By Garba Tsoho Dangoro

It is Allah that gives power to whosoever he pleases, and it is only him that possesses the might to take it at any time he deems fit and none can question him – Quran chapter 3, verse 26.

But reading the piece by one Adnan Mukhtar on the above subject matter makes one wonder if the writer and his sponsors appreciate the role of destiny in the affairs of men for them to have made the postulations in the piece where they attributed the attainment of political leadership totally to the schemes of men.

Perhaps it is the fixation on tarnishing the image of the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, that had made the writer blind to common reasoning. A little due diligence would have saved him from embarrassment and spared us the needless alleged conspiracies about the power tussles he talked about that are, at best, the figments of his imagination.

To the best of my knowledge, all the people he mentioned in the write-up owe their achievements in life to Allah and cannot, therefore, hold any grudge against any man because they know that no man can deny another what is divinely bestowed.

That said, it would be pertinent to address some of the misrepresentations in the write-up so as not to mislead the public or paint certain leaders in a bad light.

Only the most gullible would believe that Senator Barau was behind the removal of Abdullahi T. Gwarzo as a minister, as claimed by the writer, as everyone knows that the appointment of a minister and removal from office is at the discretion of the President.

We witness how many ministers were appointed and relieved of their appointments by various presidents. None has attributed such removals to another person other than the president, who merely exercised his prerogative to choose whoever he likes to work with as provided by our constitution.

Along this line, one can recall how General Abdulrahman Dambazzau was appointed minister by then-President Muhammadu Buhari and replaced with General Salihi Magashi. Former President Buhari also appointed Alh Sabo Nanono but was later relieved of his appointment. Hon. Umar El Yakub replaced him.

Also, one can vividly recall the case of Maryam Shetty who was nominated and was even at the Senate for screening only for her name to be withdrawn at the last minute. Like Shetty, Jemila Salik was nominated by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in February 2014, but she was replaced with Malam Ibrahim Shekarau hours before her confirmation.

In the scenarios mentioned above, nobody attributed the change of those affected to anyone but to the Presidents who reserved their rights to choose whoever they wanted to work with.

The commendations trailing the nomination of Hon Yusuf Abdullahi Ata were not limited to the APC as it was meritorious and done to balance the equation in the Kano State political arithmetic. Everyone was wowed when Senator Rufai Hanga (NNPP, Kano Central) told the world on the floor of the Senate that he was threatened with Ata’s appointment, describing him as a political juggernaut and master of the game.

Senator Barau is a humble, respectful and pro-masses politician; these traits have endeared him to the elites and masses, including traders, artisans, farmers, women, youths, and clerics in Kano and beyond.

It is on record that since he ventured into politics, he has maintained a decent image devoid of rancour, acrimony or ill feelings towards others. That’s his selling point and perhaps what is giving Mukhtar and his sponsors sleepless nights.

Even the average observer of Kano politics knows that Senator Barau’s primary interest is to serve the people and improve the lot of the masses.
He has been doing that very well through his interventions in infrastructural development, education, health, agriculture, power, quality legislation, and outreach to people.

Only a few politicians can match the depth of Senator Barau’s reach, which has touched people’s lives since his days as a member of the House of Representatives to when he became a commissioner, a senator, and now deputy president of the Senate and First Deputy Speaker of the ECOWAS Parliament.

That is why many people are defecting to the APC in Kano, not for pecuniary reasons, as mischievously contrived by the writer. Notwithstanding the attempt to downplay such accomplishments by other parties through the sponsorship of a few persons to make spurious claims, one cannot take away the fact that Senator Barau has attracted so much development to not only Kano but to the entire Northwest region as evidenced by in his sponsorship of the North West Development Commission and other bills.

The resort to saying that people are defecting for what they can collect from him is a sign of panic. Still, Senator Barau is not bothered, knowing that Kano is an APC state that only suffered a minor setback in 2023 but is about to be reclaimed.

