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Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

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Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu

Paradigmatic Shift in Literary Ignorance: Ajami on Naira Reloaded-Adamu

Abdallah Uba Adamu

As we enter into ‘will they, will they not’ mode of uncertainty typical of Nigerian public culture about the change of Nigerian higher currency denominations announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on 25th October 2022, my mind went back to an article I wrote on 16th April 2007. This was in the wake of the removal of “Arabic inscriptions” on the Nigerian currency (the Naira) on 28th February 2007 in the new currency notes that removed the Ajami (Hausa written in Arabic script) writing that indicated the denomination of the respective currency note and replaced with the Latin alphabet. This is a ‘remix’ of that posting on the then popular platforms of Blogspot. Mine was called Nishadin Hululu (Hausa Popular Culture).

The full historical overview of how the Arabic “script” came to become part of essentially northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa educational package is given in Manuscript Learnability and Indigenous Knowledge for Development – Hausa Ajami in Historical Context. A version is available at https://bit.ly/3zoi7XN.

I rarely bother to visit Nigerian “Naija” websites on the web or any other group of politically motivated Nigerians. I know what I will find — the usual vituperative tirade against northern Nigerians, Muslims, Hausa, ad nauseum. Southern Nigerians have three fundamental articles in their crusade against northern Nigeria: Islamic fanaticism, conservative feudalism and their weird perception of “born to rule” syndrome apparently held by the ‘northerners’. No matter how many groups of Nigerians you interact with, these three form the main focus of the divide in Nigeria. They are the main reasons why Nigerian “unity” is virtually impossible.

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I doubt if there is any other group of Africans who hang out their ethnic dirty laundry like Nigerians. I accept, for the most part such ranting is probably not personal; they are basically religious – the Christian versus Muslim divide, rather than any feeling of superiority of one ethnic group over the other. Any such feelings of superiority are part of a religious template that sees acquisition of education as the central criteria for judging the value of a whole people. Thus education, not religion, is the central fulcrum around which the Nigerian nation wobbles.

Southern Nigerian acquired education through Christian Missionary activities from about 1849. Such education became the mainstay of acquiring Westernized modernity. Inevitably Western education brought by Christian missionaries to Nigeria became equated with Western Christian values. For the most part, Christian southern Nigerians are happy with this because it makes them “civilized” — in the absence of any cherished antecedent cultural values. Thus, any other worldview is considered barbaric.

Northern Nigerians, specifically the Hausa and the Kanuri acquired education through conversion to Islam since 1250 and in Kanuri kingdom, even earlier. The constant eddy of scholars from north African learning centers throughout 14th to 17th centuries ensured a sustained scholastic tradition in Muslim northern Nigeria. Muslim northern Nigerians therefore had a longer exposure to the concept of formalized learning and literacy than southern Nigerians. A universal basic education was indeed introduced around 1464 in the city of Kano when new methods of indigenizing the Arabic script to Hausa phonology were created. This led to the creation of a novel way of writing out Hausa language in a script the young scholars will understand. It is this method of indigenizing Arabic script to Hausa language that became “ajami”. It became one of the main ways of educating young pupils in northern Nigeria. Do you remember all those “Almajirai” you see in northern Nigerian cities? Well, most are fluent in ajami writing. Currently, the most prominent modern Hausa political singer (though not the most talented or likeable), Dauda “Rarara” Adamu Kahutu, has an extensive catalogue of his songs all written Ajami which he reads as he records in the studio.

Ajami, therefore, is any literacy strategy in which any language is written in Arabic. Over 50 languages are currently written in the script. Let us look at the parallel sphere. If any African language is written in Latin characters, it can be called Ajami. Ajami is not Islamic; any more than Latin alphabets are Christian.

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However, in a new era of reform, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) decided to remove the “Arabic” script from the Nigerian currency in new currency notes launched on 28th February 2007. The removal of ajami script on the Nigerian currency reflected the deep-rooted religious divide that is Nigeria, because the Arabic script was seen as religious – and Nigeria is considered a secular country. This equates Arabic with Islam – ignoring the huge number of Arab Christians that exist throughout the Middle East.

