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Sahara Reporters, Maikudi And University Of Abuja, By Abdulgaffar Olatumbosun

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Journalism has always fascinated me for its power to reflect society, inform the public, and hold institutions accountable. My decision to study Communication and Media Studies at the University of Abuja was fueled by this passion. Over time, I have come to understand that journalism is not merely about storytelling or breaking news—it carries deep ethical responsibilities, including accuracy, balance, and integrity.

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Unfortunately, these principles seem to be diminishing in many media organisations today. Rather than prioritizing objectivity and fairness, some outlets have embraced sensationalism, bias, and even outright falsehoods. This troubling trend has been evident in the recent media coverage surrounding the appointment of the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Abuja, Professor Aisha Sani Maikudi. It is almost as if the institution has been singled out for relentless attacks, with reports that are sometimes misleading, exaggerated, or outright false.
At the forefront of this media onslaught is Sahara Reporters, an online outlet that once attracted the public because of its coverage of wide range of issues. However, over time, it appears to have become simply a platform for personal vendettas, sensationalism, and in some instances, for those who are prepared to offer a price.
In just the last four months, the platform has published over 40 news stories about the University of Abuja, 38 of which are negative.
Many of these reports relied on spurious, unnamed sources, unverified documents, and unsubstantiated claims, resulting in cheap and puerile blackmail. I remember some sensational headlines such as “43 UniAbuja Profs, Members of Senate Accuse Vice-Chancellor Maikudi of Singlehandedly Fixing Varsity’s Convocation Date.” One amateur video was headlined, “Drama As Acting Vice Chancellor Prof Maikudi Allegedly Sends Vigilantes To Manhandle Professors At Senate Meeting.”
In taking a closer look at most of the stories about the University, it becomes difficult to ignore the possibility that Sahara Reporters is being used by some interests who want to run the University of Abuja down or who desire a certain candidate to be imposed as vice-chancellor by the Council, instead of Maikudi, who was appointed through a transparent and due process. Even at this moment that I write, this online platform remains notoriously unrepentant in what I will refer to as its “bring them down journalism.” One of its most recent stories published on 29th January 2025 cried, “UNIABUJA Crisis: Vice-Chancellor Maikudi Removes Senior Academics Opposing Her Appointment From HOD, Director Positions –Sources.”
The story went on to state that “Maikudi has replaced these experienced individuals with inexperienced junior lecturers, some of whom have been assigned to head departments unrelated to their field of study.” The so-called sources went ahead to describe the University as “being in a state of decay, with academic culture deteriorating rapidly,” and reported that the staff were replaced because they “rejected the ‘illegal’ vice- chancellor.” I have never seen this level of subjectivity in news reporting and writing. These subjective frames are thrown carelessly with high level subjectivity.
But the University of Abuja and individuals like Professor Aisha Sani Maikudi would not be the first victim of its attacks. The platform’s credibility has nosedived and been called into question numerous times, with a growing number of individuals and organisations filing lawsuits over defamatory and libelous reports. Some notable individuals that it has attacked include former Senate President and Governor of Kwara State, Bukola Saraki; Senator Dino Melaye over claims that he had not graduated from Ahmadu Bello University; and Dr Daniel Olukoya, General Overseer of Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries, over a defamatory report published in 2013. In 2023, the Nigerian Army threatened legal action after Sahara Reporters published an article alleging that the military was planning a coup. There is litany of such and related cases in the public domain, where the outlet was sued for libel.
Of recent, it is embroiled in legal tussle over its libellous report on the Inspector General of Police.
Yet, there are many other individuals who have been maligned and defamed by Sahara Reporters that never considered going to court as an option. I think the University, and indeed its vice-chancellor, Professor Aisha Sani Maikudi is in this group. They will probably be contented with the fact that except for the unsuspecting public, many take the Sahara Reporters stories about the University with a pinch of salt. A glance at the comment sections of the SR Facebook posts reveals a growing scepticism about their journalism. Readers are calling out the platform for its obsession with attacking the Vice-Chancellor and the University and asking them to get their sources and news verified. For instance, one Josephine Adama asked, “Why won’t you guys leave this young beautiful woman alone? Do you hate her because she is a woman, or because she is not your candidate? What I read about her in other platforms speak highly of her.”
Another commenter, Jonah Simeon said, “SR, please can you be more ethical in your reporting? Stop maligning the Vice Chancellor of the University of Abuja, you have a duty to be honest and objective. Not running fake stories on her.”
And I quite agree with some of these commenters. Though there are a few who are deceived by the stories in the SR, and joined to castigate the university, media platforms have a duty to inform the public truthfully and uphold the highest ethical standards, not hiding under advocacy to assassinate the character of reputable people and institutions in the country.
But does the SR care about ethics? It is unlikely. In fact, more of these childish, blackmailing reports about the university will make their headlines because it seems that it is through blackmail that the medium makes its name.
As a student of communication and media studies, I will always see journalism as a noble profession built on accuracy, fairness, and transparency. And I advocate that those who stubbornly violate it should be sanctioned appropriately by regulatory bodies, like the ombudsman.
As for the so-called sources who are busy trying to destroy their university by attempting to tarnish their image, I am happy that the Senate of my university has made a bold decisive pronouncement against them. The management of the University has now been empowered to deal with them, if they continue to destroy the image of the university and attack the head of this institution unjustly. It is not that any amount of negative press can erase the progress being made at the University of Abuja in the last six months or so or tarnish the leadership of those genuinely working to improve the institution. It is just that because of the respect the profession has, and those of us who look up to practising it do not get discouraged by the few unprofessional platforms such as the Sahara reporters.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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