Moreover, the people of Kano would ultimately decide who governs them in 2027 based on their assessment of those presented to them and not on the bias of a few selfish individuals who may want to sacrifice merit for their gains.
Kano voted for Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from Kano Central in 1999, for Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from the same zone for two consecutive terms, and for Kwankwaso back for another four years, giving the zone 16 years.

It is the same people who would again decide what is best for them in 2027 and would not be blackmailed into sacrificing merit to please a few self-centred individuals.

For the information of Mukhtar and his sponsors, the position currently occupied by Senator Barau, the Deputy President of the Senate, is higher than a governor’s seat. The people of Kano State, across the 44 local government areas of the state, are clamouring for him to come and govern the state to change the developmental trends based on his antecedents and sterling service to the people.

Allah SWT will shame Mukhtar, his sponsors and co-travellers when Barau becomes the governor of our beloved state, Kano, Insha Allah, come 2027.

Amin Ya Allah.

Garba Dangoro is of Kumbotso LGA of Kano State.

By Abba Anwar

The history of the Constabulary in Nigeria dates back to 1861 when the British colonial administration established the Lagos Constabulary. For maintaining law and order within the Protectorate.

In 1861 Lagos Constabulary formed with 30 men to maintain law and order in Lagos Colony. As time went on, the need for more hands in the art of maintaining law and order in Lagos arose, in 1879 the Constabulary expanded to 100 men.

Due to the good performance of Lagos Constabulary and the need to replicate similar security architecture in other regions, in 1890s to be precise, Constabularies established in other Nigerian territories, including the Royal Niger Company Constabulary.

The need for the expansion of this security agency for maintaining law and order, came handy, which necessitated its consolidation between 1900 to 1960.

For example in 1906, Northern and Southern Nigeria Constabularies merged to form the Nigerian Police Force. Meaning, Nigeria Police Force is an offshoot of Nigeria’s Constabulary.
While in 1914 Nigeria Police Force reorganized into the Northern and Southern Provincial Police Forces.

Few decades before Independence in 1930s to be precise, Nigeria Police Force expanded to include specialized units like Marine Police, Mounted Police, etc.

In Post-Independence from 1960 to present Nigeria there were many changes that occurred in the process. For example in 1960 Nigerian Police Force became a National Force after Independence.

From1967 to 1970 Nigerian Civil War led to significant expansion and reorganization of the Police Force in 1990s Nigerian Police Force restructured into the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and other specialized agencies for complying with modern policing.

In single and simple sentence, Constabulory is the mother of Nigeria Police Force, midwifed by many regimes.

Not only Nigeria Police Force, the primary law enforcement agency in the country, was created from Nigerian Constabulory, there are other agencies that were also created from the agency.
Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) was established in 1967, it was renamed and restructured in 2003.

Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) was established in 1988 as a specialized agency for road safety management.
Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) was established in 1963 as the Nigerian Immigration Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1992.

The Nigerian Customs Service (NCS) was established in 1892 as the Nigerian Customs Department. It later became a paramilitary organization in 1970.

While other specialized agencies, such as the State Security Service (SSS) and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), were also separately established to address specific security concerns. But these agencies were created outside Constabulory.

Understanding this history, the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, during his tenure 2015 to 2023, he made good use of the history and floated an excellent process to comply with the modern policing strategy, community policing.

He did it well, in such a way that, he brought together all the secure agencies and established operational rapport amongst them. This singular, but workable idea merged with political will, helped the state to become the most peaceful state in the federation, when Ganduje was captaining the ship.

Responding to his situation, the Nigerian state, local organizations and foreign organizations, appreciated Ganduje’s model as an excellent disposition of skilled and focused leadership, with unscathing and seamless political will and gave him Awards of Excellence in the area of security.

Kano witnessed one of her most peaceful era when Ganduje was on the throne. Ganduje believed that modern community policing strategy, Constabulary, plays a vital role in Nigeria and other nations. That was why he revived the role of traditional institutions in securing our local communities. He initiated Security Summits across our 5 Emirates in the state.

While understanding the role of all security agencies generally, he also amplified neighborhood patrols, where Constables engage in foot patrols, building relationships with residents, and addressing local concerns.