The logic of the removal of the what the Nigerian economic establishment call “Arabic inscription” on the Nigerian currency given by the Nigerian Government was premised on using a Latin inscription that is available to all Nigerians (even if in mutually exclusive languages), rather than an exclusive script tied down to a particular religious culture. According to the then Governor of CBN, Professor Chukwuma Soludo during a sensitization visit to the Sultan of Sokoto,

“I will also like to inform you that the removal of the Arabic inscription on the notes is not targeted at any group or religion but rather to promote our language and cultural heritage…As you can see, Naira is the symbol of our nationalism and our pride. It is pertinent to let you understand that Arabic is not one of our national languages and it was inscribed on the notes forty years ago because the majority of people then, can read it in the northern part of the country to the detriment of their counterparts in the South (ThisDay, 16th February 2007, posted to the web 19th February 2007 at https://bit.ly/3TQ4FEw.

Similarly, the CBN issued a rebuttal to the controversies by stating that the “de-ajamization” was to “conform (to) Section 55 of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises four languages, English, Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba as medium of conducting government businesses.” After all, as they claimed, after forty years of Western education, most people in Nigeria should be able to recognize the Roman inscriptions. This, we believe, can strengthen our unity by ensuring equity and fairness. Indeed, the replacement was done in national interest and the desire to comply with the Constitution of the country.”

But how can national unity be attained when still a large proportion of the country is marginalized? To prevent this marginalization, the British colonial administration introduced the Ajami letters on the first Nigerian modernized currencies, well aware of the large gap in education – and therefore ability to read and understand Latin characters on the country’s currency notes. An example was the £1 note.

“Fam daya” was prominently written to enable those literate in Ajami, but not Latin alphabet to identify the currency.

It is interesting that a main argument was that the presence of ajami on Nigerian currency was seen to the “detrimental” to southern Nigerians (who presumably do not understand it) – yet the inclusion of Latin alphabet is not seen as detrimental to non-Roman literate northern Nigerians (especially non-Muslim Hausa, who presumably do not understand it). In this warped logic, it is therefore easier to alienate Muslim Hausa northern Nigerians than southern Nigerians, especially since a Christian was the President of the country (and a Christian Governor of the Central Bank facilitated the alienation). Of course, when a Muslim becomes the President, the arguments might be revisited – and reversed; which another subsequent Christian president will also revisit, and so on endlessly. Farooq Kperogi actually imagined a nightmare scenario that might come out of this in 2022 at https://bit.ly/3TOt2T1.

The inclusion of the script on the Nigerian currency by the British colonial administration was an acknowledgement of the rich literary heritage of a vast number of people in Nigeria who could not read the Latin script– and not a strategy to impose Islam on anyone in Nigeria. Certainly, the British colonial administration had no reason to propagate Islam. Yet on the currencies circulated by the same administration the “Arabic inscription” was conspicuously present. This was maintained subsequently until 2007, when the despised Arabic inscription was removed and replaced with the much-loved Latin ‘inscription’. An example with ₦50 illustrates this.

The ₦50 with the ‘Arabic inscription’ of Ajami merely indicating that it is fifty naira in Hausa. In the redesigned ₦50, the Roman name for the Hausa was ‘naira hamsin’ instead of the Ajamized ‘hamsin’ in the old note. Yet, ‘hamsin’ means fifty in Arabic! So, like it or not, Arabic still remains on the naira. To get rid of it, you have to get rid of the Hausa language entirely, since about almost 45% of Hausa words are based on Arabic language.

Further, other multicultural countries do pay such homage to multiple literacies in their currency notes. The Indian currency, for instance, has 15 language scripts, including Urdu (ajami) – despite Arabic not being part of its national languages.

