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A Nostalgic Tribute to Muhammadu Buhari-Amir Abdulazeez

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By: Amir Abdulazeez

During the early and mid-months of 2002, I usually visit an uncle (now late) who generously provided me with newspapers often before he even read them himself. On one such visit, I picked up a copy of the Daily Trust, a relatively new publication at the time, and while flipping through its pages, I read the delightful news that not only made me happy but also propelled me into a brief career in partisan politics. Retired General Muhammadu Buhari had decided to join democratic politics and announced his entry into the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP).

At the time, the Obasanjo-led administration was widely perceived to be underperforming, failing to sincerely address Nigeria’s mounting challenges. The PDP had morphed into a formidable political giant, while the ANPP was weakening steadily; other newly registered parties existed only in the briefcases of their founders. Buhari’s decision to join politics at that time represented the single most decisive decision that changed the Nigerian democratic landscape in the last 25 years. Youths, pensioners, activists, comrades, veterans and even fence-sitters found a new rallying point and almost everyone else joined the new messiah.

Although many harbored reservations about Buhari; especially those whose interests had been hurt during his military regime or the post-1999 established elite who saw him as a threat, I was among the countless young Nigerians who adored Buhari to a fault. My admiration for him was so intense that another uncle once felt compelled to caution me. It was just before the 2003 presidential election when he walked into my room, saw a large framed portrait of Buhari on my wall, smiled, and advised me to moderate my obsession.

My love for Buhari began about 30 years ago. The establishment of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by General Sani Abacha’s administration in 1994 coincided with our early years in secondary school. By the time the Fund was a year old in 1995, the name of Muhammadu Buhari was on the lips of virtually all Nigerians. In my estimation then, he was the only tangible good thing about the Abacha government. In fact, he appeared to be more popular than Abacha himself; a hypothesis that reportedly inspired Obasanjo to scrap the Fund in 1999 to avoid ‘running a government inside a government’.

I vividly recall a day in 1995 or 1996 when I accompanied my father to a bookshop. The PTF low-price edition of every book we went to buy was available at a 50% or so discount without any compromise in quality. While paying the money, I could see the smile on my father’s face reflecting deep satisfaction and appreciation for the work of the PTF. That was the first time in my life I truly felt and understood the direct impact of government on the people. In pharmacies, PTF drugs were sold at subsidized rates. There was no propaganda, rhetoric, cosmetics, or media packaging; the work of Buhari’s PTF was there for everyone to see and touch. I was lucky as a young lad to join elders in travels across the country from 1995-1997. I got tired of seeing the PTF road projects that I once asked: “Why won’t this Buhari return as president to fix Nigeria?”

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Muhammadu Buhari, a constant figure in Nigerian political discourse since 1983, is now gone. Few anticipated his death, as the brief illness he suffered in London seemed either a rumor or a routine medical trip. Ironically, many of his detractors had “killed” him multiple times in the past; some of them dying before he did. In 2014, former Ekiti State governor Ayo Fayose ran a notorious advert predicting Buhari wouldn’t last months in office if elected. Yet he won, served for eight years, and died just months short of turning 83.

Buhari lived a long, dedicated, and enduring life of service and commitment to Nigeria, spanning about six decades in both military and civilian capacities. Save perhaps for Obasanjo, there’s no Nigerian, dead or alive, matches his array of public portfolios. His personal reputation for discipline, honesty, integrity, and austerity endured throughout his public life. He stood as a symbol of principled and stoic leadership and left behind a legacy that will continue to resonate for generations.

Just before his death, the debate of who made him president in 2015 resurfaced with an exchange of tantrums between some pro-Tinubu and pro-Buhari gladiators. While I found the debate outdated, my position remains that Buhari ought to have become president 12 years earlier. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections, it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. That year’s election ranks among the most fraudulent in modern global history. In 2007, the presidential election results were simply fabricated, so we can’t even call that an election, not to talk of who won or lost.

