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Petition to Restore Historical Justice: Call to Abolish New Emirate System and Reinstate Sarki Sanusi as Emir of Kano Gains Momentum

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Muhammad Sunusi II 14th Emir of Kano

 

By Abdullahi Dahiru

There is a petition before the Kano state house of assembly to abolish the four emirates created by former Kano state Governor Ganduje and reinstate Sarki Sanusi as Emir of Kano. Many people think the four emirates should be allowed to stay and Sarki Sanusi should not accept the decision to be reinstated if the government decides to do that.

Well, if the government decides to abolish the four emirates and reinstate Sanusi as the Emir, it is about justice and preservation of history.

Let us go back to facts and history.
There are four kingmakers in Kano emirate. Some of them have ancestral homes in the rural areas and ancestral quarters in Kano city. The Danbazawa have Danbatta and Danbazau quarters. The Yolawa have Dawakin Tofa and Yola quarters. The Jobawa have Wudil and Wudilawa quarters. The balkanization of the Kano emirate by Ganduje stripped off those clans from leadership of those towns they inherited for a long time. The Kano kingmakers protested their new posting into the new emirates and decided to stay in Kano emirate but lost the leadership of their ancestral towns. In Dawakin Tofa his own brother was appointed as the new district head.
Sarkin Kano Sanusi I abdicated the throne in 1963 and went to exile in Azare Bauchi state. The PRP government promised to return him to Kano and fulfilled the promise within three months of coming to power. Sarkin Sanusi returned to Kano on 22nd December, 1979. That was justice.

The balkanization of the Kano emirate is reminiscent of the Kano civil war that happened in 1893. When Sarkin Kano Bello died in 1893, his son Tukur succeeded him. The sons of Sarki Maje Karofi were spited by the choice of Tukur over their own brother Galadima Yusuf the patriarch of the current Kano state governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

Galadima Yusuf led a rebellion against Tukur. His supporters-the Yusufawa-left Kano and made Takai their temporary headquarters. In Takai, Yusuf appointed ‘shadow’ district heads with titles as if he was the reigning Emir. From Takai the Yusufawa launched attack on Kano after annexing several towns along the way. During the rebellion, Galadima Yusuf died at Garko and the Yusufawa appointed Alu as the new leader. The Yusufawa defeated Tukur who fled to Kamri in present day Katsina. The Yusufawa installed Sarki Alu as the new emir. Tukur was later killed at Tafashiya in a battle with Alu. When Alu became emir he confirmed the appointment of those shadow hakimai as substantive ones as a compensation.

The APC government campaigned on consolidating of the new emirates. The APC was echoing slogans that voting it into power again will guarantee the survival of the emirates. Eventhough NNPP did not campaign on abolishing the emirates but everybody knows its stand on them. Every Kano man knows where the current five Kano emirs stood during the 2023 election and where Sarki Sanusi stood. APC has lost and NNPP has won. Just the way Yusufawa compensated those that supported their cause, that is what may happen now.

The balkanization of Kano emirate was done by Governor Rimi in 1979 and was reversed by Governor Sabo Bakin Zuwo in 1983. Kwankwaso belongs to Tabo faction of Kano politics just like Sabo Bakin Zuwo. Ganduje belongs to the Santsi faction of Kano politics just like Rimi. If Kwankwasiyya did what Tabo faction did in 1983 that would not be surprising.

Kano historians and person with interest in history has never supported balkanization of Kano history. It distorted the history and stripped many people from ancestral offices they inherited. The APC government appointed party stalwarts and supporters as title holders and even kingmakers in the new Emirates. It created new ruling lineages that never existed before. Governor Ganduje did all those things just to spite and humiliate a single person he considered an enemy. He once boasted that the emirates created by Rimi did jot last because they were not backed by law. His own emirates would survive because they were backed by law. He failed to remember that his law was proposed and passed by the assembly in just two days and can be easily reversed by another governor.

