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Mainstream Media Coverage Of Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Election – Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim

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Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim

 

 

Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim

A casual observation of media coverage of the 2023 general election since it became clear APC was set to win the presidential election, inexorably leads one to the conclusion that the mainstream media, particularly Channels and Arise TV, is committed to doing everything possible to delegitimize the election because it could not accept the victory of APC’s Muslim/Muslim ticket. The Muslim/Muslim ticket has confounded media pundits and flies in the face of a certain ideological-cum-sectarian worldview, deeply rooted in Nigeria’s mainstream media.

The media coverage of the presidential election continues to be terribly one-sided without any semblance of balance and objectivity. If one were to judge the quality of the election by what is reported in the mainstream media only and not by what is actually happening on the ground across the nation, one would think APC is the only party guilty of electoral offences and that the 2023 general election was the worst election ever in Nigeria, worse than Prof Maurice Iwu’s election of 2007. Yet, the truth is, APC appears to be the only party in the election that failed to benefit from its incumbency both at the national and sub-national levels. Fuel scarcity, the Naira redesign policy and internal friction between the federal centre and APC-controlled states in the middle of the elections extracted a heavy electoral price on the Party both at the Federal and State levels.

I have never witnessed an election in which the ruling party was so thoroughly trounced in its stronghold and in virtually all the areas it should have won hands down. It should have been obvious to those who continue to cling to the claim of election rigging that if a party can not rig an election in its stronghold, how is it possible that it is able to rig the election in other areas? It should also have been obvious that APC benefited from the splitting of ranks and, consequently, of fragmentation of votes within the opposition and among the other contending candidates and parties – LP, NNPP, PDP and its G-5 renegade governors. All these forces were on the same side in Nigeria’s 2019 presidential election. It would have been nothing short of a miracle for any of these fragmented forces to unseat a party in power at the centre and in about two-thirds of the States of the fedeation.

Here is an illustration of how the fragmented opposition helped APC win the presidential election: Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the candidate of APC, won the election without leading in the two States with the highest number of registered voters in the federation – his home State of Lagos and Kano. However, these two States were won by two different parties in the opposition – LP and NNPP, respectively – whereas PDP won only a token percentage of the votes in both Lagos and Kano. Who then rigged PDP out of victory in Lagos and Kano? Was it Tinubu’s APC or was it LP and NNPP, respectively, that did the rigging? What would have been the outcome of the election in these two States if the PDP did not effectively break into smaller units?

Objectively speaking, both LP and NNPP are breakaway parties that essentially ended up as provincial parties, without a chance in a thousand of winning the presidential election. The freak performance of LP in Plateau was purely due to the appeal of LP among Christian voters in Northern Nigeria, who innocently bought into the divisive campaign of those who lost the running mate contest to Sen Kashim Shettima. It is not accidental that the sectarian campaign did not take root in the neighbouring state of Benue, the only other State in Nothern Nigeria with a majority Christian population, because the leading opposition figure there, Governor Ortom, was caught in the G-5 quagmire and the APC flag bearer there is a leading Christian figure. The provincial nature of the parties made it possible for LP to carry a token percentage of the votes in Kano while NNPP carried another token in Lagos.

Outside Lagos, LP is strong only in the South Eastern Nigeria, where the presidential candiate of the party comes from, while NNPP is strong only in Kano, where the presidential candiate of the party comes from. This fragmentation of voting power can not be helpful to both parties or to the opposition. In hindsight, we can now only imagine what could have happened if Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankawso ran the contest on a joint ticket. On the other hand, Bola Tinubu came a close second in Lagos and harvested over half a million votes in Kano. The sum total of the performance of oppostion parties in the election supports the thesis of wilful fragmentation but it does not support the claim of rigging.

Then, there is the claim that INEC rigged the election for APC by its failure to upload the close to 200,000 polling unit results in real time on its IReV portal. Uploading the results of the election on the IReV portal is just one of close to 43 public activities INEC had to undertake to deliver a successful election. Admittedly, this is a critical failure on the part of INEC for which it has received disproportionate and unfair criticism. INEC made a claim that it ran into a technical glitch with this aspect of its operations. This claim is technically verifiable but little, if any attention was paid to it by the opposition and there was zero attempt to investigate it by the mainstream media. If an investigation by any media organisation took place, it has not been made public yet, to the best of my knowledge. Anyone remotely familiar with information technology must know that the larger the size of data, the slower the upload speed, simple. All the conspiracy theories have so far remained just that – conspiracy theories – unsupported by credible data.

The fact that INEC was able to successfully deliver on the IReV aspect of its operations during past, off-season elections, does not necessarily preclude the possibility of technical failure during the general elections, when all the results from all the polling units across the 36 States and FCT had to be uploaded at once, in real time. The only way to know for sure if this aspect of INEC’s operations was going to deliver as promised was during the general election, itself. Unfortunately, this did not materialise and INEC must take the responsibility and the blame for overpromising and for poor communication when it eventually ran into this technical failure. But, to date, there is no hard data to support the claim INEC rigged the presidential election in favour of the winner. The opposition must seize the opportunity to present such hard evidence at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal, not on the streets or at INEC Headquaters, as it attempted to do, days after the results of the elections were made official.

Looking at the election numbers with an open mind, it is obvious APC won the election, fair and square, not in a landslide manner like other ruling parties do in Africa but by making a strong showing in areas with higher voter population and coming a close second in virtually every other area. Clearly, that was appears to be the strategy behind the Muslim/Muslim ticket and nothing more. Those who read other motives into it have either missed the point or are using it to push a worldview totally at odds with the intended purpose, which is to win the election, or else have used it to manipulate voters because they or their proxies have lost the contest for a slot on the APC presidential ticket

On its part, the mainstream media conveniently and deliberately refused to look at the numbers. It is just blindly committed to deligitimising the election so that APC’s Muslim/Muslim ticket continues to be untenable in Nigeria and its victory tainted by allegations of rigging. On the face of it, this blind and irrational ideological-cum-sectarian worldview, deeply rooted in Nigeria’s mainstream media, is deeply flawed. It is emotional and sentimental and is not in the best interest of Nigeria. Sectarian considerations are bad for elections anywhere and portend grave danger for the future of democracy in Nigeria.

Elections are not won by the powerful deployment of the media alone and, certainly, not won and lost on the basis of sentiment and emotion but, more fundamentally, on the basis of correct demographic combinations. A political party or candidate that misses this point and relies solely on sentiment, emotion and the power of the media alone, will continue to play second fiddle in Nigeria’s political arithmetic. If APC had been intimidated, browbitten, made to succumb to the sectarian blackmail that preceded the election and made to pick the wrong combinations, it may still not have outrightly lost the election but it would have been forced into a second ballot, with the potential of PDP, LP and, possibly, NNPP coming together. In such an event, the numbers suggest it would, in the final analysis, have lost the election. That would have defeated the purpose for which the party contested the election.

It is now for those who lost the election to learn a few lessons from it, not least of which are:

a. To dislodge a ruling party from power in a multi-party environment, the opposition needs to abandon petty internal squabbles and come together on the basis of a minimum common agenda like the Nigerian opposition did in 2013

b. Sentiment and emotion are effective tools in political mobilization but not enough to win a nation-wide election in a multi-cultural environment like Nigeria, a lesson General Buhari learnt in 2015.

c. The media is powerful but not as powerful as the voter, as we have now, hopefully, come to appreciate in the 2023 presidential election.

d. A tradition of concession of defeat may not be as rewarding as winning but it can snatch moral victory from the jaws of all-around defeat as former President Goodluck Jonathan has come to appreciate, after Godswill Orubebe almost ruined his post-election future. Today, Orubebe is in APC and Jonathan is basking in the glory of his wise and timely concession.

Thankfully, not all is lost for the parties that did not make it in the just concluded presidential election. The diversity of parties in the National Assembly is good for Nigeria’s democracy. To hold the ruling party accountable is a fundamental function of the opposition, a requirement for good governance and necessary for the proper functioning of democracy. Also, peparations to unseat the ruling party in the next election must begin from there but these tasks are only for those elements of the opposition truly committed to the nurturing and sustainance of our democracy, not for power mongers.

*Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim* was one-time National Secretary, Action Congress (AC), Chairman of Inter-party Advisory Council (IPAC) and Member, Editorial Board of Trust and Thisday Newspapers.

Features

Northern Nollywood, Southern Distorted Mirrors: Nollywood and the Rest of Us

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By Abdallah Uba Adamu

Recently, an extremely prestigious academic journal requested me to review a film made by a Nigerian. I was surprised as that is Muhsin Ibrahim’s forte. Further, I really don’t watch Nigerian films, aka Nollywood, personally preferring African Francophone directors. Nevertheless, I agreed to do the review. However, the link they sent for the film was password protected. I informed them, and they requested the filmmaker to send the password. Being a request from a highly prestigious journal, he sent the code and I was able to get in the site and watch the film online. I was surprised at what I saw, and decided to delve further into these issues. Before doing that, I wrote my review and sent it off. The film, however, set me thinking.

Like a creeping malaise, Nollywood directors are rearing their cameras into the northern Nigerian cultural spaces. Again. The film I reviewed for the journal was “A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018). It was in Hausa language. None of the actors, however, was Hausa, although the lead actor seems to be a northerner (at least from his name, since an online search failed to reveal any personal details about him).

Nothing wrong with that. Some of the best films about a particular culture were made by those outside the culture. Being ‘outliers’, it often gave them an opportunity to provide a more or less balanced and objective ‘outsider’s perspective’ of the culture. Alfonso Cuarón, a Mexican successfully directed “Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban” (2004) while Taiwanese director Ang Lee did the same with “ Brokeback Mountain” (2005), even earning him an Oscar.

In 2006 Clint Eastwood, an American, directed “Letters From Iwo Jima.” The cast was almost entirely Japanese and almost all of the dialogue was in Japanese. It was very well-received in Japan, and in fact some critics in Japan wondered why a non-Japanese director was able to make one of the best war movies about World War II from the Japanese perspective. Abbas Kiarostami, an Iranian filmmaker, directed his film, “Certified Copy” (2020) in Italy and contained French, Italian, and English dialogue, starring French and British actors.

British director Richard Attenborough successfully directed Ben Kingsley in the Indian biopic Gandhi (1982). The film was praised for providing a historically accurate portrayal of the life of Gandhi, the Indian independence movement and the deleterious results of British colonization on India. It took away eight Oscars. American director Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List” (1993) on a German, Oskar Schindler, was equally a powerful portrayal of auteur genius by “non-native”. The film won seven Oscars.

In each of these examples, the directors approached their subject matter with clean, fresh and open mind that acknowledges the cultural sensitivities of the subject matter. My point is that a person, outside of a particular cultural context can make sensitive films that portray the culture to his own culture as well as other cultures. That is not, however, how Nollywood plays when it focuses its cameras on northern Nigerian social culture. Specifically, Muslims.

I just can’t understand why they are so fixated with Muslims and the north. If the purpose of the ‘crossover’ films (as they are labeled) they make is to create an understanding of the north for their predominantly southern audiences, they need not bother. Social media alone is awash with all the information one needs about Nigeria—the good, the bad and the ugly. You don’t need a big budget film for that. Or actors trying, and failing, to convey ‘Aboki’ accents in stilted dialogues that lack grammatical context.

Yet, they insist on producing films about Muslim northern Nigeria from a jaundiced bigoted perspective, often couched with pseudo intellectual veneer. To sweeten the bad taste of such distasteful films, they pick up one or two northern actors (who genuinely speak the Hausa language, even if not being mainstream ethnic Hausa) and add them to the mix believing that this will buy them salvation. For southern Nigerians, anyone above the River Niger is ‘Hausa’.

They started in the early 2000s, and people just ignored them. The directors then included Oskar Baker (Ɗan Adamu Butulu, Abdulmalik), Yemi Laniyan (Makiyi, Uwar Gida), Tunji Agesin (Halin Kishiya), Matt Dadzie (Zuwaira), I. Nwankwo (Macijiya) and many others. These came on the heels of the massive success of “Sangaya” (dir. Aminu Muhammad Sabo, 1999) when this particular film opened up the northern Nigerian film market. These Nollywood producers jumped in to cash on the popularity of Hausa films and made their own for northern markets. For the most part, these early ‘crossover’ films that I refer to as ‘Northern Nollywood’ were fairly mild, and evoked no reaction. They were still rejected, as the Hausa can be the most discriminatory people you can come across. If you are outside their cultural universe, you remain there. Forever.

The few Kannywood actors eager to be seen on ‘national stage’ allowed themselves to be used to deconstruct Islam and Muslims on the altar of filmmaking in subsequent Northern Nollywood films. Let’s not even talk about character misrepresentation, which Muhsin Ibrahim has written extensively about. In these scenarios, the usual tropes for northerners in Nollywood films is that of ‘Aboki’ (a term southern Nigerians believe is an insult to northerners, without knowing what it means), ‘maigad’ (security), generally a beggar. If they value an actor, they assign them an instantly forgettable role, rather than a lead. Granted, this might more of astute and realistic marketing than ethnicity because it would be risky to give an unknown Hausa actor a significant role in a film aimed at southern Nigerians. Few of these types of portrayals in Nollywood included Hausa speaking actors in films such as The Senator, The Stubborn Grasshopper, The World is Mine, Osama Bin La, Across the Border and The Police Officer.

When Shari’a was relaunched from 1999 in many northern Nigerian States, it became an instant filmic focus for Nollywood. A film, “Holy Law: Shari’a” (dir. Ejike Asiegbu, 2001) drew such a barrage of criticism among Hausa Muslims due to its portrayal of Shari’a laws then being implemented in northern Nigeria that it caused credibility problems for the few Hausa actors that appeared in it. With neither understanding of Islam or its context, the director ploughed on in his own distorted interpretation of the Shari’a as only a punitive justice system of chopping hands, floggings, and killings through foul-mouthed dialog. As Nasiru Wada Khalil noted in his brilliant essay on the film (“Perception and Reaction: The Representation of the Shari’a in Nollywood and Kanywood Films”, SSRN, 2016) “the whole story of Holy Law is in itself flogged, amputated and killed right from the storyline.”

“Osama bin La” (dir. MacCollins Chidebe, 2001) was supposed to be a comedy. No one found it funny in Kano. Despite not featuring any northern actor, it was banned in Kano due to its portrayal of Osama bn Ladan, then considered a folk hero. The film was banned to avoid reaction against Igbo merchants marketing the film. I was actually present in the congregation at a Friday sermon at Kundila Friday mosque in Kano when a ‘fatwa’ was issued on the film. Even a similar comedy, “Ibro Usama” (dir. Auwalu Dare, 2002), a chamama genre Hausa film was banned in Kano, showing sensitivity to the subject matter.

The reactions against crossover films seemed to have discouraged Nollywood producers from forging ahead. They returned in the 2010s. By then northern Nigeria has entered into a new phase of social disruption, and Nollywood took every opportunity to film its understanding of the issues—sometimes couched in simpering distorted narrative masquerading as social commentary—on a society and culture they have absolutely no understanding of.

In “Dry” (dir. Stephanie Linus, 2014), the director developed a sudden concern about ‘child marriage’ and its consequences. Naturally the culprits of such marriage, as depicted in the film are sixty-year old men who marry girls young enough to be their granddaughters. The director’s qualification to talk about the issue (which was already being framed by child marriage controversy in the north) was that she has ‘visited the north’ a couple of times. With the film, if she could get at least “one girl free and open the minds of the people, and also instruct different bodies and individuals to take action, then the movie would have served its purpose.” The ‘north’ was living in darkness, and it requires Stephanie Linus to shed the light of ‘civilization’.

“A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018) that I reviewed was about an ‘almajiri’ in an Islamic school who was kidnapped to the school to begin with, and repeatedly raped by his ‘Alamaramma’ (teacher). The almajiri somehow acquired sticks of dynamite to create a suicide vest and vowed to blow himself up—together with the teacher. The Alaramma in the film lives in an opulent mansion, far away from the ‘almajirai’. In this narrative universe, the ‘almajiri’ do not learn anything and are unwilling rape victims of their teaches who actually kidnapped them and forced them into the schools.

“The Milkmaid” (dir. Desmond Ovbiagele, 2020) evokes the idealistic picture of a Fulani milkmaid, and became a basis for a Nollywood film. Instead of focusing on the political economy of Fulani milk trade, the film focused on the trope of terrorism. “The Black Book” (dir. Editi Effiong, 2023) touted as ‘Nigeria’s John Wick’ shoots a significant portion in ‘the north’ – with ‘Islamist’ hijab-wearing females touting assault rifles hidden underneath their hijab. “Jalil” (dir. Leslie Dapwatda, 2020) visits the recurrent theme of kidnapping for ransom. In the north, of course.

Then came the latest, “Almajiri” (dir. Toka McBaror, 2022). Claimed to be a true-life story (although not clear on whether it happened to specific people or based on what the director believed to be a common event), it featured muscle-bound badass types of thugs with guns and dreadlocks as Almajirai. The film reinforces the southern Nigerian trope of any beggar in the north being an Almajiri. Such ‘almajiris’ are kidnapped and sold into virtual slavery and horribly abused. The idea is to blame parental irresponsibility of northerners.

For southern Nigerians, especially the Nollywood crowd, an ‘Almajiri’ is a beggar, a product of a failed education system, a terrorist, a bandit, and an ‘aboki’. They use concocted figures bandied about by alphabet soup agencies to proclaim ‘over 10 million almajiri are out of school’ and therefore twigs of the terrorism inferno. How can someone who is part of a system of education for over half-a-century be considered out of school? But for Nollywood, if it is not ABCD, then it is not education.

“Northern Nollywood” films are the precise reasons why there will ALWAYS be different film cultures in Nigeria. Kannywood talks to its publics, happily churning out now TV shows that address issues it deems relevant—in its own way. Both the northern and southern parts of the country (covering the three major languages) were actively engaged. However, they were mutually non-legible to each other. This was essentially because they operate on virtually opposing cultural mindsets – making the emergence of a truly “Nigerian cultural film” impossible.

Quite a few writers seem to suggest that Kannywood is a ‘subset of Nollywood’ and indeed many would prefer for the term Kannywood (created in 1999 by a Hausa writer) to be dispensed with and replaced with Nollywood (created in 2002, created by a Japanese Canadian writer). It is to protect our cultural representation in films that I stand as a lone voice in advocating for a ‘Hausa Cinema’ to reflect the cultural universe of the Hausa.

Abdallah Uba Adamu is a professor of communication and cultural studies Bayero University Kano and former Vice chancellor National open university of Nigeria from 2016 to 2021

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Governor Abba Yusuf Revolutionizes Kano’s Healthcare: Major Hospital Renovations and Free Pediatric Services Mark First Year in Office

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Through the expansion of healthcare infrastructure, an amplification of healthcare accessibility and the liberating provision of essential medicines across all health care facilities in the state, Governor Abba has substantially elevated the overall health and vitality of Kano people across the 44 local governments.

At the same time, the establishment and reconstruction of health care facilities as well  as the revitalization of social programs in the state.

It was within his one year period that his administration took decisive action by confiscating and renovating the Hasiya Bayero Pediatric Hospital. This facility now stands as a strong pillar in providing health care services for children in need of medical care.

Over  200,000 children have received free medical services at the renovated hospital, ensuring that no child is left behind.

Part of his prioritized agenda to ensure the modernization of healthcare infrastructure in the state, Governor Abba has achieved general renovation of Sir Sanusi General Hospital, Nuhu Bamalli Hospital, and BELA General Hospital which have significantly improved patient care. These hospitals now offer state-of-the-art facilities, with better equipment, and enhanced services.
The ‘Abba Care Program,’ launched at the Kano State Ministry of Health, is another giant achievement in one year of his office that focuses on improving healthcare services related to sickle cell anemia.

Through awareness campaigns, early detection, and specialized care, Governor Abba ensured that the program aims to alleviate the burden of this genetic disorder across the state.

He equally ratified the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Murtala Hospital Emergency Department in an attempt to strengthen emergency healthcare services. The hospital now actively operates efficiently, providing critical care to patients during emergencies.
His administration also championed the legislation mandating premarital health screening for all prospective couples. This proactive approach not only ensures healthier families but also reduces the burden of hereditary diseases.

Within his one year in office, the state government facilitated the supply and installation of modern ICU equipment and other essentials. This is an investment that enhances critical care services, saving lives and improving patient outcomes.

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Remembering my late sister: Hajiya Salamatu Ajiun Abdulrauf

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By AbdurRaheem Sa’ad Dembo

It was at the peak of COVID-19 pandemic, precisely May 22nd, 2020 and a day to the end of Ramadan fast when death struck and took her away from us. On the 29th day of Ramadan, she was served her food to break fast but she could not, and that marked the end of an era in our family. Her selflessness was beyond
description. A good family woman who did not in any way jettison her family. She could travel from Lagos to Ilorin in order to attend family events as many times as possible within a year. She was not a millionaire but she had a heart of giving. Her investment on us has paid off.

We lost our father at a time some of us could not fend for ourselves but we have elder brothers, sisters and even cousins who were selfless, and they assisted us in actualizing our dreams. A woman would always be woman; they have large heart and there is a way they always do their things with care and spice. As an undergraduate student in Bayero University, Kano; before resuming to school for a new semester, it was willy-nilly to visit Lagos and get cash from her.

My observation of her was that of a woman with a great mind. She was not educated as such but had exposure that could match or compete with some who had privilege to get higher education. How do you know a great mind? Certainly, it is through selfless attitude and her contributions to humanity. There is no any discussion you would embark upon and she would not contribute immensely. At that point you would look and appreciate her for being an enlightened person.

I learnt the culture of giving from observing my father and selflessness of my brothers and sisters; it is a profitable enterprise. If I have had selfish brothers, sisters and cousins I might not have had the opportunity of going to school. I might have ended up somewhere less glamorous in the society. An educated person sometimes may not be rich or enmesh in a perpetual poverty but he would be free from shackles of ignorance and penury. Like the common saying “We are acquiring education to overcome or have a say over poverty” .But being educated and rich at the same time; ultimately the prerogative of Allah

If you are building somebody; you are invariably helping yourself. My sister is no more alive but her good deeds still illuminating and resonating in our minds. Despite her huge investment in us, she would never ask you to go and bring anything even though she deserved everything from us.

Significantly, it is not until one is rich before he or she can help. If one is waiting for that time, it may never come. Like the popular saying on the social media, “it is not the rich people that help, but the good people”.

My sister was blunt; if you had offended her she would tell you. She had no heart for malice. Another beautiful thing about her was the way she united the family. She did not belong to that class of women that would say “let us scatter everything”. Of course, if you scatter everything, everything would go worse.

If we’re alive and seeing each other; it is a rare opportunity to be kind and fair to one another. The reason is simple, because there would be a time death will overtake us one after the other and we would account for our deeds. We should always be patient with one another. A united family is far greater and stronger than the scattered ones.

On 12th December, 2023 I was in Lagos on official assignment, but I was not elated. I told my nephew that any time I was in Lagos it was usually a boring experience after my sister’s demise.

Eulogising our own Ajiun Omo Ade in a singular tone of mine won’t be sufficient and that’s why I had to reach out to some members of the family to tell their own perspective of her.

A foremost politician, Alhaji Ahmad Alfa Dembo describes her this way, “Ajiun united the family and would never want to see anyone in difficulty. She always rejoiced with whoever that was doing well among family members.She would ensure that she prevents anything that might pave way for misunderstanding among family members. She was a great lover of the family”

A retired Warrant Officer II , Nigerian Army, Mallam Usman Dembo captured her personality thus “She was very liberal , accommodating, and has no hate in her mind. She was honest and straight-forward .Above all ,she was always on the side of the truth.May Allah increase His mercy on her.

Alhaji Shuaib Lanre Dembo, a retired Training Manager, Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja said,” Ajiun was a team player who felt at home with everyone in the family irrespective of the lineage. She was so much loved by my wife because she accorded my wife the respect she gave me. She helped resolved some disputes I can’t mention here. She is really missed.”

The Imam of Masalasi Alfa n’ta ,Sheikh Salihu Sa’ad Dembo said Alhaja Ajiun was a good elder sister , who had done her best in uniting the family of her father and that of her husband. She was generous, prayerful, kind, and one who hardly gets angry. She was a guardian to him as her advice had worked for him on several occasions. He asserted that to the best of his knowledge, she was submissive and kind to her husband.He prayed Allah to overlook her inadequacies and that of her husband by granting them aljannah firdaus

Hajiya Maryam Imam Bashir, who is the second wife of Chief Imam of Ilorin describes her aptly: “She was kind and generous,and a family unifier.May Allah grant her aljannah firdaus”

Sheikh Hassan Sa’ad Dembo,who is also the Khalifatul Quadriyya in Portharcourt ,River State opines “Alhaja Salamatu Ajiun was a good sister, she united the family and was not selfish. She always stand with family members either in good or bad time. During my wedding she bought
clothes for me and my wife. If you visit her in Lagos she would treat you with comprehensive hospitality”

In the words of Ajanasi Makana,Mallam Yusuf Sa’ad Dembo, “She was so compassionate, kind, prayerful, and she loved saying the truth”

Mrs Shakira Abdulrauf is her eldest child. Here is what she has to say about her late mother,” My mother was not temperamental. She was kind, caring, and a family unifier.

She was so generous that she could spend her last kobo and began to look for another money the following day.

She had no hate and did not underrate anyone either among friends or family. May Allah continue to grant her mercy by granting her aljannah firdaus”

Yusuf Issa Aloba, a staff of Kwara Inland Revenue Service also has this to say about her
“She was generous to a fault, she was a pillar for me during my undergraduate days, She upheld the family ties.

I know I owe her a lot. I’m happy that at least I was able to visit her during an official training in Lagos, at the same house we used to stay whenever we went for holidays . She was very happy when she saw me, she said ” Amuda, eku ojo meta”

When I heard the news of her death I was shocked and I said to myself, I’m I dreaming? I wished she could live longer for me to reciprocate her generosity. May jannatul Firdaus be her final abode.”

Alhaja Ajiun was not only a sister but also Godsent. She understood me so much that by mere looking at me she knew what I wanted.May Allah forgive her shortcomings.

Finally, May Allah reward her with aljannah firdaus and bless her children she left behind.Ya Allah equally bless those who have touched our lives positively: family members, friends, and outsiders.

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