Despite my immense love for Buhari, I was left with no choice but to join his critics after 2015. Less than a year in, it became clear that his government lacked the vision and effectiveness many had hoped for. In 2015, I queued until about 10:00 p.m. to vote for him, believing he was Nigeria’s last chance. By 2018, disappointed, I called for him to serve just one term. I argued then that if he couldn’t lead like Nelson Mandela, he could at least exit like Mandela. By 2021, while in his second term, I was so disillusioned that I openly advocated for his impeachment.

It still remains a mystery how our much beloved, tested and trusted (his campaign slogan in 2003) Buhari failed fell so short of expectations. Some blamed his arrogant and underperforming appointees; others cited a fractured and directionless party. But ultimately, he bore the responsibility. His inability or unwillingness to discipline ineffective ministers eroded his credibility. In 2022, during the eight-month strike by university lecturers, I contacted one of his aides (a relative), who confirmed that it was Buhari’s ministers not Buhari himself who opposed paying the lecturers. Another indicator that he wasn’t really in charge.

In the midst of the storm, Buhari’s administration managed to attain some landmark achievements and notable milestones in infrastructure, social welfare, and the fight against terrorism. He delivered the elusive Second Niger Bridge, the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna railways and upgraded numerous critical road networks. His government implemented the Treasury Single Account (TSA), which significantly improved public financial transparency and curbed leakages. Buhari’s war against Boko Haram yielded mixed results but succeeded in reclaiming substantial territory from insurgents. He introduced arguably the largest Social Investment Program in the history of Africa, targeting millions of beneficiaries through initiatives like N-Power, Trader Moni, Survival Fund, Anchor Borrowers Scheme, and conditional cash transfers.

Nigerians are free to hold divergent views on Buhari. But there should be decency in how we express those views. No one is without flaws; we all have our good and bad sides. One day, we too shall pass, and others will speak of us. Buhari had both triumphs and failings; some reaped benefits, others suffered losses. If you can pray for him, please do. If not, be measured in your words.

The past few days have witnessed a flurry of deaths, a sobering reminder that life is fleeting and death inevitable. Today’s giants will one day lie lifeless. When Garba Shehu broke the news of Buhari’s death, I immediately made up my mind to put up a tribute. A few minutes after the announcement, I went to his Wikipedia page to corroborate some information about the general. To my surprise, the information about his death had already been updated: “Muhammadu Buhari (1942-2025)”—so swiftly? I said to myself. Baba is gone. May Allah forgive and grant him Jannatul-Firdaus.

July 15, 2025

Opinion

Amupitan and the Credibility of the 2027 Elections-Salihu Tanko Yakasai

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By Salihu Tanko Yakasai.

In any election, the most important stakeholder is the electoral umpire. Whoever is chosen to lead the electoral body carries a heavy burden, particularly in how key players and observers perceive the independence of that umpire, whether he will be fair and just or take sides with those who appointed him.

Typically, the person appointed to head the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is expected to ensure a level playing field for all candidates, irrespective of whether they belong to the ruling party or the opposition. Over the years in Nigeria, however, some INEC chairmen have been found wanting in the discharge of their duties.

Maurice Iwu is widely regarded as one of Nigeria’s most controversial INEC chairmen, largely because the 2007 elections under his leadership were heavily criticized for irregularities and lack of credibility. Even Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who won that election, admitted the process was flawed. While some argue he operated within a weak system, his tenure is still often seen as a low point for electoral integrity in Nigeria.

If you’re looking at credibility, transparency, and public trust, his tenure is often seen as a low point for Nigeria’s electoral process.

But from all indications, the current INEC chairman, Joash Amupitan, seems to be on the verge of becoming even worse than Maurice Iwu, as his tenure has been marked by one controversy after another since his appointment.

1- Religious bias allegation

The current INEC chairman, Amupitan, has faced criticism over a past petition in which he reportedly raised concerns about what he described as “Christian genocide.” This has drawn objections from groups such as the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, who argue that such a position raises questions about his neutrality in a religiously diverse country and have called for his removal.

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2- ADC leadership portal controversy

While citing a court order, the INEC chairman reportedly derecognized David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as Chairman and Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, respectively. This removal from INEC’s official portal could undermine the party’s ability to field candidates. Critics see this as a move that may disadvantage opposition parties in favor of the ruling All Progressives Congress.