And while not explicitly stated, the links made by the Nigerian economic establishment with Arabic to Islam seems to be part of a move to “de-Islamize” Nigeria – scoring a cheap point particularly in the way most northern Nigerian States re-introduced Islamic Shari’a in their governance from 1999 led by Zamfara State, and the earlier issue of Nigeria’s membership of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in January 1986, which the Nigerian Christian (as well as Marxist Muslim) groups were against.

We look forward to the new currency notes in December 2022.

Professor Abdallah Uba Adamu is a dual Professor of Education Science and Cultural Communication

Opinion

Kano Projects Not Urban-Based: Why Gov Abba Beats All

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By Abba Anwar

From the flyovers of Lagos and Kano to the farm-to-market roads of Yobe and Ebonyi, Nigeria’s 36 state governments have spent the last three years rewriting their strategies for infrastructural development. All in an effort to bridge development gap.

Between 2023 and August 2026, state budgets and projects implementation show a deliberate paradigm shift. As cities get rail lines, hospitals and interchanges, rural communities are finally seeing feeder roads, solar boreholes and more modern schools.

But in Kano, under the able leadership of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the picture goes beyond that, as the distribution of projects is shared between urban and rural spaces with all sense of humor and fairness. Infrastructural development, among others, is not urban-based.

While 8 metropolitan local government areas (LGAs) have 598 projects across individual LGAs, with a contract sum of N299.36B, 36 rural local government areas (LGAs) have 653 projects across individual LGAs with a contract sum of N287.90B, Kano is still the only state in the federation, to my knowledge, with this scientific categorization, at least in the public eye. As available data indicates. I stand to be corrected.

Also as another category of cross-cutting local government areas (LGAs) boast of 37 projects connecting two or more LGAs together, with a contract sum of N159.50B, and statewide /other have 269 projects, connecting state and LGAs with a contract sum of N249.54B, Governor Yusuf is fast becoming Mr Due Process.

To take my readers deeper in understanding why Kano maintains dozens of miles ahead of other states, this piece examines two states from each of Nigeria’s six geo-political zones, focusing only on projects funded and executed directly by state governments. The picture depicts a scenario of dual priorities — modernize the cities, but don’t leave the villages behind.

In North West zone let me begin with Kano state, though I gave brief highlight above. Under urban projects, we have Kano Metro Light Rail, which is ongoing, Kano Metropolis 5km roads in 8 metropolitan LGAs, upgrade, MRI and CT Scan for Muhammadu Buhari Specialist Hospital and Kano City Flyovers, that are 3 at Tal’udu, Dan Agundi and France Road.

Other urban projects in Kano are Urban Water Expansion and upgrade of Challawa and Tamburawa plants upgrade,
and Kano City Beautification with streetlights, parks, drainage and roads.

For rural projects in the same Kano, there are, among others, LGAs 5km roads across 36 rural LGAs, Rural Schools Renovation which included 1,200 primary schools, Solar Boreholes with 1,000 boreholes across rural communities, Rural Hospitals, upgrade of 5 General Hospitals, Agriculture Access Roads with 150km farm roads in 20 LGAs and Rural Electrification of Solar mini-grids in 50 rural communities.

Under Kaduna state the urban projects include Kaduna Light Rail, which is designed and counterpart,
Kaduna Urban Renewal Phase 2 roads and drainage in Kaduna and Zaria, 1000 Housing units, under Urban Mass Housing project, Leah Sharibu Cancer Center, an urban Specialist Hospital, and Urban Bus Terminals of 4 terminals.

For rural projects under Governor Uba Sani, there are Rural Feeder roads of 300km across 23 LGAs, Rural Education with 150 schools built/rehabilitated, 255 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) Revitalization, at 1 per ward, mostly in rural areas, Rural Water that provided 500 handpumps and solar schemes and Kaduna Agricultural Processing Zones under 3 rural clusters.

It is gratifying to note that the North-West is using urban projects to drive commerce, and rural projects to secure food systems. On top of that, Kano state’s model of simultaneous mega urban projects and statewide rural spread is now being studied by other states. How Governor Yusuf excels.