Sarauta follows the culture of people. The people of the new emirates are still considered as Kanawa and not any other people. They spoke Kano Hausa dialect and not and other dialect. If Kano state government decides to abolish the new emirates and reinstate Sanusi, it is about preservation of history and culture of Kano people and justice. It is beyond the ambition of Sarki Sanusi alone.

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Opinion

President Tinubu’s Visit to Katsina: A Missed Opportunity Wrapped in Songs and Handshakes

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Jamilu Abdussalam Hajaj

 

By Jamilu Abdussalam Hajaj

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to Katsina should have been a pivotal moment—an opportunity for the state to draw national attention to its pressing challenges, developmental milestones, and future aspirations. Unfortunately, what should have been a strategic communication moment for the state turned into a viral distraction.

From the streets of Katsina to the corners of social media, two things dominated the narrative: a campaign-style song from singer Rarara and a casual handshake between the President and Aisha Humaira. These moments, while lighthearted and culturally expressive, overshadowed the very essence of a presidential visit—governance, development, and accountability.

It raises a critical question: Was the state’s PR machinery asleep, or was the leadership not interested in framing the visit within a narrative that could catalyze national interest, policy focus, or even investment in Katsina?

In a time when states are competing for federal attention, donor support, and private capital, optics matter. Yet, in Katsina, a sitting governor was cheering a singer on and clapping joyfully to impress the President. A presidential visit is not just a ceremonial tour; it is a platform. It’s the time to walk the President through pressing realities— insecurity in rural areas, the economic potential in agriculture, the struggles with education, the underfunded health sector, the resilience of the people, and the efforts already underway to tackle these issues.

Instead, the silence around these important issues was deafening.

No strategic documentaries. No impactful speeches. No high-level stakeholder engagements positioned in the media. No community interactions that could inspire federal interventions. Not even a strong visual presentation of the state’s development agenda.

Governance is not just about doing the work; it’s about telling the story. And in that regard, Katsina missed the moment.

This visit should have been used to showcase the hard work of the administration (if there is any to show), to call for more support where needed, and to galvanize public interest and empathy. But when all that trends from a presidential visit are a song and a handshake, it’s safe to say the moment was poorly managed or, worse, completely misunderstood.

Moving forward, states must take public relations seriously—not for propaganda, but for perception, engagement, and strategic positioning. Because if you don’t control the narrative, someone else will. And often, they will focus on the trivial and mundane parts, not the transformational.

 

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EFCC Probe on Refineries: Transparency or Political Witch-Hunt

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By Aminu Umar

The recent move by Nigeria’s anti-corruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), to probe the handling of finances and contracts related to the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries has stirred a heated debate on whether the investigation represents a genuine drive for transparency or a politically motivated witch-hunt.

At the heart of the issue is the EFCC’s request for salary records and allowances of 14 key officials who served during the refinery rehabilitation period. These include high-ranking executives such as Abubakar Yar’Adua, Mele Kyari, Isiaka Abdulrazak, Umar Ajiya, Dikko Ahmed, Ibrahim Onoja, Ademoye Jelili, and Mustapha Sugungun.

Others listed are Kayode Adetokunbo, Efiok Akpan, Babatunde Bakare, Jimoh Olasunkanmi, Bello Kankaya, and Desmond Inyama. The commission appears focused on payments and administrative decisions linked to the multi-billion naira refinery resuscitation program.

However, conspicuously absent from the list of those summoned is Adedapo Segun, the current Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), who served as Executive Vice President for Downstream and was directly in charge of treasury, refinery operations, shipping, and trading. During this time, all payments related to the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries were made under his financial supervision.

This omission has raised several questions: Why is Segun not being invited or questioned if the goal is transparency? Why is the probe appearing selective?

Equally puzzling is the inclusion of Abubakar Yar’Adua, whose role is administrative rather than operational, while high-profile former Group Managing Directors (GMDs) such as Andrew Yakubu, and Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, who played central roles in refinery policy and contracts in previous administrations, appear to have been bypassed.