3- Voter revalidation exercise concerns

Another major issue was the proposed voter revalidation exercise introduced close to the election timeline, which sparked backlash. Many argued that attempting to revalidate tens of millions of voters within a short period could disenfranchise many Nigerians in the 2027 general elections. Following public pressure, the commission suspended the exercise.

4- Social media partisanship allegation

Questions have been raised about an alleged social media account linked to Amupitan, said to contain posts supportive of the APC and critical of opposition movements such as the “Obidient” movement. Although he denied ownership, some online claims suggest links to personal identifiers such as an email address and phone number, leaving the issue contested.

All these controversies are happening even before the elections. If Maurice Iwu is the yardstick for a poor election umpire, then by all accounts, Amupitan appears to be on track to surpass that record. If he can be perceived as this compromised before the elections, what should be expected on election day?

When the credibility of an election collapses, the consequences go far beyond the ballot box. Voter turnout drops as people begin to feel their votes no longer count, and the legitimacy of whoever emerges as winner is immediately questioned. This often fuels political tension, deepens divisions, and in some cases can trigger unrest. Ultimately, a flawed electoral process does not just produce disputed outcomes, it weakens public trust in democracy itself and makes governance far more difficult.

This is why all well-meaning Nigerians, as well as the international community, must lend their voices to calls for the removal of such a controversial INEC chairman. The credibility of the elections is already being questioned even before they are held. It is like a referee in a football match wearing the jersey of one of the teams, you do not need anyone to tell you that such a referee cannot be neutral.

As Kofi Annan once said, “Credible elections are the cornerstone of democracy.” When that credibility is in doubt, the very foundation of the democratic process is weakened. Nigeria cannot afford to gamble with that foundation in 2027.

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Opinion

The Final Betrayal Of A Red Neck?-Martin Yakwo

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By Martin Yakwo

The humid air of Benisheikh felt heavy yesterday, not with rain, but with the silence of a trap. Brigadier General Oseni Braimah stood in the center of the 29 Task Force Brigade’s perimeter, his thumb tracing the jagged edge of a radio that hadn’t caught a clear signal in three days.

He had surely sent five memos to Abuja in a month. He’d asked for the T-72 tanks promised in the quarterly budget and the thermal optics needed to see through the encroaching Sahel dust. After all the general in his youth was trained in the annals of red house aka octopus house..where being on point was a religion? Sharp thinking was necessary to survive and being resourceful was mandatory.

But alas, The replies from the High Command via the buffoons in the villa were always the same: “Resources are being deployed. Maintain your position.” But Braimah knew where the resources were. He had seen the photos of the new mansions in Lakeview, Abuja, owned by men who had never heard a shot fired in anger. He knew the “superior firepower” touted in the morning press releases was sitting in a shipping container in Lagos, held up by a kickback dispute between greedy politically inclined morons and the compromised analogue generals who have become their partners in crime and corruption.

“General,” his adjutant whispered, pointing toward the tree line. “The scouts didn’t return.” how could they have returned? They had already been betrayed by some rehabilitated sons and daughters of Satan with the blessing of the NSA and his clowns in control of the nations security apparatus a long time ago.

Braimah reached for his rifle. It was a decades-old weapon, the ubiquitous AK 47? its barrel worn smooth. He knew the political will to end this war didn’t exist; a forever war was too profitable for the men/agbayas in flowing agbadas, multi million naira watches and their paramilitary gang members in well starched khakis who the general answered to. If the insurgency died, the “security votes”—those unvetted billions—would vanish. After all, the dirty, stinky, drug addled vermin known as Boko Haram are the prodigal sons of some of the hierarchy as well as the politicians. These boys are cash in the bank as it is and so must be protected and supplied more than the military itself.

Then, the darkness erupted.
The terrorists didn’t come with swords; they came with brand-new technicals and night-vision goggles—gear better than anything Braimah’s men possessed. The General sprinted toward the front trench, shouting orders that were drowned out by the screams of boys holding jammed rifles.
He picked up a Light Machine Gun from a fallen soldier, but after three bursts, it seized.