In North East, Borno state urban projects include Maiduguri 120km roads’ reconstruction and flyovers, Borno State University expansion with new Faculties and hostels, Maiduguri Water Works expansion, and Urban Markets, with the reconstruction of Monday market.

Borno’s rural projects include 480km Rural Access roads in 20 LGAs, 10,000 Housing Units built for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in rural LGAs, rebuilt of 15 rural Markets, Rural PHCs where 80 were rebuilt and Irrigation Schemes with 5 rural dams.

In Yobe state under urban projects, we have Damaturu Urban Renewal roads, that include streetlights and drainage and a completed Yobe International Cargo Airport. While under rural projects Yobe can boast of 380km Rural roads that cover 17 LGAs, 178 rural PHCs upgrade, Rural Agric Inputs with Tractors and fertilizer and Solar Streetlights in 10 rural towns.

In North East their main concern is treating infrastructure as a peace-building tool, reconnecting rural communities to urban centres.

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As some states’ major concern is feeder roads construction, upgrade/rehabilitation of PHCs and fertilizer distribution to farmers, of which Kano also considers, but the major concern for Kano is much beyond that. Looking at the nature of Kano’s rural projects and the distribution percentage, one can easily comprehend why the state excels.

Just see the projects distribution of Kano above in the first few paragraphs. As highlighted by the Commissioner for Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Comrade Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, in a recent press conference, when he said, “The eight metropolitan LGAs account for approximately N299,36 billion, and 36 rural LGAs account for approximately N287.90 billion, in identifiable single LGA projects.

This demonstrates that the administration’s development agenda extends beyond the metropolitan area and encompasses rural roads, healthcare facilities, schools housing, feeder roads and other essential infrastructure.”

Under North Central, Plateau state’s urban projects include Jos Urban Renewal, Flyovers, Bauchi-Jos dualisation, reconstruction of Jos Main Market and Urban Security Lights. While rural based projects also include a bit over 200 rural Boreholes, 150km Rural Roads at Barikin Ladi, Riyom, Mangu LGAs and rural Agricultural development with Potato value chain centers.

As Niger state can boast of Minna Urban Renewal with Interchanges, drainage and parks, Suleja City roads. As rural projects have 400km Green Economy Farm roads, 100 rural Clinics upgrade and rural Solar Power for 30 rural communities.

For clarity purpose one can say North Central states are treating rural infrastructure as economic infrastructure. As Kano thinks and has many reasons on top of that.

In South Western state of Lagos, urban projects count infrastructure like Lagos Green Line Rail with counterpart funding, Mushin-NNPC-Apapa road, Lagos-Badagry Expressway, Red Line Rail Phase 2 and 2025 Capital, as 70% is urban. Under rural projects there are Ikorodu-Epe-Badagry roads, Rural Health Centers, as10 facilities were upgraded and Rural Jetty Upgrade with 5 riverine jetties.

Another state of South West, Oyo has, as urban based projects, Ibadan Circular road, Section 1, Iwo Road Interchange and Omituntun Bus Terminals 3 terminals in the urban areas. With rural projects like Oyo-Iseyin Road, RAAMP Rural Roads of 200km, upgrade of 100 Rural PHCs and 2025 Capital.

Unlike in many geo-political zones, in South-West state governments use urban revenue to subsidize rural expansion. For Kano similar initiative is visible and welcomed by all. Without any borrowing, either domestic or foreign, Governor Yusuf awarded approximately the sum of N22 billion for prototype mass housing units under the Rural Model City Project, covering all the 36 rural LGAs.

Also the award of another high-value project of approximately N113.19 billion mass housing project at Dawakin Kudu. As both projects are currently awaiting for the establishment of relevant due process procedures.

In Enugu, South Eastern state there are urban projects like, Enugu Smart City roads, Solar Streetlights and Enugu Transport Terminal. As rural projects talk of 260 Smart Green Schools, 100km Rural Roads in 17 LGAs and Rural Water scheme of 150 schemes.