In the face of community engagement, his administration gave special consideration to the Constabulory participation in community meetings, events, and initiatives to foster trust and cooperation.

In the area of intelligence gathering, the administration of Ganduje linked the process to other security agencies with Constables as another sources to gather information on local crime trends and share with other agencies. This gave way to harmonious working relationship with all the security agencies.

It is believe that Nigeria Police Force burden in enforcing and maintaining law and order, in the country, gets helping hand from Constables, who serve as frontline officers in community policing.
It is evident how Community Police Officers (CPOs) work closely with local leaders and residents. While Special Constabularies (e.g., Railway Police, Port Police) focus on specific areas.

Community policing as enunciated and supported by Constabulory body is a global trend and relevant in modern policing. In the United Kingdom for example Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) support constables in community policing.

In United States of America Community Police Officers and Neighborhood Police Officers engage in community-focused policing. While in Australia Community Constables work with indigenous communities. As in Canada where Community Police Officers focus on building relationships and trust.

It is evidently clear that there are underlying benefits of Constabulary in Community Policing across the globe in recent time. Such as improved community relationships, enhanced trust, reducing crime, increased intelligence gathering, more effective problem-solving, among many others.

But all these benefits are not without challenges. As it is obtainable elsewhere. But fundamentally speaking, Constabulory activities and Police core responsibilities, should be made to become more blended and proactive. As it is the case in more developed societies. As evidently given above.

Anwar was former Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. He can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
November, 2024

Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, seemed well-positioned to shape discussions on Nigerian political strategy, but his recent ill-advised moves and ineffective decisions may have far-reaching consequences, potentially undermining the influence he should wield as the country’s third-highest-ranking official.

Barau Jibrin, fondly known as Maliya, is a household name in Kano politics. His rise to prominence began in 1999 when he became a member of the House of Representatives. Notably, he chaired the influential Appropriation Committee at the Green Chamber, one of the House’s most powerful committees.

After Barau’s 2003 election loss, his political presence waned until the Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso revitalizsed his career by appointing him Commissioner for Science and Technology – a surprise move, given that many were wondering what had become of the man. Barau took over the role from Bala Muhammad Gwagwarwa, who had been promoted to APC National Treasurer during the party’s inaugural convention.

Barau Jibrin secured the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial ticket for Kano North after Kwankwaso parted ways with Abdullahi Muhammad Gwarzo, a former Deputy Governor and Minister of the Federal Republic. This development occurred when Kwankwaso instructed Ganduje to return to Kano from Lagos and lead the senatorial primaries, throwing his full support behind Barau Jibrin and ultimately leading to Gwarzo’s loss. The reason behind this move was Gwarzo’s opposition to Kwankwaso’s presidential aspirations at the party convention, where he aligned with Bola Tinubu, a former leader of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) where Gwarzo himself was a member.

That’s how Barau Jibrin emerged as a Senatorial Candidate paving his way to become the Deputy President of the Senate today.

In politics, loyalty is fleeting, there is no permanent friend or enemy, only a permanent interest. This truth played out in the rift between Barau Jibrin and Rabiu Kwankwaso. Shortly after Barau’s emergence, he severed ties with Kwankwaso, aligning himself with Abdullahi Ganduje amidst their infamous feud. Turning away from the famous Hausa saying, “Ana Barin Halak Dan Kunya,” Barau snubbed Kwankwaso and openly supported Ganduje on the Senate floor, even when Kwankwaso was still a member of the red chamber. This move underscores the transience of alliances in politics.

Barau, notorious for his unwavering pursuit of personal interest even at the expense of general interest, spares nothing and no one in satiating his thirst for greed and conquest. This again manifested in the undeniable role he played in the removal of Abdullahi Gwarzo as Minister. It is claimed that Barau consistently lobbied at the presidential villa to ensure Gwarzo’s ousting, despite the Minister holding no grudges against him.