The procurement officers had bought “refurbished” ammunition that was actually decades-old surplus. “Request air support!” Braimah roared over the thunder of RPGs.
“The jets are grounded in Maiduguri, sir!” the comms officer yelled back, tears streaking his dusty face. “They say there’s no fuel budget cleared for night Sorties!”

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Braimah looked at the sky, vast and empty. No air support? No night time drones? It wasn’t the enemy that had defeated him. It was the ink on the diverted contracts and the shrugs in the air-conditioned boardrooms of the capital. He stood tall, a silhouette of defiance against the muzzle flashes. He was a lion led by sheep, a guardian sold for a percentage. As the perimeter collapsed, he didn’t retreat. He fired his sidearm until the slide locked back. By then the scene must have looked like a scorched earth with bodies strewn across each other, blood and dust mixing with bullets and shrapnel as the constant staccato of gunfire mixed with Islamic chants by the evil killers of his colleagues rent the air, getting closer, and closer by the mili second?

The last thing Oseni Braimah felt wasn’t the sting of the bullet, but the “cold weight of a betrayal that started a thousand miles away from the battlefield in an air conditioned suite in the villa and freezing office in the MOD.” The desire to gaze upon the faces of his beautiful wife and kids once more must have driven him to jump into the last remaining MRAP vehicle in order to save himself and the wounded left alive to try to salvage their dire situation and protect us the citizens who slept underneath the covers while simultaneously living in order to fight another day?

But alas….it wasn’t meant to be…”oga the MRAP has no fuel and the engine is faulty?” What manner of government allows a red neck to be in charge of a command with such a logistical nightmare? The Nigerian government of course. Better to turn our brightest and bravest into sitting ducks in borno for the bandits as long as the allowances can be exchanged in zone 4 for dollars but not sense!

The next morning, the DHQ would release a statement praising his “heroism” and “the military’s successful repelling of the attack.” The mansions in Abuja would remain quiet, their walls thick enough to drown out the sound of the desert wind while also buck passing in order to avoid any form of official scrutiny. Maybe tomorrow morning the mong from bourdillion would hurriedly fly into an airfield in Maiduguri for 10 minutes to extol the virtues of my red house brother and his fallen comrades in arms as he did in jos? He would make his usual regurgitated speech about “never again or we will crush these bandits?” He may also demand that they bring omos twin brother and his grieving wife and kids for a photo op? To show that he cares? Typical.

Mr President , your high command and your useless Boko Haram trainee ministers and the safari suit wearing boy scout from kaduna . You have all sacrificed an innocent man’s life and that of his brave platoon with your incompetence, blinding stupidity and lack of political will to face this menace head on. Nigerians are now on par with somalians as regards to insecurity and it is all happening under your bleary-eyed watch.

The betrayal of all the remaining red necks and their subordinates rests on your shoulders. May all of you responsible for the current state of this nations capitulation choke on your wealth and die off in penury after being haunted by the visions of all those who have been sent to the upper room by your inaction greed and lack of foresight.

As for “Le deux, tallest, Omo bee and the general?”…..I wish you a peaceful journey
I will see you when it’s my turn . Rest in peace……Salute.

[“The final betrayal of a red neck” is a SEMI BIOGRAPHICAL EPITAPH written by me based on the events of the last 24 hours of oseni braimahs life, as a dedication to his bravery and that of his men, the current inefficiency affecting our nations military offensive against terrorists in nigeria, the debilitating federal corruption as well as our 32 year association via our journey through the hallowed halls of CSSKD”]

© God of words productions. 2026

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Opinion

Shekarau In APC, Morale Booster For Governor Abba

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By Abba Anwar

It is no longer a news or something strange for Kano people, for one to comfortably advance a stance that, among all the former Governors of Kano, who are still alive, including Military Administrators during Military regime, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, Sardaunan Kano and a one time Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is the most focused, most honest, most humane, most humble and most lenient, with high sense of spiritual touch.