Urban based projects in Ebonyi state have Abakaliki 3 Flyovers, and Abakaliki Ring Road. With Ebonyi Ring road 198km an ongoing, an ongoing Rural Agro roads of 120km and Rural Clinics across 13 LGAs as rural projects.

Delta state from South South has, as urban projects, Warri/Effurun Flyovers, Asaba Urban roads and Urban Drainage systems. As rural projects presented 2025 Rural roads in 25 LGAs, Riverine roads and Jetties and upgrade of 50 Rural PHCs.

Rivers state has the following as urban projects, Port Harcourt Urban Renewal roads and drainage amd Eleme-Onne Road. As rural projects have Bodo-Bonny road with 12 bridges, Rural Electrification, 10 Rural Cottage Hospitals and Rural Water scheme.

Analysis under South-South indicates that geography dictates the project mix — bridges for riverine areas, flyovers for cities. With geography as determining factor in Kano, in a way, “… Kano State government has continued to pursue a broad-based development strategy designed to ensure that government investment is not concentrated solely within the state capital.”

Another interesting thing about the distribution of projects portfolio among urban and rural settlements, is that, it demonstrates investment across all the 44 LGAs, with intervention spanning urban infrastructure, rural development, mass housing, roads, bridges, healthcare, education, climate resilient infrastructure, traffic management and other equally important infrastructure.

Reiterating Governor Yusuf’s commitment to public accountability as a wheel for good governance Comrade Sumaila assured that, “We equally recognize that project delivery is a continuous process and hence, where projects are ongoing, government will continue to monitor implementation, address bottlenecks, strengthen certification processes and ensure that available public resources are deployed responsibly with commensurate value for money.”

Governor Yusuf’s pathway to greater height and to responsible governance maintains that, sustainability of good work with responsive goodwill, leads way to the fast lane of proper and more genuine democracy.

Maintaining the good spirit of Kano state government, Sumaila rejigs that, “Our responsibility is to ensure that every Naira committed to public development is subjected to appropriate procurement procedures, monitoring and accountability. And that projects ultimately deliver tangible value to the good people of Kano state.”

Adieu Governor Yusuf, Adieu!

Anwar writes from Kano
Monday, 17th August, 2026

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Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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Opinion

Scholarship or Trap? Why Northern Nigerian Youth Must Verify Foreign Opportunities

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By Alhassan Bala

Hundreds of young Nigerians, including students and graduates from northern Nigeria, have benefited from legitimate scholarships and educational opportunities offered by foreign governments and institutions. Such programmes can open doors to quality education, professional development and international exposure.

However, the growing use of social media to advertise scholarships, jobs and training opportunities abroad also presents serious risks.

Some seemingly attractive offers may be fraudulent, exploitative or even serve as channels for human trafficking and forced recruitment.

This is why young Nigerians must exercise extreme caution before accepting foreign scholarships or employment opportunities promoted online.

Recently, I came across a northern Nigerian professor working outside the country advising Nigerians, particularly young people from the North, to take advantage of a scholarship opportunity reportedly being promoted by educators he knows in Russia.

I have enormous respect for the professor, as I do for many academics who genuinely want to help young Nigerians access opportunities abroad.

Nevertheless, his recommendation reminded me of the disturbing experience surrounding the Alabuga recruitment programme in Russia and the need for prospective applicants to verify such offers independently before travelling.

The Alabuga warning,
For those unfamiliar with the Alabuga controversy, the programme began attracting young Africans through online advertisements offering employment, vocational training and what was presented in some cases as educational opportunities in Russia.

Investigations by international and Nigerian media later raised serious concerns about the programme.

Young Africans, including Nigerians, were recruited through social media and other online channels and taken to Russia.

Reports indicated that some participants who expected education or employment opportunities ended up working in facilities associated with the production of drones used by Russia in its war against Ukraine.