Barau Jibrin’s recent actions are reportedly aimed at solidifying his position as the most influential APC member from Kano State. Observers suggest that his next target is Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the current National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress – an the same man whom he once sided with against Kwankwaso his political benefactor, as well as other appointees from Kano State, in a bid to consolidate his power and dominance within the party.

With 2.5 years to go until 2027, Barau Jibrin has already begun the game of dirty politicking, welcoming defectors to the All Progressives Congress (APC). However, it appears his primary focus isn’t on serving his constituents, but rather on fueling his own ambition to become Governor. To successfully govern a cosmopolitan state like Kano, one needs strategic diplomacy, not creating unnecessary conflicts and enemies.

Interestingly, the influx of decampees has turned Barau into an “ATM machine.” They would visit him in Abuja, claiming to have left the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) one day, only to pledge loyalty to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf at the Kano Government House the next. This raises questions about the sincerity of these defections and Barau’s true intentions.

TikToker Umma Wiyya’s recent speech revealed the true motives behind her brief defection from NNPP to Barau and back again within just a week. According to Umma, she and others joined Barau solely to get a share of the “national cake” and have now returned to their rightful place. This flip-flopping exposes the insincerity of these defectors, who are driven by financial gain rather than loyalty to Barau ¹.

Whenever the governing Kano NNPP witnessed people flocking to Barau’s residence, they would mockingly chant “A wanki gara” in Hausa, aptly describing Barau as a docile politician. This phrase suggests that Barau is too passive and easily manipulated, allowing individuals like Umma Wiyya to take advantage of his generosity.

Umma Wiyya’s example highlights the superficial nature of Barau’s political alliances in Kano, where personal interests often outweigh genuine commitment.

With such shenanigans up Barau’s sleeves, now, the Kano APC members have seemingly united against Barau Jibrin due to his treatment of former Minister Abdullahi Gwarzo. Gwarzo is highly respected in Kano North for his accessibility, kind demeanor, and unwavering support for his constituents during both joyful and challenging times. For anyone with gubernatorial aspirations, like Barau, it’s crucial to foster unity among party members rather than plotting against them.

As a neutral political commentator and analyst, I’ve observed that this backlash against Barau won’t bode well for his gubernatorial or general political ambitions. In fact, history has shown that internal party conflicts can have significant consequences, as seen in the 2023 Kano State gubernatorial election. Barau’s actions may ultimately harm his chances of success, this is a forewarning.

Barau Jibrin’s attempt to outmaneuver the National Chairman of the party, a former governor with eight years of experience and who before then was a local government administrator and two time deputy governor, is a high-risk and ill-advised strategy. This chairman is inherently the party leader, making Jibrin’s move a potential recipe for disaster.

Moreover, plotting against key stakeholders in Kano North, including former Deputy Governor Abdullahi Gwarzo and Murtala Sule Garo, Chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, undermines Jibrin’s gubernatorial ambitions. This tactic may ultimately harm his chances of success, as it’s essential to foster unity among party members rather than creating divisions.

Jibrin’s actions may be seen as a power struggle, which could lead to further conflicts within the party. In politics, loyalty and alliances are crucial, and Jibrin’s approach may cost him the support he desperately needs to ascend the Kano government house.

The ambition of Senator Barau is dead on arrival. Given that Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who served as governor for eight years, hails from Kano North, it’s now Kano Central’s turn to take the reins. Allowing the APC to award its ticket to another candidate from Kano North would be a misstep, as it would bypass the established rotation pattern.

Will the Kano South stakeholders fold their arms? The last time someone from Kano South led Kano as a governor was in 1993, some 31 years ago.

It’s not too late for Barau to change his political strategy in the interest of his ambition and that of his supporters. He should carry his party members along by stop creating unnecessary enemies for himself within the party.

As Deputy President of the Nigerian Senate and Senator representing Kano North since 2015, Barau’s actions carry significant weight. Hence, he should know that Politics is not about giving people money and becoming difficulty inaccessible; it demands genuine connection and a listening ear to the yearnings of the people.

Adnan, a university lecturer and political commentator writes from Abuja.