Just like the former Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, whose political structure cuts across all the 44 local government areas in the state, Malam Shekarau has that political spread for sure. Shekarau’s structure, under what is called Shurah Council /Committee, is more genuine and democratic, than that of Kwankwaso.

For the simple reason that, nowhere in his political life, before, during and after his days in office, it was reported that he takes decisions without consultation. The cardinal essence of the true meaning of Shurah. Consultation before action. The concept of Shurah became more prominent in his post administration era.

Even the Shurah Council /Committee, is under the leadership of another respected and down – to-earth personality, Dr Umar Mustapha, popularly known and called Mai Mansaleta (Mentholatum). An ocean difference between Kwankwaso’s Kwankwasiyya and Shekarau’s Shurah. Under Shurah, immediately after Shekarau, there is the Chairman of the body of decision makers, Shurah. Unlike in Kwankwasiyya where you have Kwankwaso and only him, as the alpha and omega. Below him in the chain of decision making and command? Nobody! Absolute totalitarianism!

With the cross over of Shekarau to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the chances and influence of Kano state, Abba Kabir Yusuf, against 2027 election, are becoming more visible, predictable and waxing stronger. Even the consolidation of the party and governance are becoming increasingly focused. Shekarau is respected by almost all Kano elders and responsible individuals.

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One good thing about Shekarau’s political empire, is, almost all those who are following his political direction, have it at the back of their mind that, they are duty bound, to be loyal, as a symbol of duty of followership. No blind loyalty, no deceit and no double-speak. He, as an overall leader of the dynasty, if I can use the term, consults, before any decision is reached.

Shekarau in APC, means governor Yusuf’s decisive political spread across all the 44 local governments. I also hope that, Shekarau’s people will not be sidelined in the party activities and governance. As it was the case during the immediate past governor Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON.

If and only if governor Yusuf wants to display practical relationship with Shekarau, I suggest, he should incorporate Shekarau’s loyalists in governance, more than any other section or camp of the traditional APC. Why? Because, Shekarau, as it appears now, has no single individual in the party leadership. Right form the ward to local government up to state. Congresses across wards, local governments and state took place few weeks back. Before Shekarau joins the party. So he should be compensated, anyway.

It is governor Yusuf, Malam Shekarau, Baba Ganduje and His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, who are now on the table. A round table, if you wish. Is not for roundtable discussion. But for redesign, refocus, rejig, realignment and rehearsal of current political reality in Kano, against 2027.

Without fear of contradiction and exaggeration, Shekarau is still one of the very few politicians in the country, whom, when you look at their faces, you see faith, seriousness, straightforwardness, focus, commitment and humility. So as a matter of fact, APC under the governor, in Kano, is lucky to woo Sardaunan Kano, ahead of such stiffer elections, come 2027. Which is just some miles away.

I suggest that, Shekarau people, as he joins APC, should be involved in governance from local governments to state level. Failure to do that, may as well mean, APC looks at him (Shekarau), alone, not alongside his people. And this could mean a bad political approach. Let Shekarau and his people know that, their relevance and influence are spotted and appreciated, by the present state government. Unlike what was obtained in the past. When their hardwork, commitment and loyalty were thrown to the dogs.

As important as Shekarau is, in normalizing and consolidating the strength of APC, not only in Kano, it is expected that, his people would not be neglected after joining the party. Yes, Shekarau still enjoys grassroot supporters, real and genuine, for that matter. The ball, I believe, is in the court of both President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, and governor Yusuf.

So governor Yusuf should facilitate the fixing of Shekarau people in some chosen federal government spaces. Consolidation of power, is rewarding, when realities on ground are not deliberately neglected.

Shekarau’s influence cuts across many states, especially, in the North. More importantly, people that are religious, in the true sense of the word religion, gentlemen and other community leaders across our traditional settings. Humility and approachable posture, are two major attitudes that endear him to many.

Without being economical with the truth, I can say, governor Yusuf finds a new political father in Shekarau. Take it or leave it.

Anwar writes from Kano
Wednesday, 8th April, 2026

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