Service Providers Bill, 2025 (SB. 956). It looks at VASP exchanges, wallets, crypto brokers. Failure to regulate them could land Nigeria to be blacklisted by Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a global Police for money crimes.

It is globally accepted that, when a nation is blacklisted by FATF, that hurts banking and investment. Which automatically weakens the economy and creates more poverty-driven crime. Regulating VASPs means transactions can be traced, making it harder for kidnappers/bandits to hide money for their notorious activities.

His Bill the National Identity Management Commission (Repeal & Re-enactment) Bill, 2024 (SB.472), is foundational for internal security. As crimes like kidnapping, banditry and terrorism thrive on anonymity, with this Bill, a very strong, clean National ID database with biometrics helps security agencies identify suspects, track movement, block SIM cards of criminals, and secure borders. This Bill has already been passed into Law. It strengthens NIMC to capture more Nigerians and link NIN to SIMs, BVN, and the rest.

Slow development or lack of it, fuels nefarious activities among citizens. With this understanding Senator Jibrin saw a strong reason why he should sponsor and facilitate for the establishment of a development commission. Hence his sponsorship of North West Development Commission (Establishment) Bill, 2023 (SB.90).

It is largely believe that, insecurity in North West region is driven by poverty, no jobs, no schools, abandoned projects etc etc. The Commission is created to rebuild roads, schools, hospitals, create jobs in the 7 states of the region. This tackles root causes of the disturbing and lingering menace. Which means fewer youth join gangs. Especially when the Commission takes-off.

With Constitution Alteration Bills, 2023-2025, sponsorsed by the DSP, many areas concentrate on how to change security architecture. Provisions like SB.262, SB.281, SB.288, SB.403, SB.784, SB.785, SB.786, SB.793, SB.804, SB.907 deal with state police, local government autonomy, security votes transparency, or police reform. We are talking of constitutionalizing fight against insecurity.

Kidnappers den and terrorists hideouts are looked at in the Bill he sponsored, Development Planning and Project Continuity Bill, 2023 (SB.05). Under this the provisions need to do with environmental and/or operational security. It looks at bandoned projects like uncompleted buildings, roads, dams that become hideouts for kidnappers and bandits. This bill forces governments to finish projects before starting new ones. Less abandoned infrastructure means less space for criminals to operate. This also prevents waste of public funds that should go to security.

I am not only looking at the number of Bills sponsored by His Excellency, Distinguished Senator Jibrin, though commendable and encouraging, my concern in this context is the fact that out of the total Bills, 42, 5 hit security head-on, 4 addresses root causes or systems that make security easier. While 3 of the 4 have already become law, these are Cybercrimes, Explosives, NIMC, and NWDC.

I concur with His Excellency’s Media Aide, Mudasshir when he said in his press release, that, “Sponsoring forty-two bills in three years is, without doubt, a colossal legislative feat. Senator Barau, fondly called ‘Maliya’, has always been known as someone who raises the bar to enviable heights in all his endeavours.

He explained further that, “The Deputy Senate President has achieved this alongside the demanding duties of supporting the Senate President in providing leadership for the Senate. At the sub-regional legislature, the ECOWAS Parliament, Senator Barau as the First Deputy Speaker has been playing a key role in the leadership of the regional assembly.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 14th June, 2026

His Excellency,
The Executive Governor of Kano State,
Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf

A TRIBUTE TO HIS EXCELLENCY ON THE OCCASION OF HIS 3RD YEAR IN OFFICE*

Your Excellency Sir,

On this milestone of your third year as Executive Governor of Kano State, I and my team join millions of Kano people in celebrating a journey defined by purpose, resilience and measurable impact. The mandate entrusted to you in 2023 has matured into visible progress across every sector.

You have governed like a master builder, not chasing applause, but laying foundations. The roads you revived now pulse with commerce. Classrooms you rebuilt now echo with the voices of tomorrow’s leaders. Health facilities you upgraded now stand as refuges where dignity is restored alongside healing.

What distinguishes your leadership most is your commitment to those who came before us. By settling outstanding gratuities and severance entitlements, you honored the service of retirees and former office holders. That act did more than clear arrears, it restored faith. It reminded every public servant that service to Kano will never be forgotten.

Let us also place on record, our profound respect for one of the most difficult sacrifice, yet far-sighted, decisions of your administration: embracing APC, the party of the central government, in the interest of Kano people. Political alignment at that level requires courage. You chose principle over politics, unity over division and development over discord. By bridging Kano with the center, you positioned our state to attract resources, partnerships and opportunities that would have been out of reach. History will record that as statesmanship, not convenience.