We are not saying Mele Kyari is innocent or guilty, but we must insist on a fair process,” a stakeholder familiar with the situation told this reporter. “This shouldn’t be a selective trial. The people who gave out the contracts and approved the funds must be investigated too.”

The tension is heightened by growing concerns that the probe is targeted at individuals from a specific region. Many observers fear this could deepen regional mistrust, especially if only northern executives are made scapegoats.

We are worried this is being used to paint Northerners as the only looters,” said one source. “You cannot fight corruption with bias. You need to look at all sides. This includes those who were ‘exonerated’ too quickly.”

Another burning question is why individuals such as Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, former Minister of State for Petroleum, and Andrew Yakubu, former GMD of NNPC, who had strategic influence on contract awards and rehabilitation policies, are not facing any scrutiny. Critics argue that anyone involved at any stage of the refinery rehabilitation—whether from policy, finance, or operational perspectives—should be equally held accountable.

Civil society groups and international anti-corruption bodies are now being urged to step in. The call is for an independent and thorough probe that includes all relevant stakeholders—without exception.

“We are calling on NGOs and international organisations to ensure that this is not a political trial. If you must clean up the refinery system, you must do it across the board,” the statement concluded.

In a country plagued by decades of failed refinery operations and opaque oil sector dealings, the public is watching this investigation closely. The EFCC is at a crossroads: its actions will either affirm its commitment to justice or expose it to accusations of being used as a tool for political vendettas.

For now, Nigerians wait—with growing skepticism.

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Opinion

Censoring the Uncensored: The irony behind Hisbah’s ban on Hamisu Breaker’s song

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By Ummi Muhammad Hassan

Following the ban by Hisbah on a new song titled “Amana Ta” by Hamisu Breaker, social media went into an uproar, capturing the attention of the public.

In the early hours of April 24, 2025, social media was filled with reactions following a press statement issued by the Deputy Commander of the Hisbah Board, Kano State chapter, Dr. Khadija Sagir, announcing the ban of Breaker’s new song. The reason cited was that the song allegedly contains obscene language.

This announcement, however, triggered a counterreaction from the public. Many became curious to know more about the song and the so-called obscene content, with some taking to their social media handles to express their opinions.

The irony of the situation is that Hisbah unintentionally gave the song more prominence, causing it to go viral. Many people who were previously unaware of the song searched for and listened to it, just to understand the controversy.

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In my opinion, after listening to the song, it contains no obscene language. Rather, the issue seems to lie with some young women who mimed the song in a suggestive manner after hearing that Hisbah had labelled it as indecent—as though to dramatize or reinforce the claim. Some even appeared as if they were intoxicated.

To me, this is both devastating and concerning, as it reflects the erosion of the strong moral standards once upheld by Hausa women. Many young people are now making videos lip-synching the song in indecent ways. It made me pause and ask myself: where has our shyness gone? I believe this question deserves a deeper conversation on another day.

In Breaker’s case, thanks to the Hisbah ban, he became the most trending Kannywood artist in April, and his song went viral—and continues to trend.

A similar incident occurred earlier this year when the federal government banned Idris Abdulkareem’s song *Tell Your Papa*. That action unexpectedly brought the artist back into the spotlight, causing the song to trend widely.

Social media has made censorship increasingly difficult. Once a movie, text, or song reaches the internet, it becomes almost impossible to control—even by the creators themselves.

While social media censorship remains a challenge, this recent incident highlights the need for the government to intensify efforts against the spread of indecent content—through Hisbah and agencies like the Kano State Film Censorship Board.

Clear guidelines should be put in place, requiring artists and filmmakers to submit their content for review and approval before public release. This, among other strategies, could help reduce the spread of inappropriate material.

Additionally, Hisbah should be more mindful of how such announcements are made, as they may inadvertently promote the very content they seek to suppress.

Ummi Muhammad Hassan, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Bayero University, Kano. She can be reached via email at: ummeemuhammadhassan@gmail.com.

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