The Nigerian Ministry of Education subsequently said its website had been compromised and that advertisements for the controversial Alabuga Start programme had been posted without official authorisation.

Officials also stressed that the programme was not part of Nigeria’s approved bilateral scholarship arrangements with Russia.

The episode should have taught Nigerians an important lesson: the appearance of government endorsement, the involvement of a university professor or the presence of an attractive scholarship advertisement on social media does not, by itself, establish that an opportunity is genuine or safe.

From scholarships to the battlefield.

There is an even more disturbing dimension to the growing concern over recruitment of Africans to Russia.

In recent years, reports have emerged of Africans travelling to Russia after being promised civilian employment, only to find themselves recruited into the Russian military and deployed to the war in Ukraine.

In February 2026, the Russian ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that Moscow operated any government-supported programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

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He said that if illegal individuals or organisations were recruiting Nigerians unlawfully, such activities were not connected to the Russian state.

Despite the denial, investigations and reports have documented cases involving Nigerians and other Africans who allegedly travelled to Russia believing they were taking up civilian jobs before being sent to the battlefield. In one widely reported Nigerian case, Adam Anas and other Nigerians were recruited under the guise of security employment and subsequently deployed to fight in Ukraine.

The cases are not limited to Nigeria. In March 2026, the Association of Nigerien Students in Russia announced the death of Abdoulaye Issaka Ismael, a Nigerien master’s student who, according to the student organisation, had been recruited into Russian combat forces and deployed to the frontline in Ukraine.

Ghana has also reported serious losses. Its Foreign Minister disclosed in February 2026 that 55 Ghanaians had died after being lured into fighting in the Ukraine war, while hundreds more were believed to have joined the Russian military.

These cases demonstrate that the danger is not merely theoretical.

The lesson for young Nigerians, especially those desperately seeking educational or employment opportunities abroad, is straightforward: verify before you travel.

Anyone offered a scholarship in Russia or any other foreign country should first establish whether the programme is officially recognised by the Nigerian government and the government of the destination country.

Applicants should independently contact the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the relevant embassy or high commission before committing money, submitting sensitive documents or travelling.

They should also verify the name of the university, its accreditation, the exact course of study, the physical location of the institution, the identity of the sponsoring organisation and the legal status of whoever is recruiting them.

Most importantly, prospective applicants should be suspicious of opportunities that are promoted exclusively through WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, TikTok or other social media platforms, particularly when recruiters pressure applicants to travel quickly or discourage them from contacting government authorities.

A genuine scholarship should withstand scrutiny.

Northern Nigeria has millions of young people searching for education, employment and opportunities to improve their lives.

That makes the region particularly vulnerable to individuals who exploit unemployment and economic hardship with promises of quick opportunities abroad.

Professors, academics, journalists, community leaders and other influential Nigerians therefore have a special responsibility when sharing foreign opportunities.

Before recommending a scholarship or job to young people, they should verify it through official channels and make the evidence available to prospective applicants.

A recommendation from a respected professor can give an opportunity credibility that it may not deserve. If the opportunity later turns out to be fraudulent, the consequences may be devastating.

The Nigerian government also needs to do more.
Government agencies responsible for education, foreign affairs, Nigeria Immigration Service, labour and youth development should maintain accessible, regularly updated databases of approved foreign scholarships and legitimate overseas recruitment programmes.

They should also promptly alert Nigerians whenever questionable opportunities emerge online.

The Alabuga experience showed how easily a dubious programme could acquire an appearance of legitimacy when its advertisements appeared on an official government website.

The subsequent reports about Africans being deceived into military service demonstrate the potentially fatal consequences of inadequate verification and oversight.

Young Nigerians deserve opportunities, but they also deserve protection.

A scholarship should lead to a classroom, laboratory or recognised institution not a factory where they are exploited, and certainly not a battlefield.

For young Nigerians seeking opportunities abroad, the safest rule is simple: do not trust an opportunity because it looks attractive; verify it because your life may depend on it.

Alhassan Bala, wrote this piece from Abuja

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