We also hold in deep respect the political courage you demonstrated by wielding the broom to sweep away entrenched “wall Geckos”, that is, by releasing office holders whose loyalty lay elsewhere so that your government could move forward with one mind and one direction. It was a decisive, difficult act. But history teaches that a house divided cannot stand. By clearing space for men and women who share your vision, you ensured that governance would not be held hostage by inertia. That was statesmanship.

Your Excellency, the choice of *Alhaji Murtala Sule Galadima Garo as your deputy* was a brilliant decision that grounded your administration in Kano. As a grassroots politician, he understands our markets, our wards, and the daily realities of our communities. Like strong roots that keep a tall tree firm in a storm, his close connection to the people gives your government depth, balance, and wider reach. With him by your side, the distance between Government House and the last compound in every local government is shorter, and the voice of ordinary citizens reaches the table of power.

Your Excellency, I and my team believed that your swift response to the security challenges in Gwarzo, Shanono and Tsanyawa proves that the safety of Kano people is not just ink in a manifesto, it is the heartbeat of your administration. Like a vigilant shepherd who moves before the wolf scatters the flock, you acted with urgency to shield lives and property before fear could take root. That same resolve extended to the victims and families shattered by bandit attacks, and to the frontline security personnel standing in harm’s way. You looked beyond the numbers and saw grieving families. You looked beyond duty and saw brave men and women at the frontline. Like a father who binds the wounds of his children while strengthening the hands that guard the gate, you chose to comfort the broken and fortify the brave. In that dual commitment, to protect Kano and to heal Kano, governance is revealed not merely as power, but as humanity.

Accordingly, Your emergence unopposed in the APC primaries and the calm wisdom with which you guided fellow aspirants, further affirmed your role as a unifier. You understood that when leaders contend without restraint, the people bear the cost. You chose consensus. Kano is better for it.

Your Excellency, you carry leadership like the baobab carries its crown, not for show, but to shelter all who stand beneath it. You wear responsibility heavier than any title.

As I write this, I do so as an APC aspirant for UGG/MJB Federal Constituency who, through the party’s consensus process, yielded the ticket in deference to party unity. That decision does not diminish my commitment. It strengthens it. My pledge to the good people of UGG/MJB and to this administration remains unshaken.

May Allah SWT continue to guide you, grant you strength and crown your efforts with success that outlives your stewardship. May your name be etched among those who turned vision into heritage.

Kano is moving. Kano is grateful.

With highest regards,
Naziru Alhassan Bachirawa – Ungogo

By Aliyu Mohammed Idris, PhD,

There is a particular kind of political optimism that refuses to be corrected by evidence. It is the optimism that survives a catastrophic electoral performance, reinterprets the catastrophe as a near-miss, constructs an elaborate narrative of stolen victory to explain away the margin of defeat, and then proceeds to the next electoral cycle with essentially the same strategic assumptions, the same candidate, and the same fundamental misreading of the political landscape that produced the catastrophe in the first place. It is the optimism currently driving Peter Obi’s 2027 presidential campaign under the banner of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, and it is an optimism that the verified electoral arithmetic of the 2023 presidential election exposes, with the cold and irrefutable precision of numbers, as a strategy built on a foundation that the facts of Nigerian political geography simply do not support.
The numbers are not in dispute. They are drawn from the official records of the Independent National Electoral Commission, verified by multiple fact-checking organisations, and confirmed by the Africa Report’s real-time election coverage. Peter Obi secured 43.0 percent of votes from the South in the 2023 presidential election and only 14.2 percent from the North. That 14.2 percent figure is not merely a disappointing performance or a correctable underachievement. It is a structural indictment of a campaign that presented itself as a genuinely national movement while failing to build anything resembling a genuinely national electoral coalition. In Gombe State, he polled 26,160 votes against Atiku’s 319,123. In Sokoto, he managed 6,568 votes. In state after state across the North-West and North-East, his performance was so marginal as to be politically irrelevant in the context of a contest governed by the constitutional requirement that a winning presidential candidate must secure not merely the most votes nationally but at least 25 percent of votes cast in no fewer than 24 of Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.
The constitutional arithmetic is the most devastating dimension of this electoral reality. Nigeria’s presidential election is not won by national popular vote alone. It is won by a combination of national plurality and geographic distribution, a system specifically designed to ensure that the president of a federation as diverse as Nigeria cannot be elected on the strength of a single region’s enthusiasm, however overwhelming that enthusiasm may be. In 2023, Peter Obi won the South-East with majorities that were, in several states, greater than 90 percent of votes cast. In Anambra, his home state, he polled 584,621 votes. In Enugu, he secured 91.42 percent of total votes cast. These were extraordinary performances. But they were extraordinary performances in a geographically concentrated region that, however impressive its margins, could not on its own satisfy the constitutional distribution requirement that makes a presidential victory mathematically possible. The 25 percent threshold in 24 states is not a formality. It is the architectural expression of Nigeria’s federal character, and Peter Obi’s 2023 campaign failed to meet it not because of electoral malpractice alone, as his supporters persistently claim, but because the underlying electoral coalition he had built was geographically insufficient to satisfy a constitutional standard that any serious presidential campaign must plan from the outset to meet.
The question for 2027 is whether the Obi-Kwankwaso ticket has credibly addressed this structural deficiency. The honest answer, when examined against the current political landscape of Northern Nigeria, is that it has not, and that the specific political assets that Kwankwaso was expected to bring to the ticket have been substantially eroded by the events of the past two years in ways that the NDC’s campaign strategists appear to be either unaware of or unwilling to acknowledge. Kwankwaso’s political capital in the North was always most concentrated in Kano State, where the Kwankwasiyya movement had built a formidable grassroots organisation over more than a decade of investment in community mobilisation, welfare distribution, and political education. That organisation delivered Kano State for the NNPP in the 2023 governorship election, producing the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the man who was supposed to be the institutional expression of Kwankwaso’s continued relevance as a northern political force.
But Governor Yusuf is no longer Kwankwaso’s man. He decamped to the APC earlier in 2026, taking with him the 36 members of the Kano State House of Assembly and all 44 local government chairmen, in one of the most consequential political defections in Kano’s recent history. The Kwankwasiyya movement, which was already showing signs of internal stress before the defection, has been structurally fractured by the departure of the governor it helped elect. The political organisation that Kwankwaso was counting on to deliver Kano’s substantial electoral weight to the Obi-Kwankwaso ticket in 2027 is now a significantly diminished force operating in a state whose government, whose legislative machinery, and whose local government structures are all aligned with the APC and the federal administration of President Tinubu. Beyond Kano, Kwankwaso’s influence across the wider North-West and North-East was always more aspirational than organisational, more a function of his national profile than of the kind of ward-level mobilisation infrastructure that actually moves voters on election day.
The one-term promise that Obi has repeatedly deployed as a tool for managing northern political anxieties about southern presidential dominance adds a further layer of analytical complexity to the electoral arithmetic question, because it highlights the extent to which the NDC’s northern strategy is built on political arrangements rather than genuine political support. A presidential candidate who needs to offer a constitutionally unenforceable promise to serve only a single term in order to persuade northern stakeholders to consider supporting him is a candidate who is acknowledging, in the most direct possible terms, that the northern support he is seeking is contingent rather than organic, transactional rather than ideological, and dependent on political calculations that could shift dramatically between now and the February 2027 polling date. Political opinion across Northern Nigeria, as Vanguard’s reporting confirmed, remains sharply divided over the one-term promise, with many stakeholders describing it as politically strategic but lacking enforceable guarantees. That assessment is correct. And a northern electoral strategy built on a promise that cannot be legally enforced, delivered by a candidate whose history of party-switching has demonstrated a consistent willingness to abandon commitments when political conditions become inconvenient, is a strategy whose foundations deserve the most rigorous scrutiny.
The electoral mathematics of 2027 are not fundamentally different from those of 2023. The constitutional threshold is the same. The geographic distribution requirement is the same. The northern political landscape, far from having been transformed in Obi’s favour by the Kwankwaso alliance, has in critical respects shifted against him, with Kano State, the single most important northern electoral prize, now firmly within the APC’s political architecture following Governor Yusuf’s defection. The 14.2 percent that Obi secured from the North in 2023 was not a floor from which he will inevitably rise with the right running mate and the right messaging. It was a ceiling built by a combination of the IPOB credibility deficit, the geographic concentration of the Obidient Movement’s energy, the constitutional distribution requirement’s structural demands, and the deep cultural and political instincts of northern voters whose relationship with presidential candidates is governed by a set of expectations and requirements that Peter Obi’s campaign, in 2023 and so far in 2027, has not demonstrated the capacity or the willingness to genuinely meet. The numbers said it clearly in 2023. They are saying it still. The question is whether anyone in the NDC’s campaign